The very circumscribed list from which chance in 1793 and 1794 drew the

juries of the Revolutionary Tribunals, did not embrace, as the sacred

word _jury_ seems to imply, all one class of citizens. The authorities

formed it, after a prefatory and very minute inquiry, of their

adherents only. The unfortunate defendants were thus judged not by

impartial persons free from any preconceived system, but by political

enemies, which is as much as to say, by that which is the most cruel and

remorseless in the world.

Bailly would not be defended. After his appearance as a witness in the

trial of Marie Antoinette, the ex-Mayor only wrote and had printed for

circulation, a paper entitled _Bailly to his fellow-citizens_. It closes

with these affecting words:

"I have only gained by the Revolution that which my fellow-citizens have

gained: liberty and equality. I have lost by it some useful situations,

and my fortune is nearly destroyed. I could be happy with what remains

of it to me and a clear conscience; but to be happy in the repose of my

retreat, I require, my dear fellow-citizens, your esteem: I know well

that, sooner or later, you will do me justice; but I require it while I

live, and while I am yet amongst you."

Our colleague was unanimously condemned. We should despair of the

future, unless such a unanimity struck all friends of justice and

humanity with stupor, if it did not increase the number of decided

adversaries to all political tribunals.

When the President of the Tribunal interrogated the accused, already

declared guilty, as to whether he had any reclamations to make relative

to the execution of the sentence, Bailly answered:

"I have always carried out the law; I shall know how to submit myself to

it, since you are its organ."

The illustrious convict was led back to his cell.

Bailly had said in his éloge on M. de Tressan: "French gaiety produces

the same effect as stoicism." These words occurred to my memory at the

time when I was gathering from various sources the proof that on

reëntering the Conciergerie after his condemnation, Bailly showed

himself at once both gay and stoical.

He desired his nephew, M. Batbéda, to play a game at piquet with him as

usual. He thought of all the circumstances connected with the frightful

morrow with such coolness, that he even said with a smile to M. Batbéda

during the game: "Let us rest awhile, my friend, and take a pinch of

snuff; to-morrow I shall be deprived of this pleasure, for I shall have

my hands tied behind my back."

I will quote some words which, while testifying to a similar degree

Bailly's serenity of mind, are more in harmony with his grave character,

and more worthy of being preserved in history.

One of the companions of the illustrious academician's captivity, on the

evening of the 11th of November, with tears in his eyes and moved by a

tender veneration, exclaimed: "Why did you let us fancy there was a

possibility of acquittal? You deceived us then?"--Bailly answered: "No,

I was teaching you never to despair of the laws of your country."

In the paroxysms of wild despair, some of the prisoners reviewing the

past, went so far as to regret that they had never infringed the laws of

the strictest honesty.

Bailly brought back these minds, erring for the moment from the path of

duty, by repeating to them maxims which both in form and substance would

not disparage the collections of the most celebrated moralists:

"It is false, very false, that a crime can ever be useful. The trade of

an honest man is the safest, even in times of revolution. Enlightened

egotism suffices to put any intelligent individual into the path of

justice and truth. Whenever innocence can be sacrificed with impunity,

crime is not sure of succeeding. There is so great a difference between

the death of a good man and that of a wicked man, that the multitude is

incapable of estimating it."

Cannibals devouring their vanquished enemies seem to me less hideous,

less contrary to nature, than those wretches, the refuse of the

population of large towns, who, too often alas! have carried their

ferocity so far, as to disturb by their clamorous and infamous raillery

the last moments of the unhappy victims about to be struck by the sword

of the law. The more humiliating this picture of the degradation of the

human species may be, the more we should beware of overcharging the

colouring. With few exceptions, the historians of Bailly's last agony

appear to me to have forgotten this duty. Was the truth, the strict

truth, not sufficiently distressing? Was it requisite, without any sort

of proof, to impute to the mass of the people the infernal cynicism of

cannibals? Should they lightly make just sentiments of disgust and

indignation rest upon an immense class of citizens? I think not,

Gentlemen, and I will therefore avoid the cruelty and poignancy of

chaining the thoughts for a long time on such scenes; I will prove that

by rendering the drama a little less atrocious, I have only sacrificed

imaginary details, which are the envenomed fruits of the spirit of the

party.

I will not shut my ears to the questions that already hum around me.

People will say to me, What are your claims for daring to modify a page

of our revolutionary history, on which every one seemed agreed? What

right have you to weaken contemporary testimonies, you, who at the time

of Bailly's death, were scarcely born; you, who lived in an obscure

valley of the Pyrenees, two hundred and twenty leagues from the capital?

These questions do not embarrass me at all. In short, I do not ask that

the relation of what seems to me to be the expression of the truth,

should be adopted upon my word. I enumerate my proofs, I express my

doubts. Within these limits there is no one but has claims to bring

forward; the discussion is open to all the world, the public will

pronounce its definitive judgment.

As a general thesis, I will add that by concentrating our researches on

one circumscribed and special object, we have a better chance of seeing

it correctly and knowing it well, all other things being equal, than by

scattering our attention in all directions.

As to the merit of contemporaneous narratives, it seems to me very

dubious. Political passions do not allow us to see objects in their real

dimensions, nor in their true forms, nor in their natural colours.

Moreover, have not unpublished and very valuable documents come to shed

bright colours, just where the spirit of party had spread a thick veil?

The account that Riouffe gave of the death of Bailly has almost blindly

led all the historians of our revolution. What does it consist of "at

bottom." The prisoner of la Conciergerie said it himself; of tales

related by executioners' valets, repeated by turnkeys.

I would willingly allow this account to be set against me,

notwithstanding the horrid sewer from which Riouffe had been obliged to

draw, if it were not evident that this clever writer saw all the

revolutionary events through the just anger that an ardent and active

young man must feel after an iniquitous imprisonment; if this current of

sentiments and ideas had not led him into some manifest errors.

Who has not, for example, read with tears in their eyes, in the

_Mémoires sur les Prisons_, what the author relates of the fourteen

girls of Verdun? "Of those girls," he said, "of unparalleled fairness,

and who appeared like young virgins dressed for a public fête. They

disappeared," added Riouffe, "all at once, and were mowed down in the

spring of life. The court occupied by the women the day after their

death, had the appearance of a garden that had been despoiled of its

flowers by a storm. I have never seen amongst us a despair equal to that

excited by this barbarity."

Far be from me the intention to weaken the painful feelings which the

catastrophe related by Riouffe must naturally inspire; but every one has

remarked that the report of this writer is very circumstantial; the

author appears to have seen all with his own eyes. Yet he has been

guilty of the gravest inaccuracy.

Out of the fourteen unfortunate women who were sentenced after Verdun

was retaken from the Prussians, two girls of seventeen years of age were

not condemned to death on account of their youth.

This first circumstance was well worth recording. Let us go farther. A

historian having lately consulted the official journals of that epoch,

and the bulletin of the Revolutionary Tribunal, discovered with some

surprise that among the twelve _young girls_ who were condemned, there

were seven either married or widows, whose ages varied from forty-one to

sixty-nine!

Contemporary accounts then, even those of Riouffe, may be submitted

without irreverence to earnest discussion. When a tenth part of the

funds annually devoted to researches in and examination of old

chronicles, is applied to making extracts from the registers relative to

the French Revolution, we shall certainly see many other hideous

circumstances that revolt the soul, disappear from our contemporary

history. Look at the massacres of September! The historians most in

vogue report the number of victims that fell in that butchery to have

been from six to twelve thousand; whilst a writer who has lately taken

the trouble to analyze the prison registers in the gaoler's books,

cannot make the whole amount to one thousand. Even this number is very

large; but, for my part, I thank the author of this recent publication

for having reduced the number of assassinations in September to less

than a tenth part of what had been generally admitted.

When the discussion which I have here undertaken becomes known to the

public, it will be seen how many and how important are the retrenchments

to be made from that lugubrious page of our history. Another important

circumstance may be appreciated, which appears to me to arise from all

these facts. After having weighed my proofs, every one I hope will join

me in seeing that the wretches around the scaffold of Bailly were but

the refuse of the population, fulfilling for pay the part that had been

assigned them by three or four wealthy cannibals.

The sentence pronounced against Bailly by the Revolutionary Tribunal was

to be executed on the 12th of November, 1793. The reminiscences recently

published by a fellow-prisoner of our colleague, the reminiscences of M.

Beugnot, will enable us to penetrate into the Conciergerie, on the

morning of that inauspicious day.

Bailly had risen early, after having slept as usual, the sleep of the

just. He took some chocolate, and conversed a long time with his

nephew. The young man was a prey to despair, but the illustrious

prisoner preserved all his serenity. The previous evening in returning

from the Tribunal, he remarked, with admirable coolness, though

springing from a certain disquietude, "that the spectators of his trial

had been strongly excited against him. I fear," he added, "that the mere

execution of the sentence will no longer satisfy them, which might be

dangerous in its consequences. Perhaps the police will provide against

it." These reflections having recurred to Bailly's mind on the 12th, he

asked for, and drank hastily, two cups of coffee without milk. These

precautions were a sinister omen. To his friends who surrounded him at

this awful moment, and were sobbing aloud, he said, "Be calm; I have

rather a difficult journey to perform, and I distrust my constitution.

Coffee excites and reanimates; I hope, however, to reach the end

properly."

Noon had just struck. Bailly addressed a last and tender adieu to his

companions in captivity, wished them a better fate, followed the

executioner without weakness as well as without bravado, mounted the

fatal cart, his hands tied behind his back. Our colleague was accustomed

to say: "We must entertain a bad opinion of those who, in their dying

moments, have not a look to cast behind them." Bailly's last look was

towards his wife. A gendarme of the escort feelingly listened to his

last words, and faithfully repeated them to his widow. The procession

reached the entrance to the Champ de Mars, on the side towards the

river, at a quarter past one o'clock. This was the place where,

according to the words of the sentence, the scaffold had been raised.

The blinded crowd collected there, furiously exclaimed that the sacred

ground of the Champ de la Fédération should not be soiled by the

presence and by the blood of him whom they called a great criminal. Upon

their demand (I had almost said their orders), the scaffold was taken

down again, and carried piecemeal into one of the fosses, where it was

put up afresh. Bailly remained the stern witness of these frightful

preparations, and of these infernal clamours. Not one complaint escaped

from his lips. Rain had been falling all the morning; it was cold; it

drenched the body, and especially the bare head, of the venerable man. A

wretch saw that he was shivering, and cried out to him, _"Thou

tremblest, Bailly."_--"_I am cold, my friend_," mildly answered the

victim. These were his last words.

Bailly descended into the moat, where the executioner burnt before him

the red flag of the 17th July; he then with a firm step mounted the

scaffold. Let us have the courage to say it, when the head of our

venerable colleague fell, the paid witnesses whom this horrid execution

had assembled on the Champ de Mars burst into infamous acclamations.

I had announced a faithful recital of the martyrdom of Bailly; I have

kept my word. I said that I should banish many circumstances without

reality, and that the drama would thus become less atrocious. If I am to

trust your aspect, I have not accomplished the second part of my

promise. The imagination perhaps cannot reach beyond the cruel facts on

which I have been obliged to dilate. You ask what I can have retrenched

from former relations, whilst what remains is so deplorable.

The order for execution addressed by Fouquier Tinville to the

executioner has been seen by several persons now living. They all

declare that if it differs from the numerous orders of a similar nature

that the wretch sent off daily, it was only by the substitution of the

following words: "Esplanade du Champ de Mars," for the usual designation

of "Place de la Revolution." Now, the Revolutionary Tribunal has

deserved many anathemas, but I never remarked its being reproached with

not having known how to enforce obedience.

I felt myself relieved from an immense weight, Gentlemen, when I could

dispel from my thoughts the image of a melancholy march on foot of two

hours, because with it there disappeared two hours of corporeal

ill-usage, which, according to those same accounts, our virtuous

colleague must have endured from the Conciergerie to the Champ de Mars.

An illustrious writer asserts that they conducted Bailly to the Place de

la Revolution, that the scaffold there was taken to pieces on the

multitude demanding it, and that the victim was then led to the Champ de

Mars. This relation is not correct. The sentence expressed in positive

terms, that, as an exception, the Square of the Revolution was not to be

the scene of Bailly's execution. The procession went direct to the place

designated.

The historian already quoted affirms that the scaffold on being put up

again on the bank of the Seine was erected on a heap of rubbish; that

this operation lasted some hours, and that Bailly meanwhile was drawn

round the Champ de Mars several times.

These promenades are imaginary. Those men who on the arrival of the

lugubrious procession vociferated that the presence of the old Mayor of

Paris would soil the Champ de la Fédération, could not the next minute

force him to make the circuit of it. In fact, the illustrious victim

remained in the road. The cruel idea, so knowingly attributed to the

actors of those hideous scenes, to raise the fatal instrument on a heap

of rubbish on the river bank, so that Bailly might in his last moments

see the house at Chaillot where he had composed his works, was so far

from occurring to the mind of the multitude, that the sentence was

executed in the moat between two walls.

I have not thought it my duty, Gentlemen, to represent the condemned man

forced to carry some parts of the scaffold himself, because he had his

hands tied behind his back. In my recital nobody waves the burning red

flag over Bailly's head, because this barbarity is not mentioned in the

narratives, otherwise so shocking, drawn up by some friends of our

colleague shortly after the event; nor have I consented, with the author

of _The History of the French Revolution_, to represent one of the

soldiers forming the escort asking the question that led the victim to

make, we must say so, the theatrical answer: "Yes, I tremble, but it is

with cold;" but the more touching answer, so characteristic of Bailly;

"Yes, my friend, I am cold."

Far be it from me, Gentlemen, to suppose that no soldier in the world

would be capable of a despicable and culpable act. I do not ask,

assuredly, the suppression of all courts-martial; but to be induced to

attribute to a man dressed in a military uniform, a personal part in

this frightful drama, proofs or contemporary testimonies would be

required, of which I have found no trace.

If the fact had occurred, its results would certainly have become known

to the public. I take to witness an event which is found related in

Bailly's Memoirs.

On the 22d of July, 1789, on the square of the Hôtel de Ville, a dragoon

with his sabre mutilated the corpse of Berthier. His comrades, feeling

outraged by this barbarity, all showed themselves instantly resolved to

fight him in succession, and so wash out in his blood the disgrace he

had thrown on the whole corps. The dragoon fought that same evening and

was killed.

In his _History of Prisons_, Riouffe says that "Bailly exhausted the

ferocity of the populace, of whom he had been the idol, and was basely

abandoned by the people, though they had never ceased to esteem him."

Nearly the same idea is found expressed in _The History of the

Revolution_, and in several other works.

What is called the populace rarely read and did not write. To attack it

and calumniate it therefore was a convenient thing, since no refutation

need to be feared. I am far from supposing that the historians whose

works I have quoted, ever gave way to such considerations; but I affirm,

with entire certainty, that they have deceived themselves. In the

sanguinary drama that has been unrolled before your eyes, the atrocities

had a quite different source from the sentiments common to the

barbarians that were swarming in the dregs of society and always ready

to soil it with every crime; in plainer words, it is not to the

unfortunate people who have neither property, nor capital, living by the

work of their hands, to the _prolétaires_, that we are to impute the

deplorable incidents which marked Bailly's last moments. To put forward

an opinion so remote from received opinions, is imposing on one's self

the duty of proving its truth.

After his condemnation, our colleague exclaimed, says La Fayette: "I die

for the sitting of the Jeu de Paume, and not for the fatal day at the

Champ de Mars." I do not here intend to expound these mysterious words

in the glimpses they give us by a half-light; but, whatever meaning we

may attribute to them, it is evident that the sentiments and passions of

the lower class have no share in them; it is a point beyond discussion.

On reëntering the Conciergerie, the evening before his death, Bailly

spoke of the efforts that must have been made to excite the passions of

the auditors, who followed the various phases of his trial. Factitious

excitement is always the produce of corruption. The working classes are

without money;, they then cannot have been the corruptors or direct

promoters of the distressing scenes of which Bailly complained.

The implacable enemies of the former President of the National Assembly

had procured for pay some auxiliaries among the turnkeys of the

Conciergerie. M. Beugnot informs us that when the venerable magistrate

was consigned to the gendarmes who were to conduct him to the Tribunal,

"these wretches pushed him violently, sending him from one to the other

like a drunken man, calling out: _Hold there, Bailly! Catch, Bailly,

there!_ and that they laughed and shouted at the grave demeanour the

philosopher maintained amidst the insults of those cannibals."

To confirm my statement that these violences (in comparison with which,

in truth, those of the Champ de Mars lose their virulence,) were

fomented by pay, I have more than the formal declaration of our

colleague's fellow prisoner. For in fact I find that no other prisoner

or convict underwent such treatment; not even the man called the

Admiral, when he was taken to the Conciergerie for having attempted to

assassinate Collot-d'Herbois.

Besides, it is not only on indirect considerations that my decided

opinion is founded relative to the intervention of rich and influential

people in those scenes of indescribable barbarity on the Champ de Mars.

Mérard St. Just, the intimate friend of Bailly, has alluded by his

initials to a wretch who, the very day of our colleague's death,

publicly boasted of having electrified the few acolytes who, together

with him, insisted on the removal of the scaffold; the day after the

execution, the meeting of the Jacobins reëchoed with the name of another

individual of the Gros Caillou, who also claimed his share of influence

in the crime.

I have progressively unrolled before you the series of events in our

revolution, in which Bailly took an active part; I have scrupulously

searched out the smallest circumstances of the deplorable affair on the

Champ de Mars; I have followed our colleague in his proscription to the

Revolutionary Tribunal, and to the foot of the scaffold. We had seen him

before, surrounded by esteem, by respect, and by glory, in the bosom of

our principal academies. Yet the work is not complete; several essential

traits are still wanting.

I will therefore claim a few more minutes of your kind attention. The

moral life of Bailly is like those masterpieces of ancient sculpture,

that deserve to be studied in every point of view, and in which new

beauties are continually discovered, in proportion as the contemplation

is prolonged.

PORTRAIT OF BAILLY.--HIS WIFE.

Nature did not endow Bailly generously with those exterior advantages

that please us at first sight. He was tall and thin. His visage

compressed, his eyes small and sunk, his nose regular, but of unusual

length, and a very brown complexion, constituted an imposing whole,

severe and almost glacial. Fortunately, it was easy to perceive through

this rough bark, the inexhaustible benevolence of the good man; the

kindness that always accompanies a serene mind, and even some rudiments

of gayety.

Bailly early endeavoured to model his conduct on that of the Abbé de

Lacaille, who directed his first steps in the career of astronomy. And

therefore it will be found that in transcribing five or six lines of the

very feeling eulogy that the pupil dedicated to the memory of his

revered master, I shall have made known at the same time many of the

characteristic traits of the panegyrist:

"He was cold and reserved towards those of whom he knew little; but

gentle, simple, equable, and familiar in the intercourse of friendship.

It is there that, throwing off the grave exterior which he wore in

public, he gave himself up to a peaceful and amiable gayety."

The resemblance between Bailly and Lacaille goes no farther. Bailly

informs us that the great astronomer proclaimed truth on all occasions,

without disquieting himself as to whom it might wound. He would not

consent to put vice at its ease, saying:

"If good men thus showed their indignation, bad men being known, and

vice unmasked, could no longer do harm, and virtue would be more

respected." This Spartan morality could not accord with Bailly's

character; he admired but did not adopt it.

Tacitus took as a motto: "To say nothing false, to omit nothing true."

Our colleague contented himself in society with the first half of the

precept. Never did mockery, bitterness, or severity issue from his lips.

His manners were a medium between those of Lacaille and the manners of

another academician who had succeeded in not making a single enemy, by

adopting the two axioms: "Every thing is possible, and everybody is in

the right."

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