CHAPTER XVIII_Alcuin of York

Alcuin’s latest days.—His letters mention his ill health.—His

appeals for the prayers of friends, and of strangers.—An

affectionate letter to Charlemagne.—The death scene.

[Sidenote: Ep. 147. June 26, 800.]

Alcuin’s health began to break in the later part of the year 800, or

early in 801. In June, 800, he wrote a letter to Arno of Salzburg which

shows that he had in the first days of the month travelled with Karl

from Tours to Aix by way of Orleans and Paris, and after a debate with

Felix the Adoptionist had returned to Tours. We do not find in this

long letter any mention of failing health. Indeed, he overflows with

affectionateness, a feeling always displayed in his letters to Arno. “I

am sending to your dearness three little gifts; a tent to protect your

venerated head from the rain[283], a bed-cover to keep warm your sacred

breast, and a glass in which your bread may be dipped at table, that

whenever they are used they may bring to your sanctity a recollection of

my name.”

In this letter he describes his debate with Felix.

“I have had a great dispute with the heretic Felix in presence of

the lord king and holy fathers. He was obdurate; would recognize the

authority of no one who took an opposite view; held himself to be wiser

than all in this, that he was more foolish than all. But the divine

clemency touched his heart; he confessed that he had of late been carried

away by a false opinion; he professed that he held firmly the Catholic

faith. We could not see into his mind, and we left the cause to the Judge

of secret things. We handed him over to Laidrad [the Bishop of Lyon

(798-814)] our dearest son, who is to keep him and see whether it is true

that he believes, and whether he will write letters condemning the heresy

which he has preached. The king had intended to send him to Archbishop

Riculf [of Maintz] to be kept and chastised; and his presbyter, who is

worse than his master, was to be sent to you and your providence. But now

that they say they are converted to the Catholic faith, they have been

handed over to Laidrad, who is to test their sincerity.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 189. May, 802.]

On May 24, 801, Alcuin received a letter from Arno, Archbishop of

Salzburg, at nine o’clock in the morning, and the messenger told him he

must leave again at three in the afternoon. In the course of the six

hours he dictated fourteen paragraphs in reply. One of these concerned

his health. “My Candidus has been able to tell you all about my weakness.

It is therefore superfluous to write on the subject, except to say that

all bodily fitness has left me, and pleasures of the world have fled far

away.”

The interesting remark in this letter that the messenger from Salzburg to

Tours, a distance of some six hundred miles, must go back in six hours is

not the only interesting detail. We learn, also, that many letters were

lost in the difficulties of the journey. The eyes of the Sassenach of

to-day, who rides some forty miles in a Scottish mail-cart in Sutherland,

and sees the letters shied out into kailyards and steadings, are opened

to the possibilities of loss in primitive methods of letter-carrying. The

admirable arrangements of the early Roman empire, for conveyance of men

and things, had been thrown into chaos long before Alcuin’s time, and

special messengers, or “runners”, were used by important people for the

transmission of letters.

[Sidenote: Ep. 189. May, 802.]

“To Arno. My devotedness is greatly grieved by the unfaithfulness of

those whom I have trusted with letters to you. Last year I sent to you on

your return from Italy two letters, and I also sent to you other two to

meet you on your arrival at the palace [Aachen]. I do not know that any

of them reached your presence.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 193.]

Alcuin wrote to the Emperor Charles in 802, or possibly in 803, begging

that he might be allowed to stay quietly at St. Martin’s, Tours. “I am so

very weak in body that I am unequal to any more travelling or labour. To

speak truth, all the fitness and strength of my body has left me; it has

gone, and day by day will be further away; I fear it will never come back

to me in this world.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 194.]

Again, writing to Arno in 802 or 803, he tells him how he longs to see

him at St. Martin’s, “not for the sake of your black hair, but for your

most sweet eyes and lovable talk.” Though bidden to the palace, where he

would have met him, his poor little body was too weak for the journey: he

could not go.

[Sidenote: Ep. 196. A.D. 802-3.]

[Sidenote: Ep. 198. A.D. 802-3.]

In another letter to Arno he writes: “I have been summoned to my lord

David [Charlemagne], but my bodily weakness prevented my going: the will

of God detained me.” We have his letter of excuse to the emperor. He

begins with the simile of the aged soldier, unable not only to bear the

weight of armour, but even to support his own body. Then he proceeds: “To

speak simply, let not the mind of my lord be inflamed against me for my

delay; I am not strong enough to come. A more favourable opportunity may

occur.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 230.]

He became more than ever pressing in his entreaties that his friends

would pray for him. In seeking for the prayers of others we find him

turning to a part of England of which we do not appear to have any other

mention in his letters, namely, Norfolk and Suffolk, called then the

dioceses of Elmham and Dunwich (see page 159). In like manner, and for a

like purpose, he wrote to the brethren of Candida Casa, i. e. Whithorn in

Galloway, the following letter:—

[Sidenote: Ep. 271. A.D. 804.]

“I pray the unanimity of your piety to have my name in memory. Deign to

intercede for my littleness in the church of your most holy father Nynia

the bishop.

“He shone bright with many virtues, as has recently been related to me by

a skilful poem which our faithful disciples the scholars of the church of

York have sent. In that poem I have discerned in that which I have read

there both the skill of the writer and the holiness of him who wrought

the miracles. Wherefore, I pray you, by your holy intercessions to

commend me to his prayers, that by the most holy prayers of the same your

father, and by the assiduous intercessions of your love, I may receive

pardon for my sins, by the mercy of the God Christ, and may come to the

communion of saints who have bravely conquered the labours of the world,

and have received the crown of perpetual praise.

“I send to the body of our holy father Nyniga (_sic_) a robe of whole

silk, that my name may be remembered, and that I may merit to have always

the pious intercession both of him and of you.

“May Christ’s right hand protect and rule you, brothers.”

Here is a very touching letter, which sets clearly before our eyes the

dear affectionate old man—old as men then counted age—beaten at last by

bodily weakness, while his heart was as loving as ever. It is addressed

to “the most longed for lord David, most worthy of all honour.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 170. A.D. 801, early autumn.]

“Day by day, with hungry intentness of heart, my ears hanging on the

words of messengers, I wondered anxiously what they could tell me of my

most sweet lord David: when he would come home; when he would return to

his own land. At last, though late, the wished-for voice sounded in the

ears of my desire: ‘He will soon come. He has already crossed the Alps,

he whose presence thou hast desired, O Albinus, with such fervour of

mind.’ And then I cried over and over again with tearful voice: ‘O Lord

Jesu, why dost thou not give me the wings of an eagle? Why dost thou not

grant me the translation of the prophet Abacuc[284] for one day, or even

one hour, that I might embrace and kiss the steps of him my dearest one,

and—above all that can be loved in this world—see the most clear eyes of

my sweetest one, and hear his most joyous words. And why dost thou, mine

enemy of fever, oppress me at this inopportune time, and not permit me to

have my wonted alacrity of body, so that, though tardily, that might be

accomplished which promptly it cannot do.’”

The dates and the story of his final illness and his death are found, as

we have seen (Ch. II), in the life written about twenty years later by

a pupil of Alcuin’s favourite priest Sigulf, and more concisely in the

Annals of Pettau, a monastery not far from Salzburg, and therefore likely

to be well-informed. Some of the touching facts should be repeated here.

Early in 804 he was evidently failing. He prayed earnestly that he might

die on the day on which the Holy Spirit came upon the Apostles in tongues

of fire. All through Lent he was able to move about, night after night,

to the several basilicas of saints which were included in the monastery

of St. Martin, cleansing himself from his sins with much groaning. He

kept the solemnity of the Lord’s Resurrection; but on the night of

the Ascension he fell upon his couch, oppressed by languor even unto

death, and unable to speak. The Annals of Pettau tell us that this was a

paralytic stroke, and that it fell on Thursday, May 8, in the evening,

after sunset. On the third day before his death he recovered the power

of speech, and with a voice of exultation sang through his favourite

antiphon, _O clavis David_, based upon Isaiah xxii. 22: “The key of

the house of David I will lay upon his shoulder; so he shall open and

none shall shut, he shall shut and none shall open.” Then he repeated

a number of verses from several psalms: “Like as the hart desireth the

waterbrooks.” “O how amiable are Thy dwellings, Thou Lord of hosts;

blessed are they that dwell in Thy house.” “Unto Thee do I lift up mine

eyes.” “One thing I have desired of the Lord.” “Unto Thee, O Lord, will

I lift up my soul.” And others of like kind. On the day of Pentecost,

matins having been said, at full dawn, just at the hour at which he was

wont to enter the church for Mass, the holy soul of Alcuin was released

from the flesh. He had prayed months before that he might die on Whit

Sunday; on Whit Sunday he died.

APPENDIX A

(Page 26)

It would appear that when Alcuin was not allowed by Charlemagne to

retire to Fulda, as he had wished to do, an impulse of affectionate

responsibility brought him to pour himself out in advice and help to

those with whom he had hoped to spend his last days. This is his letter

to the monks of Fulda.

[Sidenote: Ep. 186. A.D. 801-2.]

“To the most holy, and by us with all love to be cherished, the brethren

of the holy Boniface[285], our father and protector, the humble levite

Alchuin wishes eternal beatitude in Christ.

“I am mindful of your most sweet love, with which you most benignantly

received me long ago with all joy. Greatly as I then was glad in your

presence, so greatly is my mind now tortured in your absence, desiring to

see you whom it loves, to have present you whom it esteems. Since this is

denied to the eyes of the flesh, let love be made perpetual by spiritual

presence; love which can come to an end has never been true love.

“Let us therefore aim at that which is never to have an end, where is

blessed eternity and eternal blessedness. That ye may deserve to attain

to this, let no labour affright you, no blandishments of this life keep

you back. Let there always burn in your hearts the love of Him that

appeared as their companion on the way to the two apostles, who, when He

was removed from their carnal eyes, said ‘Did not our hearts burn within

us, while He talked with us by the way, and while He opened to us the

Scriptures?’ In the writings of the holy fathers let us seek Him whom

they, not yet learned in the Scriptures, understood. Now all is open;

now He has opened the meaning of Whom it was said ‘Then opened He their

understanding, that they might understand the Scriptures.’ Now the gospel

truth shines forth in all the world; now the enigmas of the prophets

are clearer than the sun in the churches of Christ. This light of truth

follow ye with your whole soul and understand Christ; in it love Christ,

follow Christ; that cleaving to His most sacred footsteps ye may merit to

have in His most holy presence life eternal.

“Be mindful of the apostolic mandate,[286] ‘My brethren, be ye stedfast,

unmovable; always in the work of the Lord; forasmuch as ye know that

your labour is not in vain in the Lord.’ Be stedfast in your own place

and in the devotion of your purpose. Leave not your most holy father.

Stand about his sepulchre, that he may offer your prayers to Almighty

God. Desire not the vanities of the world, but love celestial blessings.

‘And,’ as the teacher of the Gentiles says,[287] ‘be not conformed to

this world, but be ye transformed by the renewing of your mind.’ It is

a base thing for a monk to lose the spiritual warfare and to immerse

himself in the affairs of the world.

“Let there be no murmurings among you, no hatreds, no envyings, no evil

speakings.[288] Judge not one another. Let everything be done in humility

and concord, in obedience to those set over you, not to the eye only but

from the heart, as in the presence of God. Let your obedience, your love,

your humility be known to all, that very many may be taught by your good

examples and may advance in the salvation of their souls.

“If the venerable father Bouulf,[289] my most loved friend, is unable by

reason of his weakness to observe the full hardness of the life by rule,

judge ye not him, but obey him from your heart and love him as a father,

for he will have to give account of your souls. He labours for you in

wanderings and journeyings, that you may live quiet and keep the life by

rule and have what is necessary for your bodies. Do you act as very dear

sons. Fear God, love God, and have care of your most holy father in your

prayers, that he may live in long prosperity with you, and that he with

you and you with him may merit to have everlasting life.

“Warn, instruct, teach your young men in all holy discipline and Catholic

doctrine; that they may be held worthy to stand in the place of you and

to send up prayers for you wherever you may remain. Warn them about

chastity of body, about confession of their sins, about study and manual

labour without murmur, and about all things which seem necessary at their

age. And let them become subject to their elders and masters in good

humility, in most pious religion. And do you who are older afford to them

good examples, so that they may learn not from your words only but by the

religion of your life. Let them not be given to luxury, not slaves to

drink, not despisers, not following empty games; but let them learn to

be good servants in the house of God, that by the intercession of holy

Boniface their father they may deserve to receive from the God Christ

blessing and favour.

“And as to myself, I pray you have me in perpetual recollection with

yourselves in your holy prayers. For the time is at hand which no man can

escape. Let each one prepare himself, that he may appear in the presence

of his God not naked but clothed with good practices.

“I have sent a pall for the body of the holy Boniface our father, on

whose holy intercession for my sins I place great reliance; that I, a

sinner, may even merit pardon in that day, when your holiness shall

receive the crown of eternal blessedness.

“To you, O most holy presbyters, I have sent a little collection of words

for the Mass, for use on various days on which any one desires to offer

prayers to God, whether in honour of the Holy Trinity[290], or in love

of wisdom, or in tears of penitence, or in perfect love, or asking for

angelic support, or in address to any one of all the saints; or if any

one wish to offer prayers for his own sins, or for any living friend, or

for many friends, or for brothers departing this life; or, especially,

when one wishes to invoke the intercessions of blessed Mary, mother of

God, ever virgin; or when any desires to chant and invoke by his prayers

the most pious presence of the most holy Boniface your father. All these

things we have been at the pains to send to you by the intuition of love,

praying your humility to receive benignantly that which with the fullest

love we send you. Let each make of it such use as each pleases; and

blame me not in this office of love. Let each be fully persuaded in his

own mind[291] and do always such things as are pleasing to God and all

saints, that with them they may be found worthy to enjoy the perpetual

vision of our Lord Jesus Christ.

“May the Lord God hearken to your holy blessedness mindful of me in all

holy supplication, and deign to grant unto you present felicity and

future beatitude, my most loved brothers.

“I beg that you make known to me by letter from your blessedness, if this

letter reaches you, and what it pleases your prudence to do. What it is

mine to do I have done, fulfilling the office of affection in the love

and honour of our Lord Jesus Christ.”

APPENDIX B

(Page 91)

We have the report which the legates George and Theophylact sent to Pope

Hadrian on their mission. No reference is made in it to the matter of

the Archbishopric of Lichfield. Iaenbricht is still the sole southern

archbishop, and Higbert of Lichfield is only bishop.

[Sidenote: Ep. 10. A.D. 786.]

“Your holy prayers favouring us, we set sail with joyous countenance

obeying your commands. But the tempter hindered us with a contrary wind.

He who stills the waves hearkened unto your deprecatory entreaty, calmed

the blue strait, led us across to a safe haven, and brought us to the

shore of the English unharmed, but afflicted with many dangers.

“We were received first by Iaenberht, Archbishop of the holy church of

Dorovernia,[292] whose other name is Cantia, where the holy Augustine

rests in the body; dwelling there we gave him the necessary information.

“Going on thence, we arrived at the dwelling of Offa, King of the

Mercians. With great joy, for reverence of the blessed Peter and honour

of your apostolate, he received both us and the messages sent from the

highest see. Then Offa the King of the Mercians, and Cynewulf the King

of the West Saxons, came together in a council to which we delivered your

holy writings; and they forthwith promised that they would correct the

vices named.[293] Then, after counsel held with the said kings, pontiffs,

and elders of the land, considering that that corner of the world

stretches far and wide, we gave permission to Theophylact, the venerable

bishop, to go to the King of the Mercians[294] and the parts of Britain.

“I for my part, taking with me the companion whom your most excellent

King Karl sent with us out of reverence to your apostolate, Wighod,

abbat and presbyter, went on to the country of the Northanymbrians, to

Aelfuald the King, and the Archbishop of the holy church of the city of

York, Eanbald. The King was living far off in the north, and the said

Archbishop sent his messengers to the King, who at once with all joy

fixed a day for a council,[295] to which the chief men of the district

came, ecclesiastical and secular. It was related in our hearing that

other vices,[296] and by no means the least, needed correction. For,

as you know, from the time of the holy pontiff Augustine no Roman

priest[297] [or bishop] has been sent there except ourselves. We wrote

a Capitular of the several matters, and brought them to their hearing,

discussing each in order. They, with all humility of subjection and

with clear will, honoured both your admonition and our insignificance,

and pledged themselves to obey in all things. Then we handed to them

your letters to be read, charging them to keep the sacred decrees in

themselves and in those dependent on them.

“These are the chapters which we delivered to them to be kept.[298]

“1. Of keeping the faith of the Nicene Council.

“2. Of Baptism, the Creed, the Lord’s Prayer.

“3. Of two Councils to be held every year.

“4. Of the service and vesture of Canons and Monks.

“5. Of the elections of Abbats and Abbesses.

“6. Of ordaining Priests and Deacons.

“7. Of the Canonical Hours.

“8. Of the rights of churches granted by the See of Rome.

“9. That ecclesiastics do not take food secretly.

“10. That priests do not perform sacred rites with bare legs[299]; of the

offerings of the faithful; that chalice and paten for sacrificing to God

be not made from ox-horn, because they are bloody; that bishops in their

councils judge not secular matters.

“11. Let kings and princes study justice, obey bishops, venerate the

church, employ prudent counsellors.

“12. That in the ordination of kings no one permit the assent of evil

men to prevail; kings must be lawfully elected by the priesthood and the

elders of the people, and be not born of adultery or incest; let honour

be paid by all to kings; let no one be a detractor of a king; let no one

dare to conspire for the death of a king, because he is the anointed of

the Lord; if any one have part in such wickedness, if he be a bishop

or of priestly order let him be thrust out from it, and every one who

has assented to such sacrilege shall perish in the eternal fetters of

anathema. For by examples among yourselves it has frequently been proved

that those who have been the cause of the death of sovereigns have soon

lost their life, being outside the protection of divine and human law.

“13. That powerful and rich men decree just judgements.

“14. Of the forbidding of fraud, violence, rapine; that unjust tribute be

not imposed on churches; of keeping peace.

“15. Unlawful and incestuous unions are forbidden to all, alike with the

handmaids of God and other illicit persons and with those in affinity and

kindred and with other men’s wives.

“16. Lawful heirship is by decree refused to the children of harlots.

“17. Of tithes to be given; of usury to be forbidden; of just measures

and equal weights to be established.

“18. Of vows to be fulfilled.

“19. We have added that each faithful Christian must take example from

Catholic men; and if anything has remained of the rites of pagans it must

be plucked out, contemned, cast away.

“For God made man fair in form and appearance; but the pagans with

diabolical instinct have inflicted most horrible scars,[300] as

Prudentius says:

He tainted the innocent ground[301] with sordid spots,

for he evidently does injury to God, who fouls and defiles His creature.

Without doubt a man would receive a rich reward who underwent for God

this injury of staining. But to one who does it from gentile superstition

it profiteth nothing, as circumcision to the Jews without belief of heart.

“Further, you wear your clothes after the manner of the gentiles whom by

God’s help your fathers drove out of the land by arms. It is a wonderful

and astonishing thing that you imitate the fashion of those whose life

you always hate.

“You have the evil habit of maiming your horses: you slit their nostrils,

you fasten their ears together and make them deaf, you cut off their

tails; and though you could have them entirely unblemished, you will not

have that, but make them odious to every one.

“We have heard also that when you go to law with one another you cast

lots after the fashion of the gentiles. This is counted as completely

sacrilegious in these days.

“Further, many of you eat horses, which no Christian in eastern lands

does. This you must give up. Strive earnestly that all your things be

done decently and in order.

“20. Of sins to be confessed and penance to be done.

“These decrees, most blessed Pope Hadrian, we propounded in a public

council in presence of King Aelfuuald, Archbishop Eanbald, and all the

bishops and abbats of that region, also of the ealdormen, dukes, and

people of the land. And they, as we said above, with all devotion of mind

vowed that they would in all things keep them according to the utmost of

their power, the divine clemency aiding them. And they confirmed them in

our hand (in your stead) with the sign of the holy cross. And afterwards

they wrote on the paper of this page with careful pen, affixing the mark

of the holy cross.

“I Aelfuualdus king of the Transhumbrane race, consenting, have

subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Dilberch[302] prelate[303] of the church of Hexham joyfully have

subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Eanbald by the grace of God archbishop of the holy church of York have

subscribed to the pious and catholic force of this document with the sign

of the holy cross.

“I Hyguuald bishop of the church of Lindisfarne obediently have

subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Aedilberch bishop of Whithern[304] suppliant have subscribed with the

sign of the holy cross.

“I Aldulf bishop of the church of Mayo[305] have subscribed with devoted

will.

“I Aetheluuin[306] bishop have subscribed by delegates.

“I Sigha the patrician with placid mind have subscribed with the sign of

the holy cross.[307]

“To these most salutary admonitions we too, presbyters and deacons of

churches and abbats of monasteries, judges, chief men, and nobles,

unanimously consent and have subscribed.

“I duke Alrich have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I duke Siguulf have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I abbat Aldberich[308] have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I abbat Erhart have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“All this having been accomplished, and the benediction pronounced,

we set out again, taking with us illustrious representatives of the

king and the archbishop, the readers Maluin[309] to wit and Pyttel.

We travelled together, and they brought the above decrees to a council

of the Mercians, at which the glorious King Offa was present, with

the senators of the kingdom, the Archbishop Iaenbercht[2] of the holy

Dorovernian Church, and the other bishops of those parts. In presence

of the council the several chapters were read out in a clear voice,

and lucidly expounded both in Latin and in Teuton so that all could

understand. Then all with one voice and with eager mind, grateful for the

admonitions of your apostolate, promised, that they would according to

their ability with most ready will keep in all respects these statutes,

the divine favour supporting them. Moreover, as at the northern council,

the king and his chief men, the archbishop and his colleagues, confirmed

them in our hand (in the stead of your lordship) with the sign of the

holy cross, and again ratified this present document with the sacred sign.

“I Ieanbrecht[310], archbishop of the holy church of Dorovernum,

suppliant have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Offa king of the Mercians, consenting to these statutes, with ready

will have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Hugibrecht[311] bishop of the church of Lichtenfelse have subscribed

with the sign of the holy cross.

“I Ceoluulf bishop of the Lindisfaras[312] have subscribed.

“I Unuuona bishop of the Legorenses[313] have subscribed.

“I Alchard[314] bishop have subscribed.

“I Eadberht[315] bishop have subscribed.

“I Chumbrech[316] bishop have subscribed.

“I Harchel[317] bishop have subscribed.

“I Acine[318] bishop have subscribed.

“I Tora[319] bishop have subscribed.

“I Uuaremund[320] bishop have subscribed.

“I Adalmund[321] bishop have subscribed.

“I Adored[322] bishop have subscribed.

“Edrabord abbat. Alemund abbat. Boduuin abbat. Uttel abbat.

“I duke Brorda have subscribed with the sign of the holy cross.

“I duke Eadbald have subscribed.

“I duke Bercoald have subscribed.

“I count Othbald have subscribed.”

APPENDIX C

(Page 177)

Sed obsecro si vestrae placeat pietati ut exemplarium illius libelli

domno dirigatur apostolico aliud quoque Paulino patriarchae similiter

Richobono et Teudolfo episcopis doctoribus et magistris ut singuli pro

se respondeant Flaccus vero tuus tecum laborat in reddenda ratione

catholicae fidei tantum detur ei spatium ut quiete et diligenter liceat

illi cum pueris suis considerare sensus quid unusquisque diceret de

sententiis quas posuit prefatus subversor in suo libello et tempore

praefinito a vobis ferantur vestrae auctoritati singulorum responsa et

quidquid in isto libello vel sententiarum vel sensuum contra catholicam

fidem inveniatur omnia catholicis exemplis destruantur et si aequaliter

et concorditer cunctorum in professione vel defensione catholicae

fidei resonant scripta intelligi potest quod per omnium ora et corda

unus loquitur spiritus sin autem diversum aliquid inveniatur in dictis

vel scriptis cuiuslibet videatur quis maiore auctoritate sanctarum

scripturarum vel catholicorum patrum innitatur et huic laudis palma

tribuatur qui divinis magis inhaereat testimoniis.

APPENDIX D

(Page 197)

The following are the passages of the Donation which touch the question

of the joint patronage of St. Peter and St. Paul in the Church of

Rome. The edition from which they are taken is thus described on the

title-page:—

Constantini M. Imp. Donatio Sylvestro Papae Rom. inscripta:

non ut a Gratiano truncatim, sed integre edita: cum versione

Graeca duplici, Theodori Balsamonis, Patriarchae Antiocheni, et

Matthaei Blastaris, I(uris) C(anonici) Graeci.

Typis Gotthardi Voegelini

(1610).

The first page of the Latin Edict is not represented in the Greek

Thespisma. It ends with the words: “Postquam docente beato Silvestro

trina me mersione verbi salutis purificatum et ab omni leprae squalore

mundatum beneficiis beati Petri et Pauli Apostolorum cognovi.”

Iustum quippe est, ut ibi lex sancta caput teneat principatus,

ubi sanctarum legum institutor salvator noster beatum Petrum

Apostolatus obtinere praecepit cathedram, ubi et crucis

patibulum sustinens beatae mortis poculum sumpsit suique

magistri et domini imitator apparuit: et ibi gentes pro Christi

nominis confessione colla flectant, ubi eorum doctor beatus

Paulus Apostolus pro Christo extenso collo martyris coronatus

est: illic usque in finem quaerant _doctorem, ubi sancti

doctoris corpus quiescit_; the Greek has τὂν διδάσκαλον ὅπου τὰ

τῶν ἁγίων λείψανα ἀναπαύονται.

* * * * *

Construximus itaque ecclesias beatorum Petri et Pauli

Apostolorum, quas argento et auro locupletavimus: ubi

sacratissima eorum corpora cum magno honore recondentes, et

thecas ipsorum ex electro (cui nulla fortitudo praevalet

elementorum) construximus, et crucem ex auro purissimo et

gemmis pretiosis per singulas eorum thecas posuimus et clavis

aureis confiximus.

* * * * *

Pro quo concedimus ipsis sanctis Apostolis dominis meis,

beatissimo Petro et Paulo, et per eos etiam beato Silvestro

patri nostro summo Pontifici et universali urbis Romae Papae

et omnibus eius successoribus Pontificibus, qui usque in finem

mundi in sede beati Petri erunt sessuri, atque de praesenti

concedimus palatium imperii nostri Lateranense, quod omnibus

praefertur atque praecellit palatiis.

* * * * *

Si quis autem (quod non credimus) temerator aut contemptor

extiterit, aeternis condemnationibus subiaceat innodatus,

et sanctos Dei principes Apostolorum Petrum et Paulum, sibi

in praesenti et in futura vita sentiat contrarios, atque in

inferno inferiori concrematus cum diabolo et omnibus deficiat

impiis.

The learned editor makes an interesting comment on the recognition by

Constantine of the _par utriusque meritum_, the equal merit of the two

apostles Peter and Paul. The fate of Paul, he says, resembles that of

Pollux. The two brothers, Castor and Pollux, had a Temple in common in

the Forum, but it came to be called the Temple of Castor alone.

In using such a document as this, the temptation to alter words must have

been very great. As an example of such change, the words which follow

on our first quotation may be cited—“utile iudicavimus una cum omnibus

satrapis et universo senatu, optimatibus etiam et cuncto populo Romani

gloriae imperii subiacente.” For _gloriae_ Gratian reads _ecclesiae_. The

Greek version has τῆς ῥωμαικῆς δόξης.

On a phrase of the Donation—“eligentes nobis ipsum principem Apostolorum

vel eius vicarios firmos apud Deum esse patronos”—the editor quotes a

remarkable passage from Aimoin[323] v. 2, which it is specially fitting

to reproduce here, since it relates to Charlemagne and his sons: “Post

non multum tempus incidit ei desiderium dominam quondam orbis videre

Romam, principis Apostolorum atque doctoris gentium adire limina, seque

suamque prolem eis commendare; ut talibus nitens suffragatoribus, quibus

coeli terraeque potestas attributa est, ipse quoque subiectis consulere,

perduellionumque [si emersissent[324]] proterviam proterere posset. Ratus

etiam non mediocre sibi subsidium conferri, si _a Vicario eorum_ cum

benedictione sacerdotali tam ipse quam et filii eius regalia sumerent

insignia.”

[Sidenote: Ep. 33. A.D. 794.]

In a letter to Karl of the highest importance, Hadrian I uses a

remarkable phrase in describing Karl’s regard for the Church of Rome.

He speaks of his faith and love towards the church of the blessed

chiefs of the apostles Peter and Paul,—_quantum erga beatorum principum

apostolorum Petri et Pauli ecclesiam fidem geritis et amorem_. In the

same letter he employs an argument which—while it would naturally have

force with Karl—appears to assign to national churches other than that of

Rome a remarkable position of independence. “If,” he says, “everywhere

canonical churches possess their dioceses intact, how much more should

the holy catholic and apostolic Roman church, which is the head of all

the churches of God,—Si enim ubique Christianorum ecclesiae canonicae

intactas suas possident dioeceses, quanto amplius sancta catholica et

apostolica Romana ecclesia, quae est caput omnium Dei ecclesiarum....”

APPENDIX E

(Page 290)

Eginhart gives the name of Charlemagne’s elephant as Abulabaz. This

probably represents _AbuʾlʿAbbás_, the elephant being in that case

named after his royal donor, the first Abbasid Caliph, who was none

other than our old friend of many tales of adventure, Harun al Raschid.

His caliphate lasted from 786 to 809, and thus coincided with the most

brilliant period of Charlemagne’s reign as king and emperor. His policy

was to remain on most friendly terms with Charlemagne, while sending to

Irene’s supplanter at Constantinople, Nicephorus, communications of the

following character:—

“Harun al Raschid, Commander of the Faithful, to Nicephorus, the Roman

dog.

“I have read thy letter, O thou son of an unbelieving mother. Thou shalt

not hear, but behold my reply!”

Eginhart tells us under the year 807 of noble presents sent by the

Saracen king of the Persians to Charlemagne. They included a pavilion

and court tents, all, including the ropes, of linen of divers colours;

palls of silk many and precious; scents, unguents, and balsam; two great

candelabra of brass (orichalc) of marvellous size and height; and above

all a wonderful clock made of brass (orichalc). The principle of this

remarkable machine was that of the water clock. At each complete hour

little balls of brass were set free, which fell on to a cymbal below with

a tinkling sound, while at the same time twelve knights on horseback

opened windows and pushed out, closing windows which had been open.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _Mendacia._

[2] See the story of his conversion, p. 11.

[3] The following inscription is found in this book:—“Hunc Vergilii

codicem obtulit Berno gregis beati Martini levita devota mente Deo et

eidem beato Martino perpetualiter habendum ea quidem ratione ut perlegat

ipsum Albertus consobrinus ipsius et diebus vitae suae sub pretextu

sancti Martini habeat et post suum obitum iterum sancto reddatur Martino.”

[4] It appears to be impossible to identify the site of the cell of

Wilgils. The local idea is that Kilnsea may be the place. But then the

local idea is that Kilnsea means “the cell by the sea”.

[5] The church of St. Andrew in Rome was the first church which Wilfrith

in his youth visited on his first appearance in that city. It was on the

altar of that church that he first saw a magnificent copy of the Gospels,

which so fired his enthusiasm that he had a similar copy made, written

in letters of gold on purple parchment and adorned with gems, for his

church at Ripon. His great church at Hexham, the finest church north of

the Alps, he dedicated to St. Andrew, and the dedication thus became a

favourite one in Northumbria. See my _Theodore and Wilfrith_, p. 17.

[6] Horreense, the Germans think; now Oeren.

[7] Epternach.

[8] See my _Conversion of the Heptarchy_, pp. 202-4.

[9] See my _Conversion of the Heptarchy_, p. 190.

[10] iii. 20, plate xiii.

[11] Ps. lxxvii. 11.

[12] The relative numbers of these three “sides” of the School of York

may possibly be indicated by the _quidam_, _alii_, _nonnulli_, of the

author.

[13] Biscop.

[14] After a parenthetical paragraph the writer continues, “Cuius iam, ut

dictum est, sequens Hechbertus vestigia.”

[15] Gregory, it must be supposed. If one of the Apostles of the Lord had

been meant, much more honorific words would have been used.

[16] Used antiphrastically for malediction: see Job i. 5.

[17] Deut. xxxii. 11.

[18] Chapter viii of the Rule of St. Benedict directs that a monk shall

not conceal from his abbat evil thoughts which come into his heart.

[19] John xiii. 25 to xviii. 1 inclusive.

[20] Sigulf, as we have seen, told the writer the facts of Alcuin’s life

which he recorded.

[21] Dial. ii. 85. Benedict there narrates that he saw the whole world

collected into one ray of the sun, in which the soul of Germanus, bishop

of Capua, ascended to the heavens.

[22] Ps. cvi. 1.

[23] _Francia_, both here and in Alcuin’s Letter 35, where he writes as

if with these words in his mind: “I came to France, under pressure of

ecclesiastical need, and to confirm the reason of the Catholic Faith.”

[24] There is a tradition that Alcuin wrote the Office for the Mass on

Trinity Sunday. See Appendix A.

[25] The “hereditary right” seems to indicate that by these

“benedictions” the library of York is meant, of which more will be said

later on.

[26] “Talentum sui domini”, sc. Elcberti?

[27] The perpetual presence of Sigulf was needed for the celebration of

masses, Alcuin remaining a deacon. There is a curious mention of Alcuin’s

part in the administration of Holy Communion, and of the action of the

young King Louis when receiving at his hand; see p. 32.

[28] We can date this meeting fairly closely by the fact that Karl

granted a privilegium to Parma on March 15, 781.

[29] The bishop George whom we know as intimately concerned with the

affairs of Hadrian I and with British interests was Bishop of Ostia.

If this is he, we shall hear of him again in connexion with the

Archbishopric of Lichfield.

[30] Abbat of St. Martin of Tours, a curiously early connexion of Alcuin

with his future home. To him Alcuin addressed the earliest letter of his

which is extant; see p. 205.

[31] Alcuin was about seven years older than Karl. They were at this time

about forty-six and thirty-nine years of age.

[32] St. Peter of Ferrières, dio. Sens.

[33] Alcuin makes mention of his residence here during the autumn of 798

in his correspondence with Gisla, Karl’s sister; see p. 253. The Museum

of Troyes is housed in the old buildings of the Abbey of St. Loup.

[34] Matt. x. 23.

[35] He was subject to febrile attacks.

[36] For Alcuin’s letter to Fulda, written after Karl’s refusal of

permission, see Appendix A.

[37] “In psalmorum et missarum multa celebratione.”

[38] See p. 13.

[39] Called Witto by Alcuin (ep. 107), and Candidus (106) as the Latin

rendering of the Teutonic name.

[40] To Fredegisus Alcuin wrote letters on the three kinds of visions

(257) and on the Trinity (258). He is understood to be the “Nathanael” of

other letters. Of Fredegisus, Theodulfus, the Bishop of Orleans, wrote to

Karl:

Stet levita decus Fredegis sociatus Osulfo,

Gnarus uterque artis, doctus uterque bene.

He was a master in the school of the Palace and afterwards Archdeacon. He

became Abbat of Cormery, and eventually of Tours.

[41] See the mention of him in previous note. Osulf was a household

officer of the young King Charles, see p. 250. The last words of Alcuin’s

interpretation of the vision suggest that he was an Englishman, one of

the youths whom Alcuin brought from York as his assistant masters.

[42] This was Benedict, the Abbat of Aniane in Languedoc. That region is

here spoken of as Gothia, because the Goths had settled about Toulouse in

the fifth century. The fact that Benedict used often to come to consult

Alcuin is an interesting illustration of the disregard of distance in

those days. As the crows fly, Toulouse is some 270 miles from Tours, and

the journey was a long and arduous one.

[43] The three sons of Karl were all of them kings (practically

sub-kings) of one part or another of his vast domains. The great

partition of the empire was not arranged by Charlemagne till after

Alcuin’s death.

[44] It will be borne in mind that Alcuin was only in deacon’s orders.

[45] This is one of the various indications of date which enable us to

calculate the time at which the biography was written.

[46] Charles and Pepin died before their father, and Louis became sole

emperor and ruler of all that Charlemagne had held.

[47] With regard to some possible confusion here between Karl and his

eldest son Charles, see p. 246.

[48] Vita, c. 21.

[49] It is frequently impossible to calculate a man’s nationality from

his name in the century with which we are dealing, and it is unsafe to

guess at it. Aigulf, for instance, was the name of the Gothic Count of

Maguelone, the cup-bearer of Karl’s son, Pepin of Aquitaine, and father

of Benedict of Aniane.

[50] Engelsaxo.

[51] “Venit iste Britto vel Scotto.” The Scot in those days was the

Irishman. We may imagine that “Scotto” was formed derisively to match

“Britto”. But it should be remembered that in Alcuin’s dialogue on

grammar the disputants are Saxo and Franco, a very similar formation.

[52] It is of at least local interest to remark that the latest of many

burnings of York Minster, Alcuin’s old abode, was caused very much in

the same way. Carpenters had been at work, in the bell-chamber of the

south-west tower, and left a candle burning on the table where they

had been planing wood. The candle burned low and fell over on to some

shavings, to which it set fire, and thence the flame grew and grew till

it burst out, and the great fire of May 20, 1840, was the result. This

present writer was a boy of six at the time, and from his bedroom window

saw it all, from the beginning, through the sounding boards of the

chamber. He was eventually carried off in a blanket, as the tower would

have fallen into his father’s house if it had come down. The house, it

may be added, was the house in which Guy Fawkes was born. See also p. 82.

[53] The word _monasterium_ has so many meanings that we cannot be

sure what precisely is here meant. It may possibly mean the _maius

monasterium_, Marmoutier, see p. 221.

[54] The historian here quoted, a contemporary of St. Martin, must not

be confused with Sulpicius, Archbishop of Bourges, A.D. 584, surnamed

Severus to distinguish him from a second Sulpicius Archbishop of Bourges,

surnamed Pius, who died A.D. 644.

[55] “Hesterna die indicatur mihi,” &c. We fortunately have the letter.

It is Epistle I of the collected works of Sulpicius.

[56] It may be that we have here an early hint of a practice of which we

have record in later times. The water which had been used for washing

the tomb of St. Martin was held to have healing properties in the later

middle ages.

[57] Believed at that time to have been written by St. Paul.

[58] In our editions, Arno and not Fredegisus was the recipient of this

treatise.

[59] Presumably the same as Withso and Witto.

[60] “Franci et Saxonis,” the author says. But in the disputatious

dialogue they are called Saxo and Franco. Saxo addresses Franco as _O

Franco!_ but on one occasion he slips into the vocative _France_: “En

habes, France, de adverbio satis.” _Fr._ “Non satis; pausemus tamen ad

horam.” _Saxo._ “Pausemus.” The dialogue is much of the same kind as that

found in Aldhelm’s works a hundred years earlier between Magister and

Discipulus. See my _St. Aldhelm_, ch. xii.

[61] We have seen from the author that he could very seldom shed tears,

p. 27.

[62] There is a delicate touch in putting into the devil’s mouth the

literal name and not the intimate name.

[63] Cant. iv. 4.

[64] A cynic might remark that Alcuin did not answer the clever question

of the enemy. He could not deny that he was elaborately deceiving his

attendants.

[65] Sulpicius Severus, Life, c. 25.

[66] Theodulf of Orleans makes a little apology to Karl for Alcuin’s use

of wine and beer (not English beer! see p. 267):

Aut si, Bacche, tui aut Cerealis pocla liquoris

Porgere praecipiat, fors et utrumque volet;

Quo melius doceat, melius sua fistula cantet,

Si doctrinalis pectoris antra riget.

If he bids bring forth cups of thy liquor, O Bacchus, or cups of the

liquor of corn, and perhaps takes both; it is that he may teach the

better, the better may sing his stave, if he moistens the recesses of his

instructive breast.

[67] “Celebrabat omni die missarum solemnia multa.”

[68] Based on Isa. xxii. 22.

[69] See p. 211.

[70] The biographer here passes in a telling manner to the present tense.

[71] Again the use of Alcuin’s baptismal name at a critical point.

[72] This is one of the endless number of cases in which it is made quite

clear that the original attraction to Rome was not the asserted bishopric

of Peter, but the fact of the tombs of Peter and Paul. The cult of these

two chiefs, princes of the Apostles, was the source of the reputation of

Rome. See Appendix D.

[73] See p. 268.

[74] The title consists of twenty-four elegiacs, with only ordinary

thoughts.

[75] _Gesta Regum_, i. 3.

[76] The mention of Ascension Day in the account of Bede’s death is in

the judgement of some scholars more easily reconciled with the incidence

of Ascension Day in the year 742.

[77] The see of Dunwich appears to have been vacant then.

[78] All this tells against the now exploded belief that Theodore

established the parochial system. His _paroichia_ was the diocese.

[79] The earliest pieces of English now extant in the original form are

the inscriptions in Anglian runes on the cross erected in 670 in the

churchyard of Bewcastle, in memory of the sub-king Alchfrith (see p.

9). The main inscription runs thus: + This sigbecn thun setton hwaetred

wothgar olwfwolthu aft alkfrithu ean küning eac oswiung + gebid heo sinna

sowhula. + This token of victory Hwaetred Wothgar Olwfwolthu caused make

in memory of Alcfrith once king and son of Oswy. + Pray for the high sin

of his soul. See also p. 296.

[80] See p. 5.

[81] _In ordinatione._

[82] _Constituant._

[83] He was Bishop of Winchester A.D. 1367 to 1398; Wilfrith was Bishop

of York A.D. 669 to 678.

[84] Eton was founded, in a very small way, in 1440.

[85] As to the treatment of ancient ecclesiastical MSS. in one part of

France at the time of the Revolution, see pages 219, &c.

[86] It is now maintained that ‘Saxon’ is formed from _saxa_, stones,

but for a different reason, being taken as describing ‘armed men’ in the

stone age.

[87] It is so, also, in Eddi’s prose account, “pro lachrymis ad aures Dei

pervenientibus.”

[88] See also p. 137.

[89] See my _Lessons from Early English Church History_, pp. 74, 75.

[90] Our word “inn” means a place enclosed, or a place comprising an

enclosure.

[91] p. xxiii.

[92] See also p. 141.

[93] “Monasterium” is used in the middle ages for a parish church in

the country. “Minster” has always been a special Yorkshire word, “York

Minster,” “Ripon Minster,” “Beverley Minster.” The unique inscription

at the side of the sun-dial at Kirkdale Church, dated as in the days of

Tostig the Earl, sets forth that “Orm Gamal-suna bohte Sanctus Gregorius

minster”.

[94] The writer of this cannot refrain from mentioning a curious

coincidence of dates and experience between himself and his schoolfellow

and head master Alcuin. York Minster was burned on May 23, 741, when

Alcuin was six years old. The cathedral school being within the

precincts, Alcuin would have to be removed to a place of safety.

York Minster was burned on May 20, 1840, curiously near to being the

eleven-hundredth anniversary of the burning on May 23, 741, and the

present writer, then aged six, was carried from his bed in the minster

precincts to a place of safety in Castlegate.

[95] An. DCC.XLI. Her forbarn Eoferwic. This entry is found in the two

MSS. of the Chronicle known as Cotton. Tib. B. 1 and Bodl. Laud. 636.

These two MSS. have special information about Northumbrian affairs.

They differ in the spelling of proper names, but in this case they take

the same spelling of the Anglian name of York, which appears in five

different forms in the Chronicle.

[96] Before Froben this was read Alcuinus, clearly an impossible reading

in a list drawn up by Alcuin himself, and at a time when his chief effort

of versification could not be in the library.

[97] See Appendix B, p. 310.

[98] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 440.

[99] A.D. 790-805.

[100] “Sacerdos.” It appears clear that Alcuin is using the word as

equivalent to “episcopus”, as it frequently was.

[101] Mal. ii. 7.

[102] “Speculator.”

[103] “Super-speculator.” Isidore explains in his Etymologies that

bishops are called “episcopi” by the Greeks and “speculatores” by the

Latins, because they are set on high in the church.

[104] “Sacerdotes.” That Alcuin is speaking of bishops, not of priests

in general, is clear from his verses at the end of the letter, where he

repeats his phrases “terrae sal”, “lumina inundi”, and adds “Bis sex

signa poli”, the twelve stars of the sky, namely the bishops of the

Southern Province. These were, not counting Athelhard himself, Higbert of

Lichfield, Kenwalch or Eadbald of London, Kinbert of Winchester, Unwona

of Leicester, Ceolwulf of Lindsey, Denefrith of Sherborne, Aelhun of

Dunwich, Alheard of Elmham, Heathred of Worcester, Ceolmund of Hereford,

Wiothun of Selsey, Weremund of Rochester.

[105] “Consacerdotes.”

[106] Prov. xviii. 19. The Vulgate and the Septuagint versions give the

force of the passage in Alcuin’s sense. The Authorised Version gives, “A

brother offended _is harder to be won_ than a strong city.” The Revised

Version agrees exactly with the A.V.

[107] Gildus, in Alcuin.

[108] It may be supposed that Offa was engaged in building an abbey

church at St. Albans. William of Malmesbury says of the church built by

Offa in honour of St Alban (_Gesta Regum_, i. 4): “The relics of St.

Alban, at that time buried in obscurity, he had reverently taken up and

placed in a shrine decorated to the fullest extent of royal munificence

with gold and jewels; a church of most beautiful workmanship was there

erected, and a society of monks assembled.” The black stones may have

been wanted for pavements.

[109] Pope Hadrian I. He died December 27, 795, having held the Papacy

for twenty-three years, with great distinction, at a most important time

in its history.

[110] Simeon of Durham, under the year 795.

[111] This would naturally mean Ireland at that time, but it is far from

clear that Ireland is meant.

[112] Isa. i. 4.

[113] Offa died July 26, 796, and Ecgfrith died in the middle of December

in the same year, after a reign of 141 days.

[114] In each of these two cases the new king was, in this year 796, most

unexpectedly raised to the throne from a comparatively poor position, in

which he had married a wife of his own position. Alcuin fears that they

will be tempted to cast off the early wife and take some lady more fitted

for a throne.

[115] This prophecy was not fulfilled. It was not till nine years after

the date of this letter that Eardwulf was expelled from the kingdom.

[116] Prov. xx. 28.

[117] Ps. xxiv. 10, Vulgate; xxv. 10, A. V.; xxv. 10, Psalter.

[118] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 521, from _William of Malmesbury_, G. R. i.

[119] A mancus was more than one-third of a pound, but that conveys no

real idea to the modern mind of its actual value.

[120] _Gesta Regum_, i. 4.

[121] Haddan and Stubbs, _Councils_, iii. 483. The names stand as

follows: “+ Ego Offa Rex Dei dono propriam donationis libertatem signo

sanctæ crucis confirmo. + Ego Ecgferth, filius Regis, consensi. +

Signum Hygeberhti Archiepiscopi. + Signum Ceolulfi Episcopi. + Signum

Æthelheardi Archiepiscopi.” Followed by eight bishops and three abbats.

[122] It has already been noted that Alcuin found it very difficult to

shed tears.

[123] “Ceolmund the duke,” “Ceolmund the minister,” often appears in the

Mercian documents of the time.

[124] Simeon of Durham, under the year 779, has the entry, Duke Aldred,

the slayer of King Ethelred, was slain by Duke Thorhtmund in revenge for

his lord.

[125] This amounts to an official representation of the three great

powers, the West Saxons, the Mercians, and the Northumbrians.

[126] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 486.

[127] An Irishman.

[128] From 784 to 819.

[129] Haddan and Stubbs, iii. 487.

[130] We know nothing certain of this person.

[131] We cannot trace his pedigree.

[132] Simeon of Durham says that he committed suicide.

[133] In theory, at least, we know better now.

[134] A.D. 779 to 788.

[135] James ii. 13.

[136] Pet. iv. 17.

[137] He died in 703.

[138] He resigned in 716, and took from the library of Wearmouth the

Codex Amiatinus as a present to the Pope. This huge and noble codex is

now in the Laurenziana, in Florence. See my _Lessons from Early English

Church History_, pp. 72-75.

[139] See my _Theodore and Wilfrith_, pp. 106, 124, and for Acca’s Cross,

pp. 257-61.

[140] Bishop of Whithern (Candentis-Casae, Ep. 20, usually Candidae

Casae), 777-789; of Hexham, 789-797.

[141] Writing to an Englishman, Alcuin gives his Anglian name in its

Anglian spelling and without a Latin termination.

[142] See p. 123. The full story is given by Simeon of Durham under the

year 790, meaning 791: “In the second year of Ethelred (i. e. of his

restored sovereignty) Duke Eardulf was captured and taken to Ripon, and

was ordered by the said king to be put to death outside the gate of the

monastery. The brethren carried the body to the church with Gregorian

chants, and placed it in a shed outside the door. He was found after

midnight in the church, alive.”

[143] In April, 796, the Patrician Osbald was made king by certain

leading men of the nation. But after twenty-seven days he was deserted by

the whole of the royal family and the chief men, and was put to flight

and banished from the kingdom. He escaped with a few followers to the

Isle of Lindisfarne, and thence went by sea with some of the brethren to

the king of the Picts. Sim. Dur. 795.

[144] Slain at Cobre (Corbridge has been suggested), April 18, 796.

[145] The Picts of the east of Scotland.

[146] Matt. xviii. 15, “Go and tell him his fault between thee and him

alone.”

[147] John viii. 34.

[148] Cant. viii. 7.

[149] 1 Tim. v. 20.

[150] Matt. xii. 50. It will be seen that Alcuin does not quote exactly.

The Vulgate has _frater et soror et mater_.

[151] _Insula Sanctorum et Doctorum_, p. 272.

[152] No doubt oil specially pure, and vegetable; we may safely say olive

oil, for purposes of chrism. Theodore of Canterbury informs us (_Theodore

and Wilfrith_, S.P.C.K. p. 180) that “according to the Greeks a presbyter

can ... make the oil for exorcism and the chrism for the sick, if

necessary; but according to the Romans only a bishop can do so”. Hence

the mention of bishops in the letter of Alcuin. See also page 245, note 2.

[153] In this case Alcuin writes _Karli regis_; in other cases he uses

the full form Carolus, which comes from rolling the r in Karlus.

[154] Shekels. On the argument that the didrachma was the shekel in the

New Testament the sicle may be put at 1_s._ 7½_d._, but that gives no

idea of its purchasing power then, which was probably nearer £1. It will

be seen that in a later sentence sicles of pure gold are specified.

[155] See p. 79.

[156] As in _year_ the Anglo-Saxon _g_ was pronounced as _y_, hence the

name Mayo. In east Yorkshire a gate is still called a _yet_.

[157] See Appendix B.

[158] The passage is incomplete, but this is the sense of it.

[159] This is not Lull of Malmesbury, who was so great a help to

Boniface; he died an archbishop in 787.

[160] A presbyter, who succeeded his namesake in the archbishopric.

[161] We cannot imagine another dignity open to an aged Archbishop of

York to be preferred to that which he already held. But it is evident

that Alcuin referred to his retirement upon an abbacy, which would set

him comparatively free from calls for exertion.

[162] Eph. v. 23.

[163] It has been supposed that Alcuin refers to some purpose of

bequeathing the library of York to Eanbald II.

[164] Ecclus. vi. 6.

[165] Ethelred of Northumbria was killed and Offa of Mercia died in this

year 796.

[166] James v. 11. Our version would have suited the occasion better than

the Vulgate, “Ye have heard of the patience of Job.”

[167] In the older MSS. _in Deo_, which has a subtle unintentional

bearing on the controversy with which we are dealing; unintentional if,

as seems certain, we possess MSS. of the Athanasian symbol of a date

earlier than the beginning of the heresy of Felix.

[168] The punctuation is that of Wattenbach and Dümmler. Migne puts a

full stop after the Pope and another after the Patriarch: this would seem

to make _singuli_ refer to two persons only, the two bishops. The Roman

controversialist makes a different punctuation, putting a full stop after

the Pope and running the three others together. The whole passage ought

to be read in the Latin without any punctuation. See Appendix C, p. 319.

[169] Ep. 30, A.D. 793.

[170] But see p. 283.

[171] Bede i. 25, “Imaginem Domini salvatoris in tabula depictam.”

[172] The historian-monk of St. Gallen says that his new eyes were better

than his old ones, both for use and to look at.

[173] Ep. 120, to Arno.

[174] The account which follows is taken from the contemporary annals of

Eginhart.

[175] Under the year 800.

[176] The actual words are given by Baronius, but with a vague reference

to his authority. They are given at length by Milman, _Hist. of Lat.

Christianity_, ii. 205.

[177] The ordinary word for the crypt or other receptacle of the body of

a saint.

[178] Stephen I was Pope 252 to 257. Another Stephen was elected on March

14, 752, but died before his consecration. On March 26, 752, the Stephen

here spoken of was elected. He is thus more properly called Stephen II

than Stephen III; and Stephen IV, who appears in Karl’s time, should be

called Stephen III. Many writers, however, call them Stephen III and

Stephen IV.

[179] Labbe, _Concil._ xii. 539.

[180] Labbe, _Concil._ xii. 543.

[181] See p. 26.

[182] The district was rich in wine, fruit, flowers, and honey.

[183] Archbishop Albert of York; see p. 84.

[184] Solomon’s Song, iv. 12—v. 2.

[185] Isaiah, lv. 1.

[186] But see p. 209.

[187] There are great difficulties in the way of accepting this statement

of a mission by Karl in 773. The passage calls Albinus _deliciosus ipsius

regis_, and is quoted by Ducange as an evidence of the use of the word.

It appears to imply a more intimate acquaintance than at that early date

there can have been.

[188] In modern times, better wine is grown near Tours than near Orleans.

The wines of Vouvray, for example, beyond Marmoutier, are much esteemed.

A waiter at Tours concedes that wine is still grown at Orleans, _mais pas

de spécialité comme ici_.

[189] The spellings of ordinary names are varied in those times almost at

will, and it is interesting to note how often the letter _h_ plays a part

in the variation.

[190] 1 Chron. xxvii. 27.

[191] Song of Songs, ii. 4. Alcuin takes on the whole the Vulgate

version. It will be seen by reference to the text and margin of the

Authorised and the Revised Versions that there is much variety in the

rendering of the Hebrew, especially as regards the word here rendered

“flowers”. The Septuagint gives a sixth meaning, “perfumes” or “unguents”.

[192] 1 Chron. xxvii. 32. Alcuin makes here an unusually bold use of

Scripture, first in taking to himself the description of David’s uncle,

Jonathan, and then in putting into his mouth a cento of phrases from

Judges xvi. 4, Jer. xlviii. 33, Prov. v. 16.

[193] This song is built up from Song of Solomon vii. 12, v. 1, 2, vii.

9, vi. 3, and Isa lv. 1.

[194] Song of Songs v. 3.

[195] Luke xi. 5, 7.

[196] 2 Sam. xxi. 1, 2.

[197] This appears to be going beyond a joke.

[198] Prov. xxv. 24.

[199] This is of course not the usually assigned derivation; but it

sounds the more reasonable of the two.

[200] Plate II.

[201] Plate III.

[202] Plate IV.

[203] Multitudo paganorum idolatriis dedita. Per cryptas et latibula cum

paucis Christianis per eumdem conversis, mysterium solemnitatis diei

Dominici clanculo celebrabat.

[204] See p. 221.

[205] For further extracts from Hadrian’s decree, see p. 228.

[206] His last testament is printed by Migne in the Appendix to the works

of Gregory of Tours, columns 1148-51. “Simul et omnes libros meos praeter

Evangeliorum librum quem scripsit Hilarius quondam Pictavensis sacerdos

quem tibi Eufronio fratri et consacerdoti dilectissimo cum prefata theca

do lego volo statuo.” This theca was one of silver, containing relics of

saints, which he used to carry about with him. Another theca, gilt, was

in his chest, with two chalices of gold and a gold cross made by Mabuin;

these he left to his church.

[207] _Gesta Regum_, i. 3.

[208] See p. 203.

[209] But see p. 50.

[210] See p. 217.

[211] Printed in _Gallia Christiana_ under Tours. See p. 228.

[212] See p. 217.

[213] It may be helpful to remember that the abbey was originally outside

the ancient Roman city, and its district was called Martinopolis. The

ancient Gallican bishoprics were bishoprics of cities rather than of

dioceses in our wide sense of the word. This may conceivably have a

bearing on the curious question raised by Hadrian.

[214] See my _Constitution of French Chapters_, Proceedings of St. Paul’s

Ecclesiological Society, Vol. III, 1895.

[215] Micah v. 5, 6.

[216] James ii. 13.

[217] We know from other sources that this “&c.” meant Most Serene

Augustus, crowned by God, great peace-making Emperor, Governor of the

Roman Empire, by the mercy of God King of the Franks and of the Lombards.

[218] The emperor irresistibly reminds us of the Eton master and the boy

who complained that his name was not that called for punishment:—

Sive tu mavis Bōsănquet vocari

Sive Bōsănquet,

Te vapulabo.

[219] That is, Theodulfus, the Bishop of Orleans.

[220] Romans xiv. 4.

[221] 1 Kings xx. 42.

[222] This refers, no doubt, to the immunity of St. Martin’s from the

intervention of the Archbishop.

[223] _Eulogias._ Wattenbach and Dümmler gloss this _cibos_. From its

original meaning of the consecrated wafer it came to mean the _pain

benit_, then any present, and then a salutation. There is no clue to its

special meaning here.

[224] The character of the Latin verse may be gathered from the closing

words of this hexameter, _est non laudabile cui nil_.

[225] In another poem Theodulf begs Queen Luitgard to send him some oil

of balsam, to enable him to compose and consecrate cream for chrism. We

must suppose that Luitgard had some special connexion with ports to which

balsams were brought.

Balsameum regina mihi transmitte liquorem,

Quo bene per populos chrismatis unguen eat.

Inde seges crescet tibimet mercedis opimae

Christicolum nomen cum dabit unguen idem.

[226] See p. 33.

[227] That is, a summary, epitome; not as yet a service-book.

[228] Ps. lxx. 14. The Vulgate, which Alcuin quotes, has more point for

his present purpose, _adiiciam super omnem laudem tuam_, “I will add Thy

praise above all praise.”

[229] Exod. xxiii. 8. Alcuin reads _corda sapientium_ where the Vulgate

has _prudentes_.

[230] The letter was written in Lent. Easter day in 800 was April 19.

[231] These were Gisla, Charlemagne’s sister, and Rodtruda, his daughter;