CHAPTER IX

THE TECHNICAL INSTRUCTION ACTS

On June 24, 1890, a curious scene took place in the House of Commons.

The Customs and Excise Bill had been dragging its weary way in

committee, and making very small progress. The question under debate was

the disposal of a residue of £350,000, available from the new duty on

beer and spirits. This Mr. Goschen proposed to apply to compensating

publicans whose licenses should be refused, but the Government did not

care to press the point in face of opposition in the country and small

majorities in the House. Mr. Goschen therefore proposed to shelve the

matter till the next session, merely ‘ear-marking’ the money for the

purpose indicated. Thereupon Mr. Healy got up on a legal point, and

reminded the House that the Budget Bill, which had already become law,

expressly stated that the duties in question were to be dealt with in a

particular way, and that the proceeds were to be appropriated ‘as

Parliament may hereafter direct by any Act passed in the present

session.’ Under these circumstances, he asked, had they power to

postpone that appropriation? The Speaker thought they had not, and his

ruling prevailed. The result was the acceptance, on August 1, of Mr.

Acland’s proposal to apply the money in England ‘for the purposes of

agricultural, commercial, and technical instruction, as defined in

Clause 8 of the Technical Instruction Act, 1889,’ and in Wales either

for technical instruction or for purposes defined by the Welsh

Intermediate Education Act.

This sudden turn of affairs took the country by surprise. The county

councils, to whom this money was assigned, were now expected to devote

to educational purposes the money and energy which were to have gone to

the extinction of licenses. From these events date the educational

functions of the county councils. It was this ‘whisky-money’ which gave

the impetus to technical education, a term which had been defined by the

Act of 1889. Prolonged agitation throughout the country, due to the fear

of foreign competition and the rumours of superior education given to

the mechanics of other countries, had led to the appointment in 1884 of

a Commission to consider the question, and to their report the Technical

Instruction Act of 1889, and the amending Act of 1891, were due.

Among the recommendations of the Commissioners were the following:—

1. That steps be taken to accelerate the application of ancient

endowments, under amended schemes, to secondary and technical

instruction.

2. Provision by the Charity Commissioners for establishing in suitable

localities, schools or departments of schools, in which the study of

natural science, drawing, mathematics, and modern languages, should take

the place of Latin and Greek.

3. Giving power to local authorities to establish, maintain, or

contribute to the establishment of secondary and technical schools and

colleges.

Following these lines, the Act defined technical instruction as

‘instruction in the principles of Science and Art, applicable to

industries, and in the application of special branches of Science and

Art to specific industries or employments.’ It was not to include

teaching the practice of any trade or industry, but it might include any

branch of instruction (including modern languages, and commercial and

agricultural subjects), which were at any time sanctioned by the Science

and Art department of South Kensington. The means of doing all this was

a penny rate which local authorities were permitted to raise. Unaided

this could not have done much, and very few places took advantage of

this power, until the Local Taxation Act of the following year changed

the whole aspect of affairs.

The movement in favour of technical education was one that had been

slowly gathering force. At first, as so often happens, the blame for the

unsatisfactory state of things was laid at the door of the elementary

school. It was pointed out that the education given there was not

sufficiently practical; drawing was little taught, and that little

badly, while science fared even worse. Modelling was almost unknown,

manual instruction had scarcely been heard of, ‘the pen was the only

industrial weapon that boys intended for handicraftsmen were taught to

use,’ and, except needlework, domestic subjects for girls were terribly

neglected. This was true enough, but it was absurd to suppose that a

remedy could be found in the schooling given to children under twelve.

Such benefit as might be derived from a change in their curriculum was

quite inadequate for the end in view. The real need was for a longer

school life, with technical training based on a proper foundation of

general knowledge. Hence the National Association for the Promotion of

Technical Education adopted into its programme: ‘the development,

organisation, and maintenance of a system of secondary education

throughout the country, with a view to placing the higher technical and

commercial education in our schools and colleges on a better footing.’

It was doubtless for a similar reason that the Act excluded from its

benefits scholars receiving instruction in elementary schools.

The money thus provided almost by accident, became a new and valuable

source for endowing secondary education; and on all hands claims of the

most varied kind were made on it. Administered by bodies of non-experts,

who had to learn their business by doing it, much of it was misapplied;

mistakes, often of a ludicrous character, were made, and there was some

excuse for those producers and consumers of spirits who thought the

money would have been better applied in relieving the tax. But in spite

of repeated appeals by specially interested persons, Parliament kept

firm in the matter; the money must be given to County Councils, and they

must learn to use it. How well many of them have learnt can best be

realised by a series of visits to the polytechnics of London and the

large provincial towns, to the laboratories constructed in public

schools, to the ambulatory dairy classes in village schoolrooms, to the

beautifully equipped laundries, kitchens, and dressmaking schools all

over the country.

Long before these Technical Instruction Acts were passed, isolated

action had been taken. The Regent Street Polytechnic, long known as

_the_ Polytechnic, was already in full work. It originated in a Young

Men’s Institute, privately founded by Mr. Quentin Hogg, with the large

aim of providing a place where a young man could develop all the sides

of his nature, and ‘find a reasonable outlet for any healthy desire,

physical, spiritual, social, or intellectual, which he possesses.’ For

some years the Institute flourished in Long Acre, and it happened that,

just when increased accommodation became necessary, the old Polytechnic,

long the home of Pepper’s Ghost, the diving-bell, and other joys and

terrors of our young days, came into the market. It was at once secured,

and the result was an unprecedented rush for membership. Mr. Hogg, who

was the life and soul of the Institute, made a point of himself seeing

every boy on joining, and on the first night in Regent Street, he began

to interview new members at five o’clock. There he was kept at his desk,

unable even to get a cup of tea, till a quarter to one in the morning,

and by that time a thousand new members had been enrolled. With such

encouragement, it was possible to try fresh experiments, and for the

first time trade-classes and workshop practice were added to the

programme. The Polytechnic thus became a pioneer in technical work. The

London Trades Council in 1883 recommended its system of trade teaching

to the London trades; members of the Technical Instruction Commission

gave it their warm commendation.

Meantime other institutes were growing up. If Mr. Hogg claimed that the

Polytechnic began its labours when he took two crossing-sweepers into

the Adelphi arches, and made them the nucleus of a ragged school, the

People’s Palace had an even more romantic origin. It was inspired by the

picture, in _All Sorts and Conditions of Men_, of the Palace of Delight,

of ‘the club of the working-people,’ where ‘we shall all together

continually be thinking how to bring more sunshine into our lives, more

change, more variety, more happiness.’ Here, even more than at Regent

Street, the recreative side was to the fore, and the main feature was

the Queen’s Hall, in which public entertainments were organised. It had

a chequered career, and finally was saved to the East End by the

liberality of the Drapers’ Company. Since then the educational side has

been more fully developed, but apart from the recreative, which is

absolutely independent of the East London Technical College. This is an

unusual condition, since, as a rule, the Polytechnics, mindful of their

double origin, aim at being centres of both work and play. They have a

tendency to fall into two classes: those that began as social clubs, and

added the classes to their programme, and those that began with classes,

and then encouraged the students to form clubs for literary, athletic

and recreative purposes.

The greater stress laid on the educational side by the more recent

institutions was due to two causes. In 1883 the London Parochial

Charities Act gave the Charity Commissioners powers to deal with certain

sums, which had been left by benefactors long deceased, for purposes

which had actually ceased to exist. It was lucky that this sum of money,

which may be capitalised at over three millions, became available for

public purposes at the very time when all this stir about technical

education was taking place. The Regent Street Institute was chosen as a

model. London was mapped out into twelve districts, and a Polytechnic

was to be supplied for each, on condition of local aid supplementing

certain sums which were offered conditionally. It was not long before

this proposal brought munificent private donors into the field. The

Marquis of Northampton and Lord Compton gave a site of the value of

£30,000, Earl Cadogan gave ground of the value of £10,000; others gave

less, according to their means. Eleven of these Polytechnics are already

in existence; Paddington alone is waiting for the private benefactors

who shall establish the claim to public help. The second impetus came

from the Technical Education Board of the London County Council. The

metropolis had been slow in following the lead of other counties, and it

was not till 1892 that it resolved to apply its share of the whisky

money to purposes of technical education. But when it did move it did so

in good earnest. The Council conferred full executive power on a Board

consisting of twenty of its own members, thirteen representatives of

other bodies and two experts, one being a woman, co-opted by the Council

itself. The bodies thus represented are: the London School Board, the

City and Guilds of London Institute, the London Parochial Charities

Foundation, the Headmasters’ Association, the National Union of

Teachers, and the London Trades Council. Mr. Sidney Webb was elected

chairman, Dr. W. Garnett was appointed secretary and organiser, and the

superintendence of the domestic economy work was given to Miss Ella

Pycroft. The Board has been most successful in its work, and a very

complete scheme of technical instruction in London is being gradually

evolved. Since the Board’s work is educational it is natural that this

side has been specially emphasised in those Polytechnics which have been

founded since its establishment, _i.e._ those at Battersea, Chelsea,

North London and the City.

The help given by the Board to Polytechnics may be thus stated:

1. Equipment grants made from time to time for specific purposes.

2. A fixed contribution of £1000 a year.

3. Three-quarters—not exceeding £500 a year—of the principal’s salary.

4. 10 per cent. on the fixed salaries of the teachers.

5. 1d. for each hour’s attendance of each student.

6. 15 per cent. on all voluntary subscriptions and donations from

private sources.

Provided that the total payment to any Polytechnic under 2, 3, 4, and 5

does not exceed £3000, and under 6 does not exceed £2000.

The Polytechnics are really subsidised from five different sources:

private generosity, city companies, ancient and hitherto misapplied

charities, part of the proceeds of the ‘beer and spirit tax,’ grants

from the South Kensington Department.

Dreary as are such enumerations of names and figures, there is a special

interest attaching to this particular set. The aggrieved ratepayer is

apt at times to point to these splendid buildings as an example of the

way in which his hard won money is being squandered, quite regardless of

the fact that those papers he abhors have never contained any appeal for

money for this purpose. London has never levied a technical education

rate, thanks to these other sources of income which have given her

citizens so much without any sacrifice on their part. The beer and

spirit money has acted the part of a fairy godmother to London men and

women.

It was made clear from the outset that both sexes were alike to benefit,

and thus the Polytechnics have become what our American cousins call

‘co-educational.’ But the needs of men and women are not always the

same, and the special wants of women were considered in the

establishment of a domestic economy side, though they are not limited to

this. Practically the whole field of education beyond the elementary is

open to county council action, provided no aid is given to institutions

with a definite religious bias or conducted for private profit. The only

subjects distinctly excluded by the Acts are classics and literature.

The money is therefore available for purposes of—(1) definite Trade

instruction; (2) day and evening classes in Science, both theoretical

and applied, and Domestic Economy; (3) secondary education of a modern

character.

Under these two last headings great things have been done for girls and

women. In spite of the recent introduction into the elementary school

code of such subjects as cooking and laundry, it is becoming more and

more clear that the brief time allotted to the Standards is not too much

for a grounding in general subjects, and that after this should come the

preparation of a girl to be useful at home or to earn her living by

domestic work. The elementary school girl is too young, the high school

girl too busy, to gain much from the wedging of a little domestic

teaching into the mass of the ordinary school work. Nor is a cookery or

a laundry lesson once a week of much use in giving the necessary skill

and practice. Domestic work wants continuous and consecutive practice,

for the acquisition of that ‘touch’ and ‘knack’ on which so much

depends; and the domestic economy schools come in here to supply what is

really wanted.

This type of school did not originate in London, though it has taken

very firm root there. Some very interesting experiments had been made in

other parts of the country, notably Yorkshire, before Battersea, the

Borough, and Regent Street Polytechnics in 1894 opened their domestic

economy schools, with fifty-four scholars nominated by the Technical

Education Board, and the addition of a few paying pupils. This example

was soon followed by the other Polytechnics, and the Board now elects

386 scholars annually, who are distributed among nine schools. The

course lasts five months, and during this time the scholars receive free

tuition, two free meals daily, and the material required for making

dresses or other garments. They attend from 9.30 to 12.30 and 2 to 4.30

every day except Saturday. During that time they get a continuous and

thorough training in cookery, needlework, dress cutting and making,

laundry work and housewifery, with some gymnastics and singing. In

addition to these scholarships second courses of five months’

instruction, with the opportunity of specialising in one particular

branch, are now awarded to eighty-four scholars each half-year. The

first course is not meant to train a cook or a dressmaker, but any girl

who wishes to qualify herself for such a post gets a capital chance of

testing her own abilities and inclination, and there are further

opportunities of training open to her, if she desires them, in the

second course or at the National Training School of Cookery. Last year

four girls were apprenticed in good dressmaking firms on leaving the

school.

Mrs. Pillow, lately employed by the Education Department to prepare a

special report on the teaching of Domestic Economy, gives an account of

the work of these schools. She says: ‘Housekeeping and cookery are

treated as part of the everyday life of the girls, and not merely as

school lessons. The girls cook the meals which they are to eat; they

learn to measure and fit themselves for the dresses which they are

taught to make, and they are instructed in laundry work in such a way

that they can quite well apply their knowledge to the “family wash” in

their own homes. The cookery syllabus contains dishes which are well

within the reach of the working man earning an average wage; the using

up of odds and ends, bones, crusts, and cold vegetables, scraps of meat,

etc. receives attention, and the utensils and stoves provided for the

girls are similar[17] to those found in the majority of artisans’ homes.

‘The laundry work is taught on simple and common-sense principles, the

only extra aid to speed and efficiency being a wringer and mangle, and,

as these are now so frequently found in the homes of the more thrifty

housewives, it is well that the girls should be taught to use them

properly. The processes of steeping, washing, boiling, rinsing, blueing,

wringing, drying, folding, mangling are all thoroughly taught. The

washing of flannels and woollens, a part of laundry work which is

frequently very badly done by laundry women, receives special attention,

and starching and ironing are exceedingly well done by the girls at the

conclusion of their course of training.

‘The girls are taught the market value of foods. In some of the schools

special arrangements are made for this. At Battersea they are taken out

to purchase meat, greengrocery, etc. When the girls cannot be taken out

to market, they are sometimes allowed to purchase from the teacher in

charge of the stores. They are taught to compare prices, to judge of the

freshness and quality of commodities, to expend a given sum to the best

advantage in the cheapest market, and how to prepare and cook their

meals in the shortest time possible.’

The fee for the complete course is £1, 10s., or 7s. 6d. per month, and

this includes the cost of all books and materials. The greater part of

the pupils come from the elementary schools, but surely they are not the

only girls who need such teaching. Many pupils leave the high schools at

fourteen or fifteen to live at home in somewhat straitened

circumstances. To them such a training as this would indeed be a boon.

It would even be worth the sacrifice of the last six months at school,

since they must in any case leave without getting the best it can

afford, the teaching in the fifth and sixth forms. Girls attending

second grade schools, who naturally leave early, would find these

domestic economy courses an admirable means of transition between school

and home life; while those, whose bent lies in this direction, can go on

to the training schools, and either become teachers of these subjects,

or earn a living by their practical application. In fact, the domestic

economy school is fast helping to raise the home arts into their proper

educational place, as affording one among many suitable careers for

women, no longer the Cinderella among occupations, who sits among the

ashes, because the prince has not yet come to claim her. The neglect of

the middle class to use these schools is another instance of their

proverbial apathy; meantime, these good things are ready for them as

soon as they will take the trouble to grasp them. Of course there is no

reason why such teaching should be given free, except to a minority.

Even more widespread than these day-schools are the evening classes in

the same subjects. These are found throughout the country, in towns at

technical institutes, in villages in little classes taught by

peripatetic teachers, who are sent from place to place by the county

councils. In fact, ‘county council dressmaking’ has become such a

feature, that it might be taken for a special system of cutting and

fitting. The persons for whose benefit this instruction is given are

young women who have left school, wives, and mothers of families. If

experience has taught them their own deficiencies, they have now the

opportunity of making up lost ground. Cookery, dressmaking, and nursing

often attract large numbers. The teaching has no professional purpose.

It is simply ‘for home use,’ as the Germans say, and has its place in a

wide scheme of general education, which includes training the hand as

well as the mind.

This village work must, to some extent, be desultory, while, in the

large town institutes, it can be made more systematic. Its value is

considerably affected by the construction of the board which controls

it. A council which places experts on its technical education committee

generally does better than one that simply adds education to its other

manifold functions. Women are able to sit on these committees, and it is

of great importance, for the more feminine side of the work, that they

should be appointed in larger numbers than has hitherto been the case.

The female element is represented at some of the institutes by the

appointment of a lady-superintendent of the women’s department. This is

the case in the London Polytechnics, where the women’s work is very

fully equipped. At Battersea, which may be taken as typical, the

subjects taught in this department are: cookery, needlework, dress

cutting and making, millinery, fancy needlework and embroidery, laundry

work. In most of these subjects pupils can be prepared for the

examinations of the City and Guilds of London Institute. The fees are

low, and the courses carefully graduated. There is an interesting class

in ‘homekeeping,’ intended for students whose occupation prevents them

from getting the necessary knowledge of housekeeping during the day.

This includes such items as spring cleaning, ordinary household duties

and daily routine, and is probably of special use to that large class of

housekeepers who, having learnt their own deficiencies from bitter

experience, can value this opportunity of remedying them. Another useful

course is elementary political economy, which includes value and

distribution of wealth, rent, wages, and other similar problems. This

instruction, to which both mistress and maid might listen with profit,

can be had by Polytechnic members for 1s., and for 1s. 6d. by outsiders.

Members may also join a reading circle and a first-aid class; they can

use the beautiful gymnasium, and refresh their cramped limbs with

musical drill. All this, with the social advantages which are manifold,

is within reach of those girls and women who are lucky enough to live in

the neighbourhood of a Polytechnic, and have some free evenings to spend

there.

Institutes of this kind are fast being brought within reach of all

dwellers in towns. The municipal schools of Manchester and Brighton need

hardly shrink from comparison with those of the metropolis. In fact,

when we look at the sumptuous equipment of such schools, we are tempted

to exclaim that Cinderella has indeed left the ashes, and ascended into

her palace. But these glories are not hers by sole right. The men’s

department (of mechanics, engineering, etc.) is far larger than the

women’s, and besides these two, where the sexes are of necessity kept

apart, there are numerous classes where they meet on common ground. At

Battersea the art department is open three days and five evenings a

week, and the general scheme includes a thoroughly practical knowledge

of designing, drawing, painting, and modelling, especially in its

various applications to trades and industries, as well as life classes,

and the commoner features of such schools. In the commercial school,

arithmetic, book-keeping, typewriting and shorthand are taught, as well

as French. There are classes in pure and applied mathematics, and every

branch of science is taught with such advantages in the way of

laboratories and appliances, as no private or self-supporting

institution could attempt to supply. Most Polytechnics are centres for

University Extension, some have fine gymnasia, some have swimming-baths;

nearly all have a long list of social, athletic, and recreative clubs.

In fact, a well-equipped Polytechnic is a kind of popular University,

which provides for all the needs of its members, though with some

neglect of the literary side. This, too, might be supplied by the

omission or insertion of a few words in an Act of Parliament. The

Polytechnics and Technical Institutes would thus at once be transformed

into the most completely equipped and endowed scheme of secondary and

higher education in this country.

With such resources at their disposal, it is natural that Technical

Instruction boards and Polytechnic governors should have gone a step

further, and tried to utilise their spacious premises and admirable

teaching staff for the ordinary purposes of a day-school. Experiments on

these lines are being tried in several places. It is thought that by

establishing such schools, the polytechnic both gives and receives; if

it helps the schools by allowing them to use its premises and staff, it

is helped in turn by the training given to a number of boys and girls,

who will some day be properly equipped to profit by the more advanced

instruction in the evening. The school is largely a feeder for the

polytechnic, and will help in time to raise the standard of its work. As

such it should be judged rather than as an independent experiment in

secondary education.

A joint school for boys and girls need excite no surprise in an

institution that started at once as ‘co-educational.’ But unfortunately,

in schemes of this kind there is always a tendency to let the girls come

off second-best. This certainly applies to the arrangement of an

‘Organised Science School,’ which is the scheme usually adopted, both on

account of its bias in favour of the scientific side and the power it

confers to earn grants from South Kensington. Probably the admission of

girls was to some extent an afterthought. The Battersea school had been

open over a year before girls were admitted as an experiment. The

present numbers are about one hundred and thirty, of whom two-thirds are

boys. The average age of the junior division is fourteen, and of the

senior fifteen. The fees are £1 a term, including books and stationery.

The school hours are 9.30 to 12.30, and 2 to 4.30, five days in the

week. The work of the three divisions is arranged thus:

1. Mechanical Division. Mathematics, five hours; Mechanics, three and a

half hours; Physics, three and a half hours; Drawing, four hours;

English subjects, four hours; French, two hours; Manual training, four

and a half hours; Drill, one hour.

2. Science Division. Mathematics, five hours; Mechanics, two and a half

hours; Physics, three and a half hours; Chemistry, four and a half

hours; Drawing, three hours; English subjects, four hours; French, two

hours; Manual training, two hours; Drill, one hour.

3. Elementary Division. Mathematics, five hours; Physics, three hours;

Chemistry, two and a half hours; Drawing, three hours; English subjects,

five hours; French, three hours; Art, two hours; Manual training or

Domestic Economy, three hours; Drill, one hour.

Its aim is described as the imparting of ‘a thoroughly sound secondary

education, with special provision for the study of pure and applied

science, manual training, workshop practice and domestic economy.’ This

school is interesting apart from its curriculum, owing to the efforts

made by Mr. S. H. Wells, Principal of the Polytechnic, who acts as

headmaster, to make it ‘secondary’ in the full sense, and introduce some

of the _esprit de corps_ and out-of-school life which are such marked

features in boys’ ‘public’ and girls’ high schools. The school is

divided into forms with a form-master; ‘each form meets in its form-room

for call-over before school opens for the day, after which they assemble

for prayers, which are read by the Principal. These are confined to a

few verses of Scripture and the Lord’s Prayer; and exemption from

attendance is granted when requested by the parent, although only two

such requests have been made. In matters of discipline the students have

been taught to realise that having ceased to be children they should

have given up childish things; they are present to work not to play, and

their duty to their parents and themselves calls them to take every

advantage of the opportunities afforded; in a word, they are not

expected to commit acts against discipline—they are trusted.’ Mr. Wells

further tells us that ‘senior students are told off every day to

ascertain the chief events recorded in the newspapers, and to record

them on a blackboard, which all the school are expected to read, to be

afterwards questioned on the event in their English classes. In the same

way a record is made of daily weather observations. All boys are

required to wear the school cap, and the habit of “capping” the teachers

outside the school is willingly adopted. Each term sees its “drill

competitions” between the different forms for a shield presented by the

Principal, its inter-form cricket or football matches for a challenge

cup presented by the masters, and matches between the masters and

school. The end of term sees its gymnastic displays or concerts with

acting and recitals, to which parents and friends are invited. Three

school captains are elected each term, the method being that they are

proposed and seconded, and voted for by the whole school. The captains

have authority outside the class-rooms, and their position is readily

and loyally acknowledged.’ The girls have their games among themselves,

though now and then they play a boys’ team at hockey. They have their

own captain, and are assembled for call-over by a mistress, who has a

general control over them, and is always ready to help them with advice

and sympathy. Women, of course, give the lessons in cooking, etc., which

are the feminine counterpart of manual training; else all the teaching

is in the hands of men. The intellectual results appear to be

satisfactory, and here, as in other co-educational institutions the

girls are quite able to hold their own in class. Of the moral and

hygienic results it is far more difficult to judge. Whether girls

between fourteen and sixteen would not be better under the care of a

woman, whether they do not miss some of that moral influence which can

only be exercised by a form-mistress who also takes part in the

teaching, are questions that must come up in the near future, should

there be any disposition towards co-education in this country. As yet it

has generally been adopted rather from motives of economy than on

grounds of principle. Institutions like those at Battersea, Chelsea, and

Wandsworth are boys’ schools to which girls are admitted; although, as a

matter of fact, at Chelsea the girls outnumber the boys. The amount of

time given to science would never have been allotted had the real needs

of girls been considered. It is an interesting experiment, but it will

not do much towards solving the problem of Modern Schools for girls.

Even more one-sided in its aims is the type of school which the Surrey

County Council is starting. This county is specially deficient in girls’

schools of a middle grade, though it contains several good proprietary

high schools, and the technical committee is therefore applying some of

its funds to the supply of this want. The Wimbledon school is the first

attempt of the kind, and must be regarded as still in an experimental

stage. Girls who enter are supposed to have attained to the requirements

of the Sixth Standard, but in a district where there are no Board

schools even this is not always attainable. Hence there are many gaps to

fill up, before a proper foundation is laid for the new studies. It is

supposed that girls will stay for four years, and should they do so, a

most valuable experiment might be made in devising a ‘modern’

curriculum, essentially adapted for girls. Hitherto in this first year’s

work the course of study is exceedingly meagre; neither science nor

literature is taught; there is a little English history and geography,

but the bulk of the time goes to shorthand, book-keeping, commercial

arithmetic, cooking, laundry and dressmaking. All excellent things, but

surely this is not sufficient intellectual fare for these

twelve-year-old children. Another two years at general subjects would

help to lay a really good foundation on which the special work could be

built up; and it is probable that the shorthand and double entry, and

even the puddings and clear-starching, will not suffer in the end for

this little delay at the beginning. This kind of work is none the better

for being spread out over so many years. It cannot, like the more

intellectual subjects, be perpetually presenting fresh developments,

which give it the charm of novelty. There seems some danger lest, in

trying to elevate the status of the domestic and commercial arts, we

should forget that they cannot satisfy all sides of our nature. Girls

want something different from the science school, but it must not be a

purely utilitarian training. In the true modern school they will learn

subjects of daily utility; but just because so much time is given to

these, there must be special prominence for all that makes for culture.

To the Spencerian dictum that education must prepare for the business of

life, we should add Aristotle’s wise admonition, that it should teach

the right use of leisure. Keeping both these in view we may yet discover

the ideal ‘Modern School.’

It would not be fair to blame technical education boards because they

have not yet solved this difficult problem. Their experience in

education is still new, and as far as schools are concerned their best

work has been done in subsidising those that already exist. On this

large sums are now being spent. To be exact, we may state that during

the year 1896–97, sixty-three councils, (forty-two county, and

twenty-one county borough) gave direct or indirect assistance to three

hundred and twenty-eight secondary schools to the amount of £144,871,

2s. 2d., this sum including the scholarships and exhibitions granted to

pupils proceeding to or from secondary schools. How much of this goes to

girls does not appear, certainly not half, but at any rate enough to

make a very appreciable difference to their education.

Of course, this help is not given unconditionally. It usually implies

the representation of the local authority on the governing body of the

school, the application of the entire subsidy to purposes of technical

education, and observance of the clauses abolishing religious tests.

Some counties have special requirements, without which no subsidy can be

given. _E.g._ Cheshire demands:

(1) That drawing shall be taught to every pupil except any whose

exemption may be approved by the committee. (2) That at least two

science subjects shall be taught to all pupils over ten. (3) That one

modern language shall be taught, and regular instruction given in some

commercial subjects. (4) That each student shall receive instruction for

at least three hours a week in mathematics. (5) That the pupils shall be

annually examined, and at least twenty-five per cent. of them sit for

the examinations of the Science and Art Department, or such other

examination as the Technical Instruction Committee may from time to time

approve.

Other counties are less rigid in their demands. In London, where endowed

schools for girls have been greatly helped with grants, some special

condition often accompanies a subsidy. Thus the Owens girls’ school at

Islington received £300 ‘to be expended in fitting up the new laboratory

and art-room,’ the Central Foundation school was charged to spend its

grant on fitting up another room for work in practical physics and

appointing an assistant science mistress. At the Camden school the board

provided an Arts and Crafts room, where cookery and dressmaking are

regularly taught; at the James Allen’s school, Dulwich, a laboratory has

been built, and a subsidy given for an assistant science mistress. Such

subsidies, even when given for a specific purpose, help the whole school

indirectly, since they set free money from the general funds for the

benefit of what cannot be included in that elastic term ‘technical

education.’

Perhaps the chief benefit yet conferred by county councils on secondary

education is the gift of scholarships. It has been left to the technical

instruction committees to frame that ‘ladder’ of which so much is heard

on educational platforms. Thanks to a system of graduated scholarships,

it is now possible for an intelligent boy or girl to pass from a primary

to a secondary school, and thence even to the university. Of course this

has been done before now, but never on such a large scale. Since each

county is a law unto itself, a girl’s chances depend greatly on the

place where she happens to live. A girl living in Bedfordshire has no

county council scholarships open to her, but the Harpur Trust schools at

Bedford receive girls with scholarships from other counties. A Surrey

girl has a good chance of winning a scholarship, but, owing to the

dearth of girls’ public schools in that county, she may not be able to

make the best use of it. Happily, there are many parts of England where

both schools and scholarships are available, and there will soon be

more, if one of the difficulties in the way of the girls’ ‘ladder’ is

removed, by the recognition of proprietary high schools as public

institutions at which scholarships can be held. This is now being done

in some places, to the great advantage of the scholars.

Some counties, _e.g._ Derbyshire, Durham, and Yorkshire, have a very

complete system of scholarships, accompanied by maintenance grants,

without which they would in many cases be useless. There are few

counties that do nothing in this way. The London Technical Education

Board regards its scholarship scheme as the basis for nearly all its

work. ‘The award of junior and intermediate county scholarships

necessitates such grants to secondary schools as will enable them to

make proper provision for the technical training of the scholars.

Similarly, the award of intermediate and senior county scholarships

compels the Board to see that the training afforded in institutions for

higher education is suitable for scholars of seventeen years of age and

upwards.’

The Board gives three classes of scholarships:—(1) Junior county

scholarships, intended chiefly for pupils of public elementary schools

working in the fifth or higher Standards, tenable for two years and

renewable. Of these six hundred are given annually, and fifty are open

to candidates from other than elementary schools, whose parents have an

income below £150. These scholarships give their holders free education

at any approved secondary or upper standard school, with money payments

of £8 for the first year, and £12 for the second.

2. Intermediate county scholarships are open to boys and girls under

sixteen who come from any school, secondary or upper standard. They give

free education to the age of eighteen or nineteen, with money payments

rising from £20 to £35 a year. The income limit is £400. They are

tenable at public secondary schools and places of higher learning.

3. Senior county scholarships. These are few in number, and intended to

provide for specially promising students a training of university rank.

They give free education at a college or technical institute, with money

grants of £60 a year, and are tenable for three years. Here, too, the

income limit is £400.

In 1896–97 London had a thousand junior scholars in fifty secondary, and

two hundred and ninety-four in thirty-six upper standard schools. Of

this total four hundred and eighty-five are girls. The intermediate

scholars, of whom there were a hundred and eighty, were in the following

institutions: three university colleges, five technical and science

colleges, one training department of a polytechnic, fourteen first-grade

public secondary schools, twenty-one second grade public secondary

schools. Sixty-two of these scholars were girls. Of the senior scholars

only two were women. They pursued their studies at Holloway and the

Central Technical Colleges.

All this is, of course, in addition to the special scholarships for Art,

Science, Domestic Economy, etc., which come more directly under the

heading of ‘technical.’

If we turn away from these lists of names and figures to consider how

wide a field has been covered by this work in London and the provinces,

we cannot but be struck by the developments of these eight years. A

system of universities for the people has been started, technical and

commercial education have received an enormous impetus, secondary

instruction has been brought within reach of large numbers by whom it

was hitherto unattainable, numbers of already existing schools have been

placed on a firm financial basis, and throughout the special needs of

women have been considered. With better building and plumbing, better

cooking and washing, we certainly may hope for more creature comforts in

the good time coming. But this is a small thing compared with the

brightening of homes by the gift of those higher pleasures, without

which it has been truly said that life is not truly life at all.

Surely whisky-drinkers need not grudge the extra sixpence which has done

all this!

The Renaissance of Girls' Education in England: A Record of Fifty Years' Progress · 第 9 / 12 章