"In wedlock a species of lottery lies,
Where in blanks and in prizes we deal."
No. CXVII.
The Archbishop of Cambray, the amiable Fenelon, has remarked, that God
shows us the high value he sets upon time, by giving us, in absolute
possession, one instant only, leaving us, in utter uncertainty, if we
shall ever have another. And yet, so little are we disturbed, by this
truly momentous consideration, that, long before the breath is fairly out
of the old year's body, we are found busily occupied, in gathering
chaplets, for the brows of the new one.
The early Christians were opposed to New Year's Gifts, as fixedly, as some
of the latter Christians are opposed to the song and the dance. But I am
inclined to believe the rising generation will take steps, very like their
fathers--that light fantastic tongues and toes, will continue to wag, to
all eternity--and that the unmusical and rheumatic will deplore over such
heterodox and ungodly proceedings, till the world shall be no more.
The New Year's gifts of the Romans were, originally, exceedingly simple.
Sprigs of vervain, gathered in a wood, consecrated to Strenia, the goddess
of Strength, somehow or other, came into favor, and were accounted of good
omen. A custom arose of sending these sprigs about the neighborhood, as
tokens of friendship, on New Year's day; and these trifling remembrancers
obtained the name of _Strenae_. These sprigs of vervain, ere long, wore out
their welcome; and were followed, in after years, by presents of dates,
figs and honey. Clients thus complimented their patrons; and, before many
anniversaries, the coin of Rome began to mingle with the donative,
whatever it might be; and, very soon, the advantage of the receiver came
less to be consulted, than the reputation of him, who gave.
When I contemplate those ample storehouses of all, that is gorgeous and
glittering--those receptacles of useless finery, which nobody actually
wants--and, at the same time, reflect upon all that I know, and much that
I conjecture, of the necessities and distresses of mankind, I am not
certain, that it may not be wise to resume the earlier custom of the
Romans, and embody, in certain cases, our annual tokens of friendship and
good will, in such useful materials, as _figs, dates and honey_.
Are there not individuals, who, upon the reception of some gaudy and
expensive bagatelle, are ready to exclaim, with the cock in AEsop--"_I had
rather have one grain of dear, delicious, barley, than all the jewels
under the sun!_"
I am not so utopian, as to anticipate any immediate or very extensive
reformation, in this practice, which, excellent as it is, when restrained
within reasonable bounds, is, unquestionably, under certain circumstances,
productive of evil. It is not to be expected, that expensive _bijoux_, for
new year's gifts, will speedily give place to _sugar and molasses_. But
there are cases, not a few, when, upon a new year's day, the wealthy
giver, without paining the recipient, may convert the annual compliment,
into something better than a worthless toy--a fantastical token of
ostentatious remembrance.
The Christian world has settled down, at last, upon the first of January,
as New Year's day. It was not always thus; and, even now, no little
difficulty occurs, in our attempts to refer historical events to
particular years. We can do no better, perhaps, than to devote this number
to a brief exposition of this difficulty.
Every schoolboy knows, that Romulus divided the year into ten months. The
first was March, and, from March to December, they have retained their
original names, for some six and twenty centuries, excepting the fifth and
sixth month, which, from _Quintilis_ and _Sextilis_, have been changed, in
honor of _Julius_ and _Augustus_.
Numa added two months, _Januarius_ and _Februarius_. Numa's year consisted
therefore of twelve months, according to the moon's course. But Numa's
lunar year did not agree with the course of the sun, and he therefore
introduced, every other year, an _intercalary_ month, between the 23d and
24th of February. The length of this month was decided by the priests, who
lengthened or shortened the year, to suit their convenience. Cicero, in a
letter to Atticus, x. 17, writes, in strong disfavor, of Numa's calendar.
Julius Caesar, with the aid of Sosigenes of Alexandria, adjusted this
astronomical account. To bring matters into order, Suetonius, in his life
of Julius Caesar, 40, says, they were constrained to make one final year of
fifteen months, to close the confusion.
Hence arose the Julian or Solar year, the year of the Christian world. The
"_alteration of the style_" is only an amendment of the Julian calendar,
in one particular, by Pope Gregory, in 1582. In 325, A. D., the vernal
equinox occurred March 21, and in 1582 it occurred March 10. He called the
astronomers to council, and, by their advice, obliterated ten days from
the current year, between October 4, and 15.
These ten days make the difference, from 1582 to February 29, 1700. From
March 1, 1700, to February 29, 1800, eleven days were required, and from
March 1, 1800, to February 29, 1900, twelve days. In all Roman Catholic
countries, this alteration of the style was instantly adopted; but not in
Great Britain, till 1752. The Greeks and Russians have never adopted the
Gregorian alteration of the style.
The commencement of the year has been assigned to very different periods.
In some of the Italian states, as recently as 1745, the year has been
taken to commence, at the Annunciation, March 25. Writers of the sixth
century have, occasionally, like the Romans, considered March 1 as New
Year's day. Charles IX. by a special edict, in 1563, decreed, that the
year should be considered to commence, on the first of January. In
Germany, about the eleventh century, the year commenced at Christmas. Such
was the practice, in modern Rome, and other Italian cities, as late as the
fifteenth century.
Gervais of Canterbury, who lived early in the thirteenth century, states,
that all writers of his country considered Christmas the true beginning of
the year. In Great Britain, from the twelfth century, till the alteration
of the style in 1752, the Annunciation, or March 25, was commonly
considered the first day of the year. After this, the year was taken to
commence, on the first of January.
The Chaldaean and Egyptian years commenced with the Autumnal equinox. The
Japanese and the Chinese date their year from the new moon, nearest the
Winter solstice.
As Diemschid, king of Persia, entered Persepolis, the sun happened to be
entering into Aries. In commemoration of this coincidence, he decreed,
that the year should change front, and commence, forever more, in the
Vernal, instead of the Autumnal equinox. The Swedish year, of old, began,
most happily, at the Winter solstice, or at the time of the sun's
reaeppearance in the horizon, after the usual _quarantine_, or absence of
forty days. The Turks and Arabs date the advent of their year, upon the
sixteenth of July.
In our own country, the year, in former times, commenced in March. In the
Mass. Hist. Coll., vol. xvii. p. 136, may be found certain votes, passed
in Boston, Nov. 30, 1635, among which is the following--"_that all such as
have allotments for habitations allotted unto them, shall build thereon,
before the first of the first month next, called March_." In Johnson's
Wonder-working Providence, ch. 27, the writer says of the Boston pilgrims,
in 1633: "Thus this poor people, having now tasted liberally of the
salvation of the Lord, &c. &c., set apart the 16 day of October, which
they call the _eighth Moneth_, not out of any pevish humor of singularity,
as some are ready to censor them with, but of purpose to prevent the
Heathenish and Popish observation of Dayes, Moneths, and Yeares, that they
may be forgotten, among the people of the Lord." If October was their
_eighth_ month, March was necessarily their _first_. Whatever the
practice may have been, in this respect, it was by no means universal, in
New England, during a considerable period, before the alteration of the
style in 1752.
A reference to the record will show, that, until 1752, the old style was
adhered to, by the courts, in this country, and the 25th of March was
considered to be New Year's day. But it was not so with the public
journals. Thus the Boston News Letter, the Boston Gazette, the New England
Courant and other journals, existing here, before the adoption of the new
style, in Great Britain, in 1752, considered the year, as commencing on
the first of January.
Private individuals very frequently did the same thing. At this moment, a
letter from Peter Faneuil is lying at my elbow, addressed to Messrs. Lane
and Smethurst of London, bearing date January 1, 1739, at the close of
which he wishes his correspondents _a happy new year_, showing, that the
first of January, for ordinary purposes, and in common parlance, was
accounted New Year's day.
The little people, of both sexes, would, doubtless, have voted for the
adoption of the old style and of the new; in other words, for having two
new year's days, in every year. They would have been as much delighted
with the conceit, as was Rousseau, with the pleasant fancy of St. Pierre,
who wrote, from the Isle of France, to a friend in Paris, that he had
enjoyed two summers in one year; the perusal of which letter induced
Rousseau, to seek the acquaintance of the author of Paul and Virginia.
No. CXVIII.
Dion remarks, while speaking of Trajan--_he that lies in a golden urn,
eminently above the earth, is not likely to rest in peace_. The same thing
may be affirmed of him, who has raised himself, eminently above his peers,
wherever he may lie. During the Roman Catholic rage for relics, the graves
were ransacked, and numberless sinners, to supply the demand, were dug up
for saints. Sooner or later, the finger of curiosity, under some plausible
pretext, will lift the coffin lid; or the foot of political sacrilege will
trample upon the ashes of him, whom a former generation had delighted to
honor; or the motiveless spirit of mischief will violate the sanctity of
the tomb.
When Charles I. was buried, in the same vault with Henry VIII. and Anne
Boleyn, a soldier, as Wood relates, in his Athenae Oxonienses, vol. iv. p.
39, Lond. 1820, attempted to steal a royal bone, which was afterwards
found upon his person, and, which he said, upon examination, he had
designed, for a handle to his knife.
John Milton died, according to the respective accounts of Mitford,
Johnson, and Hayley, on the 8th--about the 10th--or on the 15th of
November, 1674. He was buried, in the chancel of St. Giles, Cripplegate.
In the London Monthly Magazine, for August, 1833, there appeared an
extract from the diary of General Murray, giving a particular account of
the desecration of Milton's remains. The account was given to General
Murray, at a dinner party, Aug. 23, 1790, by Mr. Thornton, who received
it, from an eye-witness of the transaction. The church of St. Giles
requiring repairs, the occasion was thought a proper one, to place a
monument, over the body of Milton. Messieurs Strong, Cole, and others, of
that parish, sought for, and discovered, the leaden coffin, the outer
coffin of wood having mouldered away. Having settled the question of
identity, these persons replaced the coffin, and ordered the workmen to
fill up the grave. The execution of this order was postponed, for several
days. In the interim, some of the parish, whose names are given, by
General Murray, having dined together, and become partially drunk,
resolved to examine the body; and proceeded, with lights, to the church.
With a mallet and chisel, they cut open the coffin, rolled back the lead,
and gazed upon the bones of John Milton! General Murray's diary shall
relate the residue of a proceeding, which might call the rouge to the
cheeks of a Vandal:--
"The hair was in an astonishingly perfect state; its color a light brown,
its length six inches and a half, and, although somewhat clotted, it
appeared, after having been well washed, as strong as the hair of a living
being. Fountain said he was determined to have two of his teeth; but as
they resisted the pressure of his fingers, he struck the jaw, with a
paving stone, and several teeth then fell out. There were only five in the
upper jaw, and these were taken by Fountain; the four, that were in the
lower jaw, were seized upon, by Taylor, Hawkesworth, and the sexton's man.
The hair, which had been carefully combed, and tied together, before the
interment, was forcibly pulled off the skull, by Taylor and another; but
Ellis, the player, who had now joined the party, told the former, that
being a good hair-worker, if he would let him have it, he would pay a
guinea-bowl of punch. Ellis, therefore, became possessed of all the hair:
he likewise took a part of the shroud, and a bit of the skin of the skull:
indeed, he was only prevented from carrying off the head, by the sextons,
Hoppy and Grant, who said, that they intended to exhibit the remains,
which was afterwards done, each person paying sixpence to view the body.
These fellows, I am told, gained near one hundred pounds, by the
exhibition. Laming put one of the leg-bones in his pocket."
After reading this short, shameless record, one half inclines to
cremation; even if, instead of being enshrined or inurned, our dust be
given, in fee simple, to the winds. How forcibly the words of Sir Thomas
ring in our ears--"_To be gnawed out of our graves, to have our skulls
made drinking bowls, and our bones turned into pipes, to delight and sport
our enemies, are tragical abominations, escaped in burning burials_." The
account from General Murray's diary, and at greater length, may be found
also, in the appendix to Mitford's life of Milton, in the octavo edition
of his poetical works, Cambridge, Mass., 1839.
Great indignation has lately been excited, in England, against a vampyre
of a fellow, named Blore, who is said to have destroyed one half of
Dryden's monument, and defaced Ben Jonson's, and Cowley's, in Westminster
Abbey. Inquiring after motive, in such cases, is much like raking the
ashes, after a conflagration, to find the originating spark. There is a
motive, doubtless, in some by-corner of the brain; whether a man burns the
temple, at Ephesus; or spears the elephant of Judas Maccabaeus, with
certain death to himself; or destroys the Barberrini vase. The motive was
avowed, on the trial, in a similar case, by a young man, who, some years
ago, shot a menagerie elephant, while passing through a village, in the
State of Maine, to be a wish "_to see how a fellow would feel, who killed
an elephant_."
Dryden's, and Cowley's monuments are on the left of Ben Jonson's, and
before you, as you approach the Poet's Corner. Dryden's monument is a
lofty affair, with an arch and a bust, and is thus inscribed: "J. Dryden,
born 1632, died May 1, 1700.--John Sheffield, Duke of Buckingham, erected
this monument, 1720." It is not commonly known, that the original bust was
changed, by the Duchess, for one of very superior workmanship, which, of
course, is the one mutilated by Blore. The monument, erected by George,
Duke of Buckingham, to Cowley, is a pedestal, bearing an urn, decorated
with laurel, and with a pompous and unmeaning epitaph, in Latin
hexameters. If Blore understood the language, perhaps he considered these
words, upon the tablet, a challenge--
--------Quis temerarius ausit--
Sacrilega turbare manu venerabile bustum.
The monument of Ben Jonson is an elegant tablet, with a festoon of masks,
and the inscription--_Oh rare Ben Jonson!_ It stands before you, when
Dryden's and Cowley's are upon your left, and is next to that of Samuel
Butler. In the north aisle of the nave, there is a stone, about eighteen
inches square, bearing the same inscription. In the "History of
Westminster Abbey," 4to ed Lond. 1812, vol. ii. p. 95, note, it is stated,
that "Dart says one Young, afterwards a Knight in the time of Charles II.,
of Great Milton, in Oxfordshire, placed a stone over the grave of Ben
Jonson, which cost eighteen pence, with the above inscription:" but it is
not stated, that the stone, now there, is the same.
Dr. Johnson, in his Life of Dryden, recites what he terms "_a wild story,
relating to some vexatious events, that happened, at his funeral_."
Dryden's widow, and his son, Charles, had accepted the offer of Lord
Halifax, to pay the expenses of the funeral, and five hundred pounds, for
a monument. The company came--the corpse was placed in a velvet
hearse--eighteen coaches were in attendance, filled with mourners.--As
they were about to move, the young Lord Jeffries, son of the Chancellor,
with a band of rakes, coming by, and learning that the funeral was
Dryden's, said the ornament of the nation should not so be buried, and
proceeded, accompanied by his associates, in a body, to wait upon the
widow, and beg her to permit him to bear the expense of the interment, and
to pay one thousand pounds, for a monument, in the Abbey.
The gentlemen in the coaches, being ignorant of the liberal offers of the
Dean and Lord Halifax, readily descended from their carriages, and
attended Lord Jeffries and his party to the bedside of the lady, who was
sick, where he repeated his offers; and, upon her positive refusal, got
upon his knees, as did the whole party; and he there swore that he would
not rise, till his entreaty was granted. At length, affecting to
understand some word of the lady's, as giving permission, he rushed out,
followed by the rest, proclaiming her consent, and ordered the corpse to
be left at Russell's, an undertaker's, in Cheapside, till he gave orders
for its embalmment. During this proceeding, the Abbey having been lighted
up, Lord Halifax and the Dean, who was also Bishop of Rochester, to use
the tea-table phrase, waited and waited, and waited. The ground was
opened, the choir attending, and an anthem set. When Mr. Dryden went, next
day, to offer excuses, neither Lord Halifax, nor the Dean, would accept of
any apology. After waiting three days for orders, the undertaker called on
Lord Jeffries, who said he knew nothing about it, and that it was only a
tipsy frolic, and that the undertaker might do what he pleased with the
corpse. The undertaker threatened to set the corpse before the widow's
door. She begged a day's respite. Mr. Charles Dryden wrote to Lord
Jeffries, who replied, that he knew nothing about it. He then addressed
the Dean and Lord Halifax, who refused to have anything to do with it. He
then challenged Lord Jeffries, who refused to fight. He went himself, and
was refused admittance. He then resolved to horsewhip his Lordship; upon
notice of which design, the latter left town. In the midst of this misery,
Dr. Garth sent for the body, to be brought to the college of physicians;
proposed a subscription; and set a noble example. The body was finally
buried, about three weeks after the decease, and Dr. Garth pronounced a
fine Latin oration. At the close of the narrative, which, as repeated by
Dr. Johnson, covers more than three octavo pages of Murphy's edition, the
Doctor remarks, that he once intended to omit it entirely, and that he had
met with no confirmation, but in a letter of Farquhar's.
The tale is simply alluded to, by Gorton, and told, at some length, by
Chalmers. Both, however, consider it a fabrication, by Mrs. Thomas, the
authoress, whom Dryden styled _Corinna_, and whom Pope lampooned, in his
comatose and vicious performance, the Dunciad, probably because she
provoked his wrath, by publishing his letters to H. Cromwell.
In the earlier editions of the Encyclopaedia Britannica, the tale is told,
as sober matter of fact: in the last, Napier's, of 1842, it is wholly
omitted. Malone, in his Life of Dryden, page 347, ascribes the whole to
Mrs. Thomas.
Dryden died, in 1700. The first four volumes of Johnson's Lives of the
Poets, containing Dryden's, went to the press in 1779. Considering the
nature of this outrage; the eminence, not only of the dead, but of some of
the living, whose names are involved; its alleged publicity; and its
occurrence in the very city, where all the parties flourished; it is
remarkable, that this "_wild story_," as Johnson fitly calls it, should
have obtained any credit, and survived for nine-and-seventy years.
No. CXIX.
Deeply to be commiserated are all those, who have not read, from beginning
to end, the writings of the immortal Oliver--a repast, _ab ovo usque ad
mala_, to be swallowed, and inwardly digested, while our intellectual
stomachs are young and vigorous, and to be regurgitated, and chewed over,
a thousand times, when the almond tree begins to flourish, and even the
grasshopper becomes a burden. Who does not remember his story of the
Chinese matron--the widow with the great fan!
The original of this pleasant tale is not generally known. The brief
legend, related by Goldsmith, is an imperfect epitome of an interesting
story, illustrating the power of magic, among the followers of Laou-keun,
the founder of a religious sect, in China, resembling that of Epicurus.
The original tale was translated from the Chinese, by Pere Dentrecolles,
who was at the head of the French missionaries, in China, and died at
Pekin, in 1741. The following liberal version, from the French, which may,
perhaps, be better called a paraphrase, will not fail, I think, to
interest the reader.
Wealth, and all the blessings it can procure, for man, are brief and
visionary. Honors, glory, fame are gaudy clouds, that flit by, and are
gone. The ties of blood are easily broken; affection is a dream. The most
deadly hate may occupy the heart, which held the warmest love. A yoke is
not worth wearing, though wrought of gold. Chains are burdensome, though
adorned with jewels. Let us purge our minds; calm our passions; curb our
wishes; and set not our hearts upon a vain world. Let our highest aim be
liberty--pleasure.
Chuang-tsze took unto himself a wife, whose youth and beauty seduced him
from the busy world. He retired, among the delightful scenery of Soong,
his native province, and gave himself up, entirely, to the delights of
philosophy and love. A sovereign, who had become acquainted with the fame
of Chuang-tsze, for superior wisdom, invited him to become his wuzzeer, or
prime minister. Chuang-tsze declined, in the language of parable--"A
heifer," said he, "pampered for the sacrifice, and decked with ornaments,
marched triumphantly along, looking, as she passed, with mingled pride and
contempt, upon some humble oxen, that were yoked to the plough. She
proudly entered the temple--but when she beheld the knife, and
comprehended that she was a victim, how gladly would she have exchanged
conditions with the humblest of those, upon whom she had so lately looked
down with pity and contempt."
Chuang-tsze walked by the skirts of the mountain, absorbed in thought--he
suddenly came among many tombs--the city of the dead. "Here then," he
exclaimed, "all are upon a level--caste is unknown--the philosopher and
the fool sleep, side by side. This is eternity! From the sepulchre there
is no return!"
He strolled among the tombs; and, erelong, perceived a grave, that had
been recently made. The mound of moistened clay was not yet thoroughly
dry. By the side of that grave sat a young woman, clad in the deepest
mourning. With a white fan, of large proportions, she was engaged, in
fanning the earth, which covered this newly made grave. Chuang-tsze was
amazed; and, drawing near, respectfully inquired, who was the occupant of
that grave, and why this mourning lady was so strangely employed. Tears
dropped from her eyes, as she uttered a few inaudible words, without
rising, or ceasing to fan the grave. The curiosity of Chuang-tsze was
greatly excited--he ascribed her manner, not to fear, but to some inward
sense of shame--and earnestly besought her to explain her motives, for an
act, so perfectly novel and mysterious.
After a little embarrassment, she replied, as follows: "Sir, you behold a
lone woman--death has deprived me of my beloved husband--this grave
contains his precious remains. Our love was very great for each other. In
the hour of death, his agony, at the thought of parting from me, was
immoderate. These were his dying words--'My beloved, should you ever think
of a second marriage, it is my dying request, that you remain a widow, at
least till my grave is thoroughly dry; then you have my permission to
marry whomsoever you will.' And now, as the earth, which is quite damp
still, will take a long time to dry, I thought I would fan it a little, to
dissipate the moisture."
Chuang-tsze made great efforts, to suppress a strong disposition to laugh
outright, in the woman's face. "She is in a feverish haste," thought he.
"What a hypocrite, to talk of their mutual affection! If such be love,
what a time there would have been, had they hated each other."
"Madam," said the philosopher, "you are desirous, that this grave should
dry, as soon as possible; but, with your feeble strength, it will require
a long time, to accomplish it; let me assist you." She expressed her deep
sense of the obligation, and rising, with a profound courtesy, handed the
philosopher a spare fan, which she had brought with her. Chuang-tsze, who
possessed the power of magic, struck the ground with the fan repeatedly;
and it soon became perfectly dry. The widow appeared greatly surprised,
and delighted, and presented the philosopher with the fan, and a silver
bodkin, which she drew from her tresses. He accepted the fan only; and the
lady retired, highly gratified, with the speedy accomplishment of her
object.
Chuang-tsze remained, for a brief space, absorbed in thought; and, at
length, returned slowly homeward, meditating, by the way, upon this
extraordinary adventure. He sat down in his apartment, and, for some time,
gazed, in silence, upon the fan. At length, he exclaimed--"Who, after
having witnessed this occurrence, can hesitate to draw the inference, that
marriage is one of the modes, by which the doctrine of the metempsychosis
is carried out. People, who have hated each other heartily, in some prior
condition of being, are made man and wife, for the purpose of mutual
vexation--that is it, undoubtedly."
The wife of the philosopher had approached him, unobserved; and, hearing
his last words, and noticing the fan, which he was still earnestly gazing
upon--"Pray, be so good, as to inform me," said she, "what is the meaning
of all this; and where, I should like to know, did you obtain that fine
fan, which appears to interest you so much?" Chuang-tsze, very faithfully,
narrated to his wife the story of the young widow, and all the
circumstances, which had taken place, at the tomb.
As soon as the philosopher had finished the narrative, his wife, her
countenance inflamed with the severest indignation, broke forth, with a
torrent of contemptuous expressions, and unmeasured abuse, against the
abominable, young widow. She considered her a scandal to her sex. "Aye,"
she exclaimed, "this vile widow must be a perfect monster, devoid of every
particle of feeling."
"Alas," said the philosopher, "while the husband is in the flesh, there is
no wife, that is not ready to flatter and caress him--but no sooner is the
breath out of his body, than she seizes her fan, and forthwith proceeds to
dry up his grave."
This greatly excited the ire of his wife--"How dare you talk in this
outrageous manner," said she, "of the whole sex? You confound the virtuous
with such vile wretches, as this unprincipled widow, who deserves to be
annihilated. Are you not ashamed of yourself, to talk in this cruel way? I
should think you might be restrained, by the dread of future punishment."
"Why give way," said Chuang-tsze, "to all this passionate outcry? Be
candid--you are young, and extremely beautiful--should I die, this day--do
you pretend, that, with your attractions, you would suffer much time to be
lost, before you accepted the services of another husband?"
"Good God," cried the lady, "how you talk! Who ever heard of a truly
faithful wuzzeer, that, after the death of his master, served another
prince? A widow _indeed_ never accepts a second partner. Did you ever know
a case, in which such a wife as I have been--a woman of my qualities and
station, after having lost her tenderly beloved, forsook his memory, and
gave herself to the embraces of a second husband! Such an act, in my
opinion, would be infamous. Should you be taken from me, today, be
assured, that I should follow you, with my imperishable love, and die, at
last, your disconsolate widow."
"It is easy to promise, but not always so easy to perform," replied the
philosopher. At this speech, the lady was exasperated--"I would have you
to know," said she, "that women are to be found, without much inquiry,
quite as noble-hearted and constant, as _you_ have ever been. What a
pattern of constancy you have been! Dear me! Only think of it! When your
first wife died, you soon repaired your loss: and, becoming weary of your
second, you obtained a divorce from her, and then married me! What a
constant creature you have been! No wonder you think so lightly of women!"
Saying this, she snatched the fan out of her husband's hand, and tore it
into innumerable pieces; by which act she appeared to have obtained very
considerable relief; and, in a somewhat gentler tone, she told her
husband, that he was in excellent health, and likely to live, for very
many years; and that she could not, for the soul of her, see what could
induce him to torment her to death, by talking in this manner.
"Compose yourself, my dear," said Chuang-tsze, "I confess that your
indignation delights me. I rejoice to see you exhibit so much feeling and
fire, upon such a theme." The wife of the philosopher recovered her
composure; and their conversation turned upon ordinary affairs.
Before many days, Chuang-tsze became suddenly and severely attacked, by
some unaccountable disease. The symptoms
No. CXX.
Let us continue the story of Chuang-tsze, the great master of magic.
Before many days, as I have stated, Chuang-tsze became suddenly and
severely attacked, by some unaccountable disease. The symptoms were full
of evil. His devoted wife was ever near her sick husband, sobbing
bitterly, and bathing him in tears. "It is but too plain," said the
philosopher, "that I cannot survive--I am upon the bed of death--this very
night, perhaps--at farthest, tomorrow--we shall part forever--what a pity,
that you should have destroyed that fan--it would have answered so well,
for the purpose of drying the earth upon my tomb!"
"For heaven's sake," exclaimed the weeping wife, "do not, weak and feeble
as you are, harrass yourself, with these horrible fancies. You do me great
wrong. Our books I have carefully perused. I know my duties well. You have
received my troth--it shall never be another's. Can you doubt my
sincerity! Let me prove it, by dying first. I am ready." "Enough," said
the philosopher--"I now die in peace--I am satisfied of your constancy.
But the world is fading away--the cold hand of death is upon me." The head
of Chuang-tsze fell back--the breath had stopped--the pulse had ceased to
beat--he was already with the dead.
If the piercing cries of a despairing, shrieking widow could have raised
the dead, Chuang-tsze would have arisen, on the spot. She sprang upon the
corpse, and held it long, in her fond embrace. She then arrayed her person
in the deepest mourning, a robe of seamless white, and made the air
resound with her cries of anguish and despair. She abjured food; abstained
from slumber; and refused to be comforted.
Chuang-tsze had the wide-spread fame of an eminent sage--crowds gathered
to his obsequies. After their performance, and when the vast assemblage
had all, well nigh, departed--a youth of comely face, and elegantly
arrayed, was observed, lingering near the spot. He proclaimed himself to
be of most honorable descent, and that he had, long before, declared to
Chuang-tsze his design of becoming the pupil of that great philosopher.
"For that end," said he, "and that alone, I have come to this place--and
behold Chuang-tsze is no more. Great is my misfortune!"
This splendid youth cast off his colored garments, and assumed the robes
of lamentation--he bowed himself to the earth, before the coffin of the
defunct--four times, he touched the ground with his forehead; and, with an
utterance choked by sobs, he exclaimed--"Oh Chuang-tsze, learned and wise,
your ill-fated disciple cannot receive wisdom and knowledge from your
lips; but he will signify his reverence for your memory, by abiding here
an hundred days, to mourn, for one he so truly revered." He then again
bent his forehead, four times, to the earth, and moistened it with his
tears.
The youthful disciple, after a few days, desired permission to offer his
condolence to the widow, which she, at first declined: but, upon his
reference to the ancient rites, which allow a widow to receive the visits
of her late husband's friends, and especially of his disciples, she
finally consented. She moved with slow and solemn steps to the hall of
reception, where the young gentleman acquitted himself, with infinite
grace and propriety, and tendered the usual expressions of consolation.
The elegant address and fine person of this young disciple were not lost
upon the widow of Chuang-tsze. She was fascinated. A sentiment of
tenderness began to rise in her bosom, whose presence she had scarcely the
courage to recognize. She ventured, in a right melancholy way, to suggest
a hope, that it was not his purpose immediately to leave the valley of
Soong. "I have endured much in the loss of my great master," he replied.
"Precious forever be his memory. It will be grateful to my heart to seek
here a brief home, wherein I may pass those hundred days of mourning,
which our rites prescribe, and then to take part in the obsequies, which
will follow. I may also solace myself the while, by perusing the works of
my great master, of whose living instructions I am so unhappily deprived."
"We shall feel ourselves highly honored, by your presence, under our
roof," replied the lady; "it seems to me entirely proper, that you should
take up your abode here, rather than elsewhere." She immediately directed
some refreshments to be brought, and caused the works of Chuang-tsze to be
exhibited, on a large table, together with a copy of the learned
Taou-te-King, which had been a present to her late husband, from Laou-keun
himself.
The coffin of Chuang-tsze was deposited, in a large hall; and, on one
side, was a suite of apartments, opening into it, which was assigned to
the visitor. This devoted widow came, very frequently, to weep over the
remains of her honored husband; and failed not to say a civil word to the
youth, who, notified of her presence, by her audible sobs, never omitted
to come forth, and mingle his lamentations with hers. Mutual glances were
exchanged, upon such occasions. In short, each, already, was effectually
smitten with the other.
One day, the pretty, little widow sent privately for the old domestic, who
attended upon the young man, in the capacity of body servant, and
inquired, all in a seemingly casual way, if his master was married. "Not
yet"--he replied.--"He is very fastidious, I suppose"--said the lady, with
an inquiring look.--"It is even so, madam," replied the servant--"my
master is, indeed, not easily suited, in such a matter. His standard is
very high. I have heard him say, that he should, probably, never be
married, as he despaired of ever finding a female resembling yourself, in
every particular."--"Did he say so?" exclaimed the widow, as the warm
blood rushed into her cheeks.--"He certainly did," replied the other, "and
much more, which I do not feel at liberty to repeat."--"Dear me," said the
widow, "what a bewitching young man he is! go to him, and if he really
loves me, as you say, tell him he may open the subject, without fear, for
his passion is amply returned, by one, who is willing, if he so wishes, to
become his wife."
The young widow, from day to day, threw herself repeatedly, and as if by
accident, into the old servant's way; and began, at last, to feel
surprised, and somewhat nettled, that he brought her no message from his
master. At length, she became exceedingly impatient, and asked him
directly, if he had spoken to his master on the subject. "Yes, madam," the
old man replied.--"And pray," asked the widow, eagerly, "what said
he?"--"He said, madam, that such an union would place him upon the
pinnacle of human happiness; but that there was one fatal
objection."--"And do, for pity's sake, tell me," said she, hastily
interrupting the old man, "what that objection can be."--"He said,"
rejoined the old domestic, "that, being a disciple of your late husband,
such a marriage, he feared, would be considered scandalous."--"But," said
she, briskly, "there is just nothing in that. He was never a disciple of
Chuang-tsze--he only proposed to become one, which is an entirely
different thing. If any other frivolous objections arise, I beg you to
remove them; and you may count upon being handsomely rewarded."
Her anxiety caused her to become exceedingly restless. She made frequent
visits to the hall, and, when she approached the coffin, her sobs became
more audible than ever--but the young disciple came not forth, as usual.
Upon one occasion, after dark, as she was standing near the coffin, she
was startled, by an unusual noise. "Gracious Heaven!" she exclaimed, "can
it be so! Is the old philosopher coming back to life!" The cold sweat came
upon her lovely brow, as she started to procure a light. When she
returned, the mystery was readily explained. In front of the coffin there
was a table, designed as an altar, for the reception of such emblems and
presents, as were placed there by visitors. The old servant, had become
tipsy, and finding no more convenient place, in which to bestow himself,
while waiting his master's bidding, he had thrown himself, at full length,
upon this altar; and, in turning over, had occasioned the noise, which had
so much alarmed the young widow. Under other circumstances, the act would
have been accounted sacrilegious, and the fellow would have been subjected
to the bastinado. But, as matters stood, the widow passed it by, and even
suffered the sot to remain undisturbed.
On the morning of the following day, the widow encountered the old
domestic, who was passing her, with as much apparent indifference, as
though she had never entrusted him, with any important commission.
Surprised by his behavior, she called him to her private
apartment--"Well," said she, "have you executed the business, which I gave
you in charge?"--"Oh," said he, with an air of provoking indifference,
"that is all over, I believe."--"How so," inquired the widow--"did you
deliver my message correctly?"--"In your own words," he replied--"my
master would make any sacrifice to make you his wife; and is entirely
persuaded, by your arguments, to give up the objection he stated, in
regard to his being the disciple of Chuang-tsze; but there are three other
objections, which it will be impossible to overcome; and which his sense
of delicacy forbids him to exhibit before you."--"Poh, poh," said the
widow, "let me hear what they are, and we shall then see, whether they are
insurmountable or not."--"Well, madam," said the old man, "since you
command me, I will state them, as nearly as I can, in the words of my
young master. The first of these three objections is this----"
No. CXXI.
We were about to exhibit those three objections of the young disciple, to
his marriage, with the widow of Chuang-tsze, when we were summoned away,
by professional duties. Let us proceed--"The first of my master's
objections," said the old domestic, "is this--the coffin of Chuang-tsze is
still in the hall of ceremony. A sight, so sad and solemnizing, is
absolutely inconsistent with the nuptial celebration. The world would cry
out upon such inconsistency. In the second place, the fame of your late
husband was so great--his love for you so devoted--yours for him so ardent
and sincere, and founded, so obviously, upon his learning and wisdom--that
my master fears it will be impossible for him, to supply the place of so
good, and so great, a man; and that you will, ere long, despise him, for
his inferiority; and that your affections will be entirely and
unchangeably fixed, on the memory of the great defunct. The third and
last objection, named by my master, whose passion for you knows no
bounds, is serious indeed. Though of lofty pedigree, he is very poor. He
has neither money nor lands; and has not the means of purchasing those
marriage gifts, which custom requires him to offer."
"And are these the only objections?" said she. "There are no others," he
replied; "if it were not for these insurmountable objections, the
happiness of my master would be complete, and he would openly manifest
that passion, by which he is now secretly consumed."
"They are, by no means, insurmountable," said the young widow, with
animation. "As for the coffin, what is it? A mere shell, containing the
remains of poor Chuang-tsze. It is not absolutely necessary, that it
should remain in the hall, during these one hundred days. At the farther
end of my garden is an ancient smoke-house. It is quite dilapidated, and
no longer in use. Some of my people shall carry the coffin thither,
without farther delay. So you may inform your sweet, young master, that
his first objection will be instantly removed. And why should he distress
himself so needlessly, in regard to the second? Chuang-tsze certainly
passed, with the world, for a great philosopher, and a wonderful man. The
world sees from a distance. A sort of haze or mist impedes its vision.
Minute particulars escape its observation. That, which is smooth and fair,
seen from afar, may appear full of inequalities to one, who is near at
hand. God forbid, that I should undervalue the dead; but it is well known,
that Chuang-tsze repudiated his second wife, because she did not precisely
suit his humor, and then married me. His great reputation induced a
certain sovereign, to appoint him his chief minister. But the philosopher
was not deficient in shrewdness--he knew his incapacity, and resolved to
hide himself, in that solitude, where we have vegetated, so long."
"About a month ago, he encountered a young widow, who, with a large fan,
was endeavoring to dry up her husband's grave, because she could not marry
again, under the condition her husband had imposed upon her, until this
was done. Chuang-tsze, if you will believe it, made the acquaintance of
this shameless woman; and actually assisted her, in drying up her
husband's grave. She gave him a fan, as a keepsake; and he valued it
highly. I got possession of it however, and tore it to tatters. You see
how great my obligations are to this wonderful philosopher; and you may
judge of the real affection, which I must feel, for the memory of such a
man."
"The last objection," continued the widow, "is easily disposed of. I will
furnish your master with all the means he can desire. Chuang-tsze, to do
the man justice, has left me the absolute mistress of an ample
fortune--here, present these twenty taels to your master, from me, with
such expressions of devotion, as may befit the lips of one, whose heart is
all his own; and say to him, unless he himself is desirous of a longer
delay, that, as the whole of life is not too long for love, I shall be
happy, if he desires it, to become his bride, this very day."
Thus far the course of true love, in despite of the proverb, certainly ran
smooth.
"Here," said the young disciple, upon sight of the twenty taels, as he
turned them over, "is something substantial--run back immediately to the
widow, and tell her my passion will endure the curb no longer. I am
entirely at her disposal." The widow was quite beside herself, upon
receiving these tidings; and, casting off her garments of heaviness, she
began to embellish her fine person. The coffin of Chuang-tsze, by her
directions, was immediately transferred to the old smoke-house.
The hall was made ready, for the approaching nuptials. If murmurs
occasionally arose, among the old, faithful domestics of Chuang-tsze, the
widow's passion was more blind than moonless midnight, and deafer than the
time-stricken adder. A gorgeous feast was made ready. The shades of
evening drew on apace--the lanterns were lighted up, in all
directions--the nuptial torch cast forth its bright beams from an elevated
table.
At the appointed signal, the bridegroom entered, most skilfully and
splendidly arrayed,--so that his fine, manly figure was exhibited, to the
greatest advantage. The young widow soon appeared, her countenance the
very tabernacle of pleasure, and her bewitching form, adorned in the most
costly silks, and splendid embroidery. They placed themselves, side by
side, in front of the hymeneal taper, arrayed in pearls, and diamonds, and
tissue of gold. Those salutations, which custom demands, having been duly
performed, and the bride and bridegroom having wished each other eternal
felicity, in that manner, which the marriage rites prescribe, the
bridegroom holding the hand of the bride, they proceeded to the festal
hall; and having drunk from the goblet of mutual fidelity, they took their
places, at the banqueting board.
The repast went joyously forward--the darkest cloud--how suddenly will it
come over the smiling face of the bewitching moon! The festival had not
yet passed, when the bridegroom fell to the floor, in horrible
convulsions. With eyes turned upward, and mouth frightfully distorted, he
became an object of horror. The bride, whose passion for the young
disciple was ardent and sincere, screamed aloud. She threw herself, in all
her bridal array, upon the floor, by his side; clasped him in her arms;
covered him with kisses; and implored him, to say what she could do, to
afford him relief. Miserable youth! He was unable to reply, and seemed
about to expire.
The old domestic rushed into the apartment, upon hearing the noise, and
taking his master from the floor, proceeded to shake him with violence.
"My God," cried the lady, "has this ever happened before?" "Yes, Madam,"
he replied, "he has a return of it about once, in every year." "And, for
Heaven's sake, tell me what remedies do you employ?" she eagerly inquired.
"There is one sovereign remedy," the old man replied; "his physician
considers it a specific." "And what is it? tell me, in the name of
Confucius," she passionately exclaimed, for the convulsions were growing
more violent. "Nothing will restore him, but the brains of a man, recently
dead, taken in warm wine. His father, who was governor of a province, when
his son was last attacked, in this way, caused a criminal to be executed,
that his brains might be thus employed." "Good God!" exclaimed the
agonizing bride, for the convulsions, after a short remission, were
returning, with redoubled violence, and the bridegroom was foaming
terribly, at the mouth. "Tell me instantly, will the brains of a man who
died a natural death answer as well?" "Undoubtedly," the old servant
replied. "Well then," said she, in a tone somewhat subdued--"there is
Chuang-tsze in the smoke-house." "Ah, Madam," said the old domestic, "I am
aware of it--it occurred to me--but I feared to suggest it." "And of what
possible use," she exclaimed, "can the brains of old Chuang-tsze be to him
now, I should like to know?"
At this moment, the convulsions became absolutely terrific. "These
returns," said the old man, "will become more and more violent, till they
destroy my poor master. There is no time to be lost." The wretched bride
rushed from the apartment, and, seizing a hatchet, which happened to be
lying in the outer passage, she hastily made her way to the old
smoke-house. Elevating the hatchet above her head, she struck a violent
blow, on the lid of the coffin.
If the whole force of the blow had descended upon a secret spring, the lid
could not have risen more suddenly. It seemed like the power of magic. The
bride turned her eyes upon the closed lids of the corpse--they gradually
opened; and the balls were slowly turned, and steadily fixed, upon her. In
an instant Chuang-tsze sat, bolt upright, in his coffin! She sent forth a
shriek of terror--the hatchet fell from her paralyzed hand--the cold sweat
of confusion gathered thickly upon her brow.
"My beloved wife," said the philosopher, with perfect calmness, "be so
obliging as to lend me your hand, that I may get out.--I have had a
charming nap," continued he, as he took the lamp from her hand, and
advanced towards the hall. She followed, trembling at every step, and
dreading the meeting, between the old philosopher and the young disciple.
Though the air of unwonted festivity, under the light of the waning
tapers, still hung over the apartment, fortunately the youth and the old
servant seemed to have departed. Upon this, her courage, in some measure,
revived, and, turning a look of inexpressible tenderness upon
Chuang-tsze--"Dearest husband," said she, "how I have cherished your
memory! My day thoughts and dreams have been all of you. I have often
heard, that the apparent dead were revived, especially if not confined
within closed apartments. I therefore caused your precious coffin to be
removed, where the cool, refreshing air could blow over it. How I have
watched, and listened, for some evidence of returning life! And how my
heart leaped into my mouth, when my vigilance was at last rewarded. I flew
with a hatchet to open the coffin; and, when I saw your dear eyes turned
upon me, I thought I should"--"I can never repay your devotion," said the
philosopher, interrupting her, with an expression of ineffable tenderness,
"but why are you thus gaily apparelled--why these robes--these jewels--my
love?"
"It seemed to me, my dear husband," she readily replied, "that some
invisible power assured me of your return to life. How, thought I, can I
meet my beloved Chuang-tsze, in the garments of heaviness? No; it will be
like a return of our wedding day; and thus, you see, I have resumed my
bridal array, and the jewels you gave me, during our honeymoon."--"Ah,"
said the philosopher, "how considerate you are--you always had your
thoughts about you." He then drew near the table. The wedding taper, which
was then burning low in its socket, cast its equivocal rays upon the
gorgeous bowls and dishes, which covered the festal board. Chuang-tsze
surveyed them attentively, in silence; and, calling for warm wine,
deliberately drained the goblet, while the lady stood near him, trembling
with confusion and terror.
At length, setting down the goblet, and pointing his finger--"Look behind
you!" he exclaimed. She turned her head, and beheld the young disciple, in
his wedding finery, with his attendant--a second glance, and they were
gone. Such was the power of this mighty master of magic. The wife slunk to
her apartment; and, resolving not to survive her shame and disappointment,
unloosened her wedding girdle, and ascending to the garret, hung herself
therewith, to one of the cross-beams, until she was dead. Tidings were
soon brought to Chuang-tsze, who, deliberately feeling her pulse, and
ascertaining that she was certainly dead, cut her down, and placed her
precious remains, in the coffin, in the old smoke-house.
He then proceeded to indulge his philosophical humor. He sat down, among
the flickering lamps, at the solitary board, and struck up a dirge,
accompanying his voice, by knocking with the chopsticks, and whatever else
was convenient to his purpose, upon the porcelain bowls and dishes, which
he finally broke into a thousand pieces, and setting fire to his mansion,
he consumed it to ashes, together with the smoke-house, and all its
valuable contents.
He then, abandoning all thoughts of taking another wife, travelled into
the recesses of Latinguin, in pursuit of his old master, Laoukeun, whom,
at length, he discovered. There he acquired the reputation of a profound
philosopher; and lay down, at last, in the peaceful grave, where wicked
widows cease from troubling, and weary widowers are at rest.
No. CXXII.
A grasshopper was not the crest of Peter Faneuil's arms. I formerly
supposed it was; for a gilded grasshopper, as half the world knows, is the
vane upon the cupola of Faneuil Hall; and a gilded grasshopper, as many of
us well remember, whirled about, of yore, upon the little spire, that rose
above the summer-house, appurtenant to the mansion, where Peter Faneuil
lived, and died. That house was built, and occupied, by his uncle, Andrew;
and he had some seven acres, for his garden thereabouts. It was upon the
westerly side of old _Treamount_ Street, and became the residence of the
late William Phillips, whose political relations to the people of
Massachusetts, as their Lieutenant Governor, could not preserve him from
the sobriquet of _Billy_.
I thought it not unlikely, that Peter's crest was a grasshopper, and that,
on that account, he had become partial to this emblem. But I am duly
certified, that it was not so. The selection of a grasshopper, for a vane,
was made, in imitation of their example, who placed the very same thing,
upon the pinnacle of the Royal Exchange, in London. The arms of the
Faneuils I have seen, upon the silver castors, which once were Peter's
own; and, upon his decease, became the property of his brother, Benjamin,
from whom they descended to his only daughter, Mary Faneuil, who became,
October 13, 1754, the wife of George Bethune, now deceased; and was the
mother of George Bethune, Esquire, who will complete his eighty-second
year, in April, 1851. From this gentleman, whose grand-uncle Peter Faneuil
was, and from other descendants of old Benjamin Faneuil, of Rochelle, I
have received some facts and documents--interesting to me--possibly to
others.
In conversation with an antiquarian friend, not long ago, we agreed, that
very much less was generally known of Peter Faneuil, than of almost any
other great, public benefactor. His name, nevertheless, is inseparably
associated, with the cradle of American liberty. Drs. Eliot and Allen, in
their Biographical Dictionaries, have passed him over, very slightingly,
the former finishing up this noble-hearted Huguenot, with fifteen lines;
and the latter, with eight; while not a few of their pages have been
devoted, to the very dullest doctors of the drowsiest theology, and to--
"Names ignoble, born to be forgot."
Mr. Farmer, in his Genealogical Register, does not seem to be aware, that
the name of Faneuil existed, for he has not even found a niche for it
there. His Register, I am aware, purports to be a register of the "_First
Settlers_." But he has found room for the Baudouins (Bowdoins) and their
descendants. They also were Huguenots; and came hither, with the Faneuils,
after 1685. One of that family, as will be more fully shown, Claude
Baudoin, presented Peter Faneuil in baptism. Yet, such was the public
sense of Peter's favors, _when they were green_, that John Lovell--that
same Master Lovell, who retired with the British army, in 1776--delivered,
under an appointment of the town, an oration, to commemorate the virtues,
and laud the munificence of Peter Faneuil. Such, in truth, was the very
first occasion, upon which the citizens were summoned to listen to the
voice of an orator, in Faneuil Hall; and then, in honor of him, who
perfected the noble work, at his own proper cost, and whose death so
speedily followed its completion--for a noble work assuredly it was,
relatively to the times, in which it was wrought.
The Faneuils were Huguenots. The original pronunciation of this patronymic
must have been somewhat different from the present: there was an excusable
_naivete_, in the inquiry of a rural visitant of the city--if a well known
mechanical establishment, with a tall, tubular chimney, were not _Funnel_
Hall?
After the revocation of the edict of Nantes, by Louis XIV., in 1685, the
Faneuils, in common with many other Huguenots of France,--the Baudouins,
the Bernons, the Sigourneys, the Boudinots, the Pringles, the Hugers, the
Boutineaus, the Jays, the Laurenses, the Manigaults, the Marions, the
Prioleaus, and many others, came to these North American shores--as our
pilgrim fathers came--to worship God, in security, and according to their
consciences. Many of these persecuted men conferred, upon their adopted
home, those blessings, which the exercise of their talents, and the
influence of their characters, and of the talents and characters of their
descendants have confirmed to our common country, for many generations.
They came, by instalments, and arrived at different points. Thirty
families of these expatriated Protestants came hither, and settled upon a
tract, eight miles square, in the "Nipmug country," where now stands the
town of Oxford, in the County of Worcester. This settlement commenced, in
Gov. Dudley's time, and under his particular auspices; but continued only
till 1696, when it was broken up, by the inroads of the savages. In the
overthrow of this settlement, rum was a material agent, and occasioned,
though upon a very small scale, a second massacre of some of these
Huguenots. There is a letter to Gov. Dudley, from M. Bondet, the Huguenot
clergyman, dated July 6, 1691, complaining bitterly of the unrestricted
sale, among the Indians, of this fatal fire water; and giving a graphic
account of the uproar and outrage it produced.
After the failure of this attempt, many of the scattered planters
collected, in Boston. For several years, they gathered, for devotional
purposes, in one of the larger school-houses. Jan. 4, 1704, they purchased
a piece of land, in South School Street, of John Mears, a hatter, for
"L110 current silver money of New England;" but, for several years, the
selectmen, for some cause, unknown to us, refused their consent, that
these worthy French Protestants should build their church thereon. About
twelve years after the purchase of the land, the little church--the
visible temple--went up. It was of brick, and very small. Monsieur Pierre
Daille was their first pastor, Andre Le Mercier the second; and, if there
be any truth, in tradition, these Huguenot shepherds were pure and holy
men. Daille died testate, May 20, 1715. His will bears date May 15, of
that year. He directs his body to be interred, at the discretion of his
executor, James Bowdoin, "_with this restriction, that there be no wine at
my funeral, and that none of my wife's relations have mourning cloaths_."
He empowers his executor to give them gloves; and scarfs and gloves to all
the ministers of Boston. To his wife, Martha, he gives L350, Province
bills, and his negro man, Kuffy. His Latin and French books he gives to
the French Church, as _the nucleus of a library_. L100 to be put at
interest for the use of the minister. L10 to be improved by the elders,
for the use of the church, and should a meeting-house be built, then in
aid of that object. To John Rawlins the French schoolmaster, L5. He then
makes his brother Paul, of Armsfort, in Holland, residuary legatee. His
"_books and arms_" were appraised at L2. 10. The whole estate at L274. 10.
sterling.
Le Mercier dedicated his book, on Detraction, to his people. Therein he
says, "You have not despised my youth, when I first came among you; you
have since excused my infirmities; and, as I did the same, in respect to
yours, it has pleased our Saviour, the head of his church, to favor us
with an uninterrupted peace and union in our church, for the almost
eighteen years that I have preached the word of salvation to you." His
book was published in 1733. He therefore became their pastor between 1715,
when Daille died, and 1716. He died March 31, 1764, aged 71. He was
therefore born in 1693, and ordained about the age of 22.
Le Mercier's will is dated, at Dorchester, Nov. 7, 1761. A codicil was
added, at Boston, Feb. 3, 1764. He left his estate to his four children,
"_Andrew, Margaret, Jane, and my son Bartholomew, if living_." He enjoins
upon his heirs the payment of Bartholomew's debt to Thomas Hancock, for
which he had become responsible, and which he had partly paid. By his
will, he appointed Jane and Margaret to execute his will. In the codicil,
he refers to the disordered state of Margaret's mind, and appoints
Zachariah Johonnot, in her stead, requesting him to be her guardian. The
whole estate was appraised at L232. 18. 6. sterling.
Years rolled on: juxtaposition and intermarriage were Americanising these
Huguenots, from month to month; and, ere long, they felt, less and less,
the necessity of any separate place of worship. On the 7th of May, 1748,
"Stephen Boutineau, the only surviving elder," and others, among whom we
recognize the Huguenot names of Johonnot, Packinett, Boudoin, and
Sigourney, conveyed their church and land to Thomas Fillebrown, Thomas
Handyside Peck, and others, trustees for the "new congregational church,
whereof Mr. Andrew Croswell is pastor." After a while, this church became
the property of the Roman Catholics; and mass was first celebrated there,
Nov. 2, 1788. The Catholics, in 1803, having removed to Franklin Place,
the old Huguenot church was taken down; and, upon the site of it, a temple
was erected, by the Universalists; showing incontrovertibly, thank God,
that the soil was most happily adapted to toleration.
The reader fancies, perhaps, that I have forgotten Peter Faneuil. Not so:
but I must linger a little longer with these Huguenots, who attempted a
settlement in the Nipmug country. In the southwesterly part of Oxford,
there rises a lofty hill, whose summit affords an extensive and delightful
prospect. Beneath, at the distance of a mile, or more, lies the village
of Oxford; and the scenery, beyond, is exceedingly picturesque. Upon this
eminence, which now bears the name of Mayo's Hill, are the well-defined
remains of an ancient fort. Its construction is perfectly regular. The
bastions are clearly marked; and the old well, constructed within the
barrier, still remains. As recently, as 1819, says the Rev. Dr. Holmes, in
his able and interesting account of the Huguenots, "grapevines were
growing luxuriantly, along the line of this fort; and these, together with
currant bushes, roses, and other shrubbery, nearly formed a hedge around
it. There were some remains of an apple orchard. The currant and asparagus
were still growing there."
Such were the vestiges of these thirty families, who, in 1696, fled from a
foe, not more savage and relentless, though less enlightened, than the
murderers of Coligny, in 1572.
The Faneuils formed no part of these thirty families; but, not many years
after the little Oxford colony was broken up, and the fugitive survivors
had found their way to Boston, the Faneuils, one after another, seem to
have been attracted hither, from those points of our country, where they
first arrived, after the revocation of the edict of Nantes, in 1685, or
from other, intermediate stations, to which they had removed.
There are not elements enough, I fear, for a very interesting memoir of
Peter Faneuil. The materials, even for a brief account, are marvellously
few, and far between; and the very best result, to be anticipated, is a
warp and woof of shreds and patches.
But, if I am not much mistaken, I know more of Peter Faneuil, than Master
Lovell ever wot of, though he delivered the funeral oration; and, albeit
the sum total is very small, it seems but meet and right, that it should
be given to the world. I think it would so be decided, by the citizens, if
the vote were taken, this very day--in _Faneuil Hall_.
Our _neighbors_, all over the United States have heard of _Faneuil Hall_;
and, though, of late years, since we have had a race, or breed, of mayors,
every one of whom has endeavored to be _worthier_ or more _conceding_ than
his predecessor, Faneuil Hall has been converted into a sort of omnibus
without wheels; yet the glory of its earlier, and of some, among its
latter days, is made, thank God, of that unchangeable stuff, that will
never shrink, and cannot fade.
No man has ever heard of Faneuil Hall, who will not be pleased to hear
somewhat of that noble-minded, whole-souled descendant of the primitive
Huguenots--and such indeed he was--who came, as a stranger and sojourner
here, and built that hall, at his own proper cost and charge, and gave
it--the gift of a cheerful giver--to those, among whom he had come to
dwell--and all this, in the midst of his days, in the very prime of his
life, not waiting for the almond tree to flourish, and for desire to fail,
and for the infirmities of age to admonish the rich man, that he must set
his house in order, and could carry nothing with him, to those regions
beyond.
Faneuil Hall has been called the _Cradle of Liberty_, so long and so
often, that it may seem to savor of political heresy, to quarrel with the
name--but, for the soul of me, I cannot help it. If it be intended to say,
that Faneuil Hall is the _birth place_ of Liberty, I am not aware of a
single instance, on record, of a baby, _born in a cradle_. The proverbial
use of the cradle has ever been to rock the baby to sleep; and Heaven
knows our old fathers made no such use of Faneuil Hall, in their early
management of the bantling; for it was an ever-wakeful child, from the
very moment of its first, sharp, shrill, life cry.
No. CXXIII.
General Jackson has been reported--how justly I know not--upon some
occasion, in a company of ladies, to have given a brief, but spirited,
description of all his predecessors, in the Presidential chair, till he
came down to the time of President Tyler, when, seizing his hat, he
proceeded to bow himself out of the room. The ladies, however, insisted
upon his completing the catalogue--_"Well, ladies," said he, "it is matter
of history, and may therefore be spoken--President Tyler, ladies,
was--pretty much nothing."_
A very felicitous description; and not of very limited application to men
and things. I cannot find a better, for Master John Lovell's funeral
oration, upon Peter Faneuil. This affair, which Dr. Snow, in his history
of Boston, calls "_a precious relic_," is certainly a wonderfully
flatulent performance. A time-stained copy of the original edition of
1743 lies under my eye. I hoped, not unreasonably, that it would be a lamp
to my path, in searching after the historical assets of Peter Faneuil. But
not one ray of light has it afforded me; and, with one or two exceptions,
in relation to the _Hall_, and the general beneficence of its founder, it
is, in no sense, more of a funeral oration, upon Peter Faneuil, than upon
Peter Smink. In their vote of thanks to Master Lovell, passed on the day
of its delivery, the committee speak of "_his oration_," very judiciously
abstaining from all unwarrantable expletives. From this oration we can
discover nothing of Faneuil's birth-place, nor parentage, nor when, nor
whence, nor wherefore he came hither; nor of the day of his birth, nor of
the day of his death, nor of the disease of which he died; nor of his
habits of life, nor of the manner, in which he acquired his large estate;
nor of his religious opinions, nor of his ancestors.
We collect, however, from these meagre pages, that Mr. Faneuil meditated
other benefactions to the town--that his death was sudden--that votes of
thanks had been passed, for his donation of the Hall, "a few months
before"--that the meeting, at which the oration was pronounced, March 14,
1742, was the very first annual meeting, in Faneuil Hall--that Peter
Faneuil was the owner of "a large and plentiful estate"--that "no man
managed his affairs with greater prudence and industry"--that "he fed the
hungry and clothed the naked; comforted the fatherless and the widows, in
their affliction, and his bounty visited the prisoner."
Master Lovell, not inelegantly, observes of Faneuil's intended
benefactions, which were prevented by his death--"_His intended charities,
though they are lost to us, will not be lost to him. Designs of goodness
and mercy, prevented as these were, will meet with the reward of
actions_." This passage appears to have found favor, in the eyes of the
late Dr. Boyle, who has, accordingly, on page 21, of his memoir of the
Boston Episcopal Charitable Society, when speaking of Faneuil, made a very
free and familiar appropriation of it, with a slight verbal variation.
Master Lovell's fervent aspirations, in regard to Faneuil Hall, one
hundred and nine years ago, have not been fulfilled, to the letter. The
gods have granted the orator's prayer--"_May Liberty always spread its
joyful wings over this place_"--but not with Master Lovell's conditions
annexed; for he adds--"_May_ LOYALTY _to a_ KING, _under whom we enjoy
that Liberty, ever remain our character_."
In this particular, Master Lovell was not to be indulged. Yet he steadily
adhered to his tory principles; and, like many other conscientious and
honorable men, whom it is much less the fashion to abuse, at present, than
it was, of yore, adhered to his royal master; and relinquished his own
sceptre, as monarch of the South Grammar School, with all the honors and
emoluments thereof, choosing rather to suffer affliction, with his
thwarted and mortified master, than to enjoy the pleasures of rebellion,
for a season. He retired to Halifax, with the British army, in 1776, and
died there, in 1778.
Original copies of Master Lovell's oration are exceedingly rare; though
the "_precious relic_" has been reprinted, by Dr. Snow, in his history of
Boston. The title may be worth preserving--"A funeral oration, delivered
at the opening of the annual meeting of the town, March 14th, 1742. In
Faneuil Hall, in Boston. Occasioned by the death of the founder, Peter
Faneuil Esq. By John Lovell, A. M., Master of the South Grammar School, in
Boston. _Sui memores alios fecere merendo._ Boston, printed by Green,
Bushell & Allen, for S. Kneeland & T. Green, in Queen Street, 1743."
As an eminent historian conceived it to be a matter of indifference, at
which end he commenced his history, I shall not adhere to any
chronological arrangement, in the presentation of the few facts, which I
have collected, relating to Peter Faneuil and his family. On the contrary,
I shall begin at the latter end, and, first, endeavor to clear up a little
confusion, that has arisen, as to the time of his death. Allen, in his
Biog. Dic., says, that Peter Faneuil died, March 3, 1743. I am sorry to
say, that, in several instances, President Allen's _dates_ resemble
Jeremiah's _figs_, in the second basket; though, upon the present
occasion, he is right, on a certain hypothesis. In a note to the "Memoir
of the French Protestants," also, M. H. C. vol. xxii. p. 55, Peter Faneuil
is said to have died, March 3, 1743. Pemberton, in his "Description of
Boston," Ibid. v. 3, p. 253, by stating that the funeral oration was
delivered, March 14, 1742, makes 1742 the year of Faneuil's death. The
title page of the oration itself, quoted above, fixes the death, in 1742.
Dr. Eliot, in his Biog. Dic., says 1742. The Probate records of Suffolk
show administration granted, on Peter Faneuil's estate, March 18, 1742.
His _obiit_, on a mourning ring, that I have seen, is 1742.
Now, if all dealers in dates, of the olden time, would discriminate,
between the old style and the new, we should be spared a vast deal of
vexation; and the good people of Boston, notional as they proverbially
are, would not appear, in their creditable zeal to do honor to a public
benefactor, to have given him a funeral oration, a twelve month before he
was dead. If the year be taken to begin, on the first of January, then Dr.
Allen is right; and Peter Faneuil died March 3, 1743. But if it did not
begin, till the twenty-fifth of March, and, legally, it certainly did not,
before 1752, when the new style was adopted, in Great Britain, and the
Provinces, then Eliot, and Pemberton, and the title page of the oration,
and the records of the court, and the mourning ring are right, and Peter
Faneuil died, in 1742.
An illustration of this principle may be found, on the title page of the
oration itself. It is stated to have been delivered, March 14, 1742, and
printed in 1743. Having been delivered near the close of the year 1742, it
was printed, doubtless, soon after March 25, which was New Year's day for
1743.
The public journals, nevertheless, seem to have adopted, and adhered to
the idea, that January 1, was the first day of the historical year, long
before the style was altered; and thus, in the Weekly News Letter,
published in Boston, Faneuil is stated to have died, in 1743. This journal
contains an obituary notice. A few imperfect numbers of this paper are all
that remain, and its extreme rarity leads me to copy the obituary here:--
"Thursday, March 10, 1743. On Thursday last, dyed at his seat in this
Town, PETER FANEUIL, Esq., whose remains, we hear, are to be enterred this
afternoon; a gentleman, possessed of a very ample fortune, and a most
generous spirit, whose noble benefaction to this town, and constant
employment of a great number of tradesmen, artificers and labourers, to
whom he was a liberal paymaster; whose hospitality to all, and secret
unbounded chirity to the poor--made his life a public blessing, and his
death a general loss to, and universally regretted by, the inhabitants;
who had been so sensible of their obligations to him, for the sumptuous
edifice, which he raised at his private expence, for their Market house
and Town Hall, that, at a general town meeting, as a testimony of their
gratitude, they voted, that the place of their future consultations should
be called by his name forever: in doing which they perpetuated their own
honor as much as his memory; for, by this record posterity will know the
most publick spirited man, in all regards, that ever yet appeared on the
Northern continent of America, was a member of their community."
In the Boston Evening Post of March 7, 1743, in a brief notice of Peter
Faneuil's death, the disease of which he died is said to have been
"_dropsey_."
Now that we have established the period of Peter's death, it may be well,
to establish the period of his birth; and this we can do, with certainty,
even to an hour, from authentic documents. In addition to other means, for
ascertaining dates, and various particulars, respecting Peter Faneuil, and
the members of his family--through the kindness of the Genealogical
Society, I have, before me, a folio volume of his commercial
correspondence: mutilated, indeed it is, by some thoughtless hand, but
furnishes some curious and interesting matter. Many of his letters are
written in French; and those, which are in English, are well composed. I
have found but a single instance, in which he writes our language, like a
Frenchman. Upon that occasion, he was in a passion with a certain judge of
the admiralty, complained of his ill usage, and charged him with
"_capporice_."
No. CXXIV.
I am indebted to Mr. Charles Faneuil Jones, a grandson of Mary Ann Jones,
Peter Faneuil's sister, for the use of some ancient papers, and family
relics; and to George Bethune, Esquire, of Boston, the grandson of
_Benjamin Faneuil_, Peter's brother, for the loan of a venerable
document--time worn, torn, and sallow--the record of the birth of Peter
Faneuil, and of his brothers and sisters. This document, from its manifest
antiquity, the masculine character of the hand writing, and the constant
use of the parental expressions--_notre fils_--_notre fille_--I, at first,
supposed to be the original autograph of _Benjamin_, the father of Peter.
This conjecture was, of course, demolished, by the last entry, on the
record, which is of old _Benjamin's_ decease, but in the same peculiar
hand.
The document is in French; and, after a careful
comparison--_literatim_--with the volume of Peter's commercial
correspondence, now in my possession--I have very little doubt, that this
record was copied, by Peter, from the paternal original, with the
additional entry, by himself, of the date of his father's death. At the
bottom, and beneath a line of separation, and by another hand, with a
fresher ink, is the following entry--"_Le 6 D'Aout 1725, M. Gillam
Phillips de Boston a epousee ma Fille Marie Faneuil agee de dix sept et
quatre mois_." The 6th of August, 1725, Mr. Gillam Phillips, of Boston,
married my daughter, Marie, aged seventeen and four months. The expression
_ma file_, shows this entry to have been made by Peter's mother, then the
widow of _Benjamin_, who appears, by this record, to have died, at New
York, March 31, 1718-9, aged 50 years and 8 months.
This unusual praenomen, _Gillam_, I, at first, supposed to be a corruption
of _Guillaume_. But there was a merchant, of that day, in Boston, bearing
the name of _Gillam Phillips_. In the Registry of Deeds, for Suffolk, lib.
43, fol. 13, there is recorded a deed, from "_Wentworth Paxton, and Faith,
his wife, formerly Faith Gillam_," in which, reference is made to Faith's
father, _Benjamin Gillam_. Mr. Gillam Phillips is thus named, in the will
of his wife's uncle, Andrew Faneuil, to which I shall have occasion to
refer. Jan 22, 1738, Peter, in a letter to Lane & Smethurst, of London,
speaks of his brother-in-law, _Mr. Gillam Phillips_.
This gentleman was the elder brother of _Mr. Henry Phillips_, who was
indicted, for killing Mr. Benjamin Woodbridge, in a duel, fought with
swords, and without seconds, on Boston Common, upon the evening of July 3,
1728. This extremely interesting affair cannot be introduced, as an
episode here, on account of the space it must necessarily occupy. The
original documents, relating to this encounter, which terminated in the
immediate death of Mr. Woodbridge, have fallen into my possession; and, as
Peter Faneuil personally assisted, in the escape of the survivor, who
found a city of refuge, in Rochelle, and a friend and protector, in
Peter's uncle, _Jean Faneuil_; it seems, in some degree, related to the
history of Peter and his kinsfolk. I may, possibly, refer to it hereafter.
In 1685, the period of the revocation of the edict of Nantes, there were
living, in or near Rochelle, in France, three brothers and two sisters of
the Faneuil family. One of these, _Benjamin_, became the father of _our_
Peter Faneuil--the others, his uncles and aunts, when the persecution
commenced, so ably and touchingly described, by James Saurin, fled for
safety to foreign lands. Andrew, the elder brother, escaped into Holland,
and took up his abode in Amsterdam; where he married that preeminently
beautiful lady, whose portrait is now in the possession of Col. Benjamin
Hunt, whose mother was Jane Bethune, a daughter of Mary Faneuil, the neice
of Peter.
_Andrew Faneuil_, before many years, came to this country--precisely when,
I cannot say. That he was here, as early as 1709, is evident, from the
proposals of Oliver Noyes and others, to build a wharf from the bottom of
King Street, to low-water mark, "of the width of King Street, between Mr.
East Apthorp's and Mr. Andrew Faneuil's." These proposals are dated Feb.
20, 1709, and are inserted in Dr. Snow's History of Boston, p. 209.
In Holland, doubtless, Andrew acquired that passion, for flowers, which he
gratified, in his seven-acre Eden, on the westerly side of Treamount
Street, where he is said to have erected the first hothouse, that ever
existed in New England. His warehouse, the same, by him devised, for the
support of the minister of the French Church, was at the lower end of King
Street, near Merchant's Row, from which Butler's Wharf then extended, as
laid down, by John Bonner, in 1722. This warehouse, under the will of
Andrew, reverted, to his heirs, upon the extinction of the French Church.
It was then, just where we find it, in the New England Weekly Journal, of
Jan. 13, 1729. "_Good New York Flower. To be sold, at Mr. Andrew Faneuil's
Warehouse, at the lower end of King Street, at 35s per Hundred, as also
good chocolate, just imported._" He was engaged in commerce; and, for
those days of small things, acquired a large estate, which his forecast
taught him to distribute, among the public funds of France, England, and
Holland. His warehouse was purchased of one of his descendants, by the
late John Parker.
_Jean Faneuil_, another of Peter's uncles, held fast to the faith of his
fathers; and lived, and died, a Roman Catholic. He died in Rochelle, of
apoplexy, June 24, 1737, about four months after the decease of his
brother Andrew, as appears by Peter's letter of Sept. 8, 1737.
_Susannah Faneuil_ also continued, in the Roman Catholic faith, and
remained in Rochelle; where she became the wife, and the widow, of Abraham
de la Croix. She survived her brother Andrew, the date of whose decease is
clearly shown to have been Feb. 13, 1737, by Peter's letter to S. & W.
Baker, of London, giving them the inscription, "_for the handsomest
mourning rings_."
_Jane Faneuil_ was a Huguenot. She became the wife of Pierre Cossart, and
took refuge, with her husband, in Ireland, where she died.
_Benjamin Faneuil_, the father of _our_ Peter, was closely associated with
that little band of Huguenots, who clustered about the town of
Narragansett, otherwise called Kingstown, and the region round about, at
the very close of the seventeenth century. In that village, in 1699, he
married a French lady, whose name was Anne Bureau. The record, in Peter's
transcript from his father's original, is now upon my table--"_Le 28 de
Juillet 1699. Benjamin Faneuil et Anne Bureau ont ete marie a
Narragansett, en nouvelle Angleterre, en la maison de Mons. Pierre Ayross,
par Mons. Pierre Daille ministre de L'Eglise francoise de Boston_." The
28th of July, 1699, Benjamin Faneuil and Ann Bureau were married at
Narragansett, in New England, at the house of Mr. Peter Ayross, by Mr.
Peter Daille, minister of the French Church in Boston. Three years before,
in 1696, Sept. 4, the name of this Benjamin Faneuil will be found, M. H.
C., xxii. 60, attached to a certificate, in favor of Gabriel Bernon,
referring to the massacre of John Johnson and his three children, at New
Oxford. Johnson had married the sister of old _Andre Sigournay_.
This _Benjamin Faneuil_, the praepositus, or stirps, became the father of
eleven children, by his wife, _Anne Bureau_, who were all born in New
Rochelle, in the State of New York, and of whom _our_ Peter was the first
born. Their names, in the order of birth, are these--_Peter_, _Benjamin_,
_Francis_, _Anne_, _Anne_, _Marie_, _John_, _Anne_, _Susannah_, _Mary
Anne_, and _Catherine_. The two first Annes, John, and Catherine, died in
infancy.
The birth of our Peter is thus chronicled, in the family record--"_Le 20
de Juin, 1700, Estant Jeudy a 6 heures du soir est ne nostre fils Pierre
Faneuil, et a ete baptise le 14 Juillet, par M. Peyret, ministre de
l'Eglisse francoise de la Nouvelle York, presente au Bapteme par M. Claude
Baudoin et par Sa Mere_." The 20th of June, 1700, being Thursday, at 6
o'clock in the evening, was born our son, Peter Faneuil, and he was
baptized the 14th of July, by Mr. Peyret, minister of the French Church,
in New York; presented in baptism, by Mr. Claude Bowdoin and its mother.
_Benjamin_, _our_ Peter's brother, was born Dec. 29, 1701. He was a
merchant in Boston, about the time of his uncle Andrew's death, in 1737.
Shortly after that event, he went to England, and France, and returned,
about two years before the death of his brother Peter, in 1742-3, upon
whose estate he administered. His nephew, Edward Jones, in a letter to his
mother, June 23, 1783, informs her, that "_Uncle Faneuil seems to be
growing very low; I think he will not continue long_." He was then in his
eighty-second year. He died in October, 1785.
After Peter's death, Benjamin resided in Brighton, then Cambridge, in the
street, which now bears the family name, where he erected an expensive
mansion, successively occupied, after his decease, by Messieurs Bethune,
English, Parkman, and Bigelow. By his wife, Mary Cutler, he had three
children, Benjamin, Mary, and Peter.
_This_ Benjamin, nephew of _our_ Peter, is the "_Benjamin Faneuil,
junior_," whose name appears, among the signers of the "_Loyall Address_"
to Gov. Gage on his departure Oct. 6, 1775. He left Boston for Halifax,
with the British army, in March, 1776. He is the person, referred to, by
Ward, in his Memoirs of Curwen--"_the merchant of Boston, and with Joshua
Winslow, consignee of one third of the East India Company's tea, destroyed
in 1773, a refugee to Halifax, afterwards in England_." He married Jane,
daughter of Addington Davenport, by his first wife, Jane, who was the
daughter of Grove Hirst, and sister of the Lady Mary Pepperell; and, with
his wife, lived many years, abroad, chiefly in Bristol, England, which
became the favorite resort of many refugees, and where he died. I have, in
my possession, several of his letters, written to his relatives, during
his exile. These letters are spiritedly written; and, to the very last, in
the most perfect assurance, that the colonies must submit.
_Mary_, _our_ Peter's niece, became the wife of George Bethune, Oct. 13,
1754, and died in 1797. A portrait, by Blackburn, of this beautiful woman,
is in the possession of her son, George Bethune, Esquire, of Boston. After
a very careful inspection of this portrait, not long ago, I went directly
to the rooms of the Historical Society, to compare it with the portrait
there of her uncle Peter, to which it seems to me to bear a strong family
resemblance. This portrait of Peter was presented to the Society, by Miss
Jones, the grand niece of _our_ Peter, now the wife of Dr. Cutter of
Pepperell. It has been erroneously ascribed to Copley. If its manifest
inferiority to the works of that eminent master were not sufficiently
germaine to this question--Copley was born in 1738, and not quite five
years old, when Peter Faneuil died.
_Peter_, the youngest child of Benjamin, and, of course, the nephew of
_our_ Faneuil Hall Peter, who may be otherwise distinguished, as Peter the
Great--was baptized, in Trinity Church, in Boston, in 1738, and entered
the Latin School, in 1746. He entered into trade--went to
Montreal--failed--resorted to the West Indies--and, after his father's
death, returned to Boston.
No. CXXV.
Let us conclude our post mortem examination of the brothers and sisters of
Peter Faneuil.
_Francis_, the third son of _Benjamin_, the old Rocheller, Peter's father,
was born Aug. 21, 1703, of whom I know nothing, beyond the fact, that he
was baptized, by M. Peyret, minister of the French church in New York, and
presented "_par son grand pere, Francois Bureau, et Mad'selle Anne
Delancey_."
_Mary_, the eldest sister of _our_ Peter, that came to maturity, was born
April 16, 1708, and is the _Marie_, to whom I have already referred, as
having married Mr. Gillam Phillips, Aug. 6, 1725. Their abode, before the
revolution, was in the mansion, more recently occupied by Abiel Smith, at
the corner of State and Devonshire Streets; or, as they are called, on
Bonner's plan of 1722, King Street and Pudding Lane. Her husband was a
refugee. After his death, she resided in Cambridge, Mass., where she died,
in April, 1778.
_Anne_, the next, in order of time, was born Oct. 9, 1710, and married
Addington Davenport. This fact is stated, by Peter, in a letter, of Sept.
26, 1738. This is the same gentleman, undoubtedly, to whom the ancient
record of King's Chapel refers: "_Oct. 11, 1733. Voted, that the brass
stand for the hourglass be lent to the church at Scituate, as also three
Diaper napkins, provided the Rev. Mr. Addington Davenport, their minister,
gives his note to return the same_," &c. He was, afterwards, promoted, to
be assistant minister of King's Chapel, in 1737, and Rector of Trinity
Church, in 1740, and was, probably, the son of Addington Davenport, who
was the Register of Deeds, for Suffolk, in 1706.
_Susannah_, the third sister of _our_ Peter, in the order of birth, was
born March 14, 1712, and became the wife of James Boutineau, the son of
Stephen Boutineau, that "_only surviving elder_," who joined in the
conveyance of the French Church, in 1748. James was a royalist; and,
according to Ward's Curwen, died in exile. This marriage is also referred
to, by Peter, in his letter of Sept. 26, 1738. Mr. James Boutineau was a
lawyer, in Boston; and occupied the "_old Dorr house_," so called, in Milk
Street.
Mr. Sabine, in his "American Loyalists," says _his fate is unknown, but he
was in England, in 1777_. An original letter from his widow, "_Susanna
Boutineau_," now before me, is dated _Bristol, Eng., Feb. 20, 1784_, and
refers to the recent decease of her husband there.
_Mary Ann_ was the last of Peter's sisters, that survived her infancy. She
was born April 6, 1715, and died October, 1790. She became the wife of
John Jones, who died at Roxbury, in 1767, and whose son, Edward, died in
Boston, in 1835, at the age of 83. _She_ was a refugee; and resided, for
some time, in Windsor, Nova Scotia. She is omitted by Mr. Sabine, in his
list of refugees; but named by Ward, page 444. A letter, from her son,
Edward, dated at Boston, June 23, 1783, advises her, if desirous of
returning, not to come directly to Boston, as the law was still in force;
but first, to some other State, and thence to Boston.
Such were Peter Faneuil's brothers and sisters; with whom, so far as I
have been able to ascertain, from his correspondence, and from all other
sources, he appears to have maintained an amiable and becoming relation,
as the file leader of the flock--the elder brother of the house: and it
speaks a folio volume, in favor of Benjamin's equanimity, that he
continued to fraternize, as the correspondence abundantly proves, that he
did, in the most cordial and affectionate manner, with his brother Peter,
to whom uncle Andrew had, with the exception of a few legacies, willed the
whole of his "_large and plentiful estate_," as Master Lovell calls
it--while five vindictive shillings were all, that were found, after the
death of this unforgiving, old gentleman, in the mouth of poor Benjamin's
sack.
Uncle Andrew's testamentary phraseology, though not so anathematical, as
that of some other obstinate, old uncles, is sufficiently uncivil, and
even bitter, in relation to his "loving sister, Susannah," and his nephew,
Benjamin.
But, of the will of Andrew Faneuil, and his motive--an exceedingly
preposterous motive, to be sure, for cutting his adopted nephew off, with
five shillings--in other words, of the cause, manner, and instrument,
whereby Benjamin was put in the ablative, I shall treat, more fully,
hereafter.
There were collaterals of the Boston Faneuils, residing in St. Domingo, in
1738. There was then, in that island, a Benjamin Faneuil, to whom Peter
addressed a letter of mere friendship, in the French language, informing
him, that Peter's brother Benjamin was then in Europe. It was probably a
son of the St. Domingo Benjamin, the "_Monsieur Fanneuil_," of whom
Washington writes to the President of Congress, Feb. 20, 1777, Sparks, iv.
327, as having memorialized, for leave to raise and command troops. The
application failed, principally, on the ground of his entire ignorance of
the English language.
We have seen, that Peter Faneuil died, at the early age of forty-two. His
premature decease becomes the more remarkable, when contrasted with the
longevity of all his brothers and sisters, who lived beyond the period of
infancy. Marie attained the age of seventy--Susannah was living, in
Bristol, at seventy-two--Mary Ann died at seventy-five--Benjamin died, in
October, 1735, being two months less than eighty-four years old.
This veteran had been a generous liver, all his days. He was not a man,
whose devotion was abdominal--whose God was his belly. He was no
anchorite, but an advocate for social worship--he was preeminently
hospitable. For more than forty years, from the period, when Peter's death
afforded him the means, his hospitality had been a proverb--a by-word--but
never a reproach. There was a refinement about it--it was precisely such
hospitality, as Apicius would have practised, had Apicius been a bishop.
His appetite never forsook him. He died suddenly--ate a cheerful dinner,
on the day of his death--and went not to his account, on an empty stomach.
A post mortem examination, under the autopsy of that eminently shrewd, and
most pleasant, gentleman, Dr. Marshall Spring of Watertown, exhibited the
whole gastric apparatus, in admirable working order, for a much longer
campaign. A nephritic malady occasioned his decease.
The death of Benjamin Faneuil, _the elder_, in 1718, and the previous
adoption of his son Benjamin, Peter's brother, by Andrew, the wealthy
Boston uncle, naturally turned the thoughts of the family, in this
direction. Their interest in Boston was necessarily increased, by the
marriage of sister Marie with Mr. Gillam Phillips, and her consequent
removal hither. The entry of the marriage--"_ma fille_"--on the family
record, shows, that her mother was then living. The time of her death I
have not ascertained, but suppose it to have occurred within a year or two
after, for all the daughters were wending hither, and I find no mention of
the mother. Peter was here, as early, as 1728, in which year, his name is
associated, with the duel, in which Woodbridge was killed. Anne had
married Mr. Davenport, and Susannah Mr. Boutineau, before uncle Andrew's
death, in 1737. His will was dated, in 1734. From that document, it is
evident, that Mary Ann was here then.
The elder Benjamin having died, in 1718,--Andrew, his brother, in
1737,--and Peter, in 1742-3, there were living Peter's brother and
sisters, Benjamin, Anne, Susannah, Marie, and Marianne. They were living,
during the revolution. So were their husbands, excepting Mr. Addington
Davenport, who died Sept. 8, 1746. Their children also were living. The
object of this particular statement is to invite the reader's attention to
the extraordinary fact, that, while a religious persecution, in 1685,
drove the Huguenot ancestors of these very individuals hither, for
security--in 1776, a political persecution here drove many of their
descendants into exile, and confiscated their estates.
That very many of those refugees, during the phrensy of political
excitement, were just as truly persecuted, for conscience' sake, as were
the Huguenots, in 1685, is a simple truth, which the calm, impartial voice
of an after-age has been willing to concede. Among those refugees, the
Huguenot and the old Anglo-Saxon patronymics are blended together. The
Boutineaus and the Bethunes, the Faneuils and the Johonnots are mingled
with the Sewalls and the Hutchinsons, the Hollowells and the Paxtons.
While perusing the letters of Samuel Curwen--and a most kind-hearted,
conscientious, old gentleman was he--the veriest saint in crape cannot
restrain a smile, as he contemplates the conflict, in Curwen's mind,
between the loyal and the patriotic--_his most gracious majesty, and his
poor bleeding country_! Mr. Curwen met frequently with Mr. Benjamin
Faneuil, Peter's nephew, at Bristol. Thus, on page 240, of the Journal,
under date, April 28, 1780--"_Afternoon and evening at Judge Sewall's;
company, Mrs. Long, of Ireland, Mr. and Mrs. Faneuil, Mr. Oxnard, with
young Inman and his wife, a son of Ralph's, in the military line, and Miss
Inman_."
The more intelligent of the refugees, who resorted to Bristol, hovered
about the former Attorney General of Massachusetts, Jonathan Sewall, as
their _Magnus Apollo_. Of all the New England tories he was the most
illustrious. He was a man of eminent talents, and easy eloquence. His
opinions were the opinions of the rest. As crowed the great tory cock, so
crowed the bantams, the Faneuils, the Boutineaus, and the others, around
the Attorney General's hospitable board, at Bristol. I mean not to
intimate, that this worthy gentleman maintained, at this period, anything,
beyond the most frugal hospitality. He and his associates were mainly
dependent upon the British government, for their daily bread.
One or two extracts from the letters of "_Benjamin Faneuil junior_,"
Peter's nephew, while they establish this fact, may serve to exhibit the
confidence, in the entire subjugation of the colonies,
entertained--_cherished_, perhaps--by him and his companions.
March 9, 1777, he writes to his aunt, Mary Ann Jones, at Halifax, thus--"I
cannot say I am very sorry, for your disappointment, in missing your
passage for England, for unless you could bring a barrel of guineas, you
are much better anywhere than here." * * * * "As soon as the Christmas
holidays were over, we presented a petition to the Lords of the Treasury,
setting forth our suffering, and praying for a support, till the affairs
in America are settled. This method was taken, by the council, and indeed
by all the refugees. Within these few days, the Lords of the Treasury have
agreed to allow, for the present, Chief Justice Oliver L400 a year, Lieut.
Governor Oliver and Mr. Flucker L300. The council (Mr. Boutineau among
the rest) L200, the refugees in general L100, some only L50. Our affair is
not yet absolutely determined, on account of Lord North's sickness; but we
are told we shall be tuckt in, between the council and the refugees, and
be allowed L150 a year. This is a very poor affair, and we can by no means
live upon it: but there are such a confounded parcel of us, to be provided
for, that I am told no more will be allowed." * * * * "Should there be any
opportunity of writing to Boston, I should take it kind, if cousin Betsey
would write to my father and let him know what I now write, and give our
loves to Mr. Bethune's family, and my aunt Phillips. I do not mention my
poor mother, as, from the accounts I have received, I doubt, whether she
be alive at this time." She died in October, 1777.
"When we shall be able to return to Boston I cannot say; but hope and
believe it will not exceed one year more; for, sooner or later, America
will be conquered, and on that they may depend."
May 14, 1777. He writes from London thus--"We were promised, three months
ago, that some provision should be made for us; and, about ten days since,
we were assured, at the Treasury, that, in a very few days, something
should be done for us. As soon as there is, we propose to set out for
Bristol, and fix ourselves there, or, at least, in that part of the
country, till the American affairs are settled, which, from the last
advice from New York, we flatter ourselves will not be longer than this
year; though I am not without my doubts, at least as to the time: but
submit they must, sooner or later. Mr. Boutineau and my aunt were very
well, at their lodging, at Bristol, a few days ago. Mr. Robinson has
bought himself a new post chaise, horses, &c., and sets out for Wales, in
five or six days; where, I suppose, they will remain, till the American
affairs are brought to a conclusion."
This Mr. Robinson was James Boutineau's son-in-law, the officer of the
customs, who inflicted that fatal blow, upon James Otis, which is said to
have affected his brain, and compelled him to retire from public life. The
issue of that affair is not generally known. Mr. Sabine, in his "American
Loyalists," p. 169, says--"the jury assessed L2000 sterling, damages.
Boutineau appeared, as attorney, for Robinson, and, in his name, signed a
submission, asking the pardon of Otis, who, thereupon, executed a free
release for the L2000." The same statement may be found in Allen, and
elsewhere.
Mr. Benjamin Faneuil, junior, continues thus--"Mrs. Faneuil received a
letter, a few days since, from Mrs. Erving (at Bristol). She sends her the
prices of provisions, which are much the same they were in Boston, before
the troubles came on. * * * * Miss Peggy Hutchinson has been at death's
door. * * * * All the rest of us Yankees are well, but growl at each other
most confoundedly, for want of money." * * * * "We hope to see you in
Boston, in the course of another year." * * * * "Mrs. Faneuil is sitting
by me, trying to transmography an old gown. No money to buy new."
No. CXXVI.
To some persons it has appeared a mystery, how Peter Faneuil, having had
but a short lease of life, some two and forty years, should have acquired
the "_large and plentiful estate_," that Master Lovell speaks of, in his
funeral oration. This mystery is readily explained. He had, for several
years, before the death of his uncle, Andrew, been engaged in commerce. As
Master Lovell justly observes--"No man managed his affairs with greater
prudence and industry." His commercial correspondence proves that his
relations were extensive and diversified, though it must be admitted, that
_rum, fish, sugar and molasses_, are the chorus, or burden, of the song.
It will also appear, that the _large and plentiful estate_, was, probably
overrated.
Though he had a high sense of commercial honor, no man had a sharper eye
for the main chance, as it is called, by money getting men. Let me
illustrate both these positions, by extracts--not from "_Peter's letters
to his kinsfolks_," but from Peter's letters to his correspondents. He
repeatedly scolds Signor Miguel Pacheco de Silva, and Monsieur Sigal,
severely, for inattention to his drafts. To S. & W. Baker, of London, who,
by reason of the informality of a power to transfer stock, were unsupplied
with funds, to meet his drafts, yet paid them, for the honor of the
drawer; he writes a letter of cordial thanks, Sept. 7, 1737, in which he
says--"_I would not for L500 you had not accepted all those drafts; for,
if you had not, it would have been a slur to my character, which I value
more than all the money upon earth_."
January 22, 1738, he requests Mr. Peter Baynton to advise him, on several
points--"_also what good French brandy is worth, and if it be possible to
cloak it so, as to ship it for rum_." On the 13th of March, in the same
year, he writes Mr. Peter Baynton, that he has sent him four hogsheads of
brandy, and adds--"_Pray be as cautious as possible, in taking them on
shore, by reason the man has signed bills of lading, for four hogsheads
rum, not knowing the contents, which it is not convenient he should_."
What a goodly number will openly pronounce Peter a very bad fellow, who,
if they have not done this identical thing, have done things, quite as
exceptionable, or more so, and who are willing to--
"Compound for sins they are inclined to,
By damning those they have no mind to."
Merchant princes, if I am rightly instructed, do not place the offence of
cheating the Government, in the category of cardinal, or unpardonable,
sins. And, notwithstanding all, that we so frequently hear, of commercial
integrity, and the chivalry of trade; I rather doubt, upon the whole, if
traffic is really the "_ne plus ultra strap_," upon which the very finest
possible edge can be given to the moral sense. Exceptions there are, but
they only establish, more fully, the general rule: and, in accordance with
the spirit of the old, prudential legend, we are rather too much in the
habit of postponing prayers, till we have sanded the sugar, and watered
the molasses. I have long entertained the opinion, that a cheap _vade
mecum_ edition of Dr. Chalmers' Commercial Discourses, for New Year's
gifts, might be very beneficially distributed.
Exceptions certainly there are. I have one, within my own memory. The
collector of a Southern port--a Huguenot withal--of whom my personal
recollections are exceedingly agreeable, and whose integrity was a
proverb, was surprised one day, upon his return, at the dinner hour, by
the display of a costly service of plate, which his lady had procured from
London. A few inquiries developed the fact, that, by the agency of a
gentleman, a friend of the family, it had been gotten over, with _his_
baggage, duty free--in other words, _smuggled_. In an instant, the old
gentleman ordered his wife's whole service of silver to the public stores;
and seized it for the government. Such cases, I apprehend, are not of
frequent occurrence.
If Peter Faneuil made not broad his phylactery, he made broad that mantle
of charity, which covereth a multitude of sins. If such had not been the
fact, and notoriously so, Master Lovell would not have ventured to
proclaim, in Faneuil Hall, one hundred and eight years ago, and before a
scanty population, as cognizant, as the population of a village, of all
the shortcomings of their neighbors that--
"_Peter's acts of charity were so secret and unbounded, that none but they
who were the objects of it could compute the sums, which he annually
distributed_"--that "_his alms flowed, like a fruitful river_"--that "_he
fed the hungry, clothed the naked, comforted the fatherless, and the
widows in their affliction, and his bounty visited the prisoner. So that
Almighty God, in giving riches to this man, seems to have scattered
blessings all abroad among the people_"--that the building "_erected by
him at an immense charge, for the convenience and ornament of the town, is
incomparably the greatest benefaction ever yet known to our Western
shoar_"--that this act of munificence, however great, "_is but the first
fruits of his generosity, a pledge of what his heart, always devising
liberal things, would have done for us, had his life been spared_." To all
this good Master Lovell adds the assertion--"_I am well assured from
those, who were acquainted with his purposes, that he had many more
blessings in store for us, had Heaven prolonged his days_."
These statements, publicly pronounced, one hundred and eight years ago,
have never been gainsayed, nor even qualified. They must therefore be
viewed, in the light of an ancient deposition, read before the grand
inquest of the whole people, before whom Peter Faneuil was tried, shortly
after his decease, according to the fashion of the Egyptians, while
dealing with their departed kings.