THE WAR IN FRANCE
With the battle of Agincourt the days of Humphrey's apprenticeship end,
and we find him fairly embarked on his public career. That career
assumes a threefold aspect, but at the same time there are certain
definite threads of temperament and character which run through all the
web of his life. We shall find him first busy in the French wars as the
capable and trusted lieutenant of his royal brother; later for a brief
space he will be found aping the ambitions of his grandfather, striving
for recognition as prince of an European state; finally, the third and
most lasting phase of his career will find him amidst the unlovely
strife of party politics. Soldier, Pretender, Politician, in all these
rôles Humphrey stands forth as a distinct personality. Not that he has
the great gifts of concentration and consistency, not that he is one of
those happy men who have a gospel to preach and know it; he was of all
men lacking in determination, and if his policy does not waver, his
carrying out thereof is fitful and uncertain. His interests were those
of the moment, his policy was mapped out on no organised plan, but the
same spirit inspires his every action. Ambition and instability were
manifest throughout his life, and though he had always before him the
same clear object--self-aggrandisement--there was no consistency in the
methods he used to secure his end. Thus we shall find him at one moment
a patriotic Englishman, at another nothing less than the subverter of
the nation's welfare, but before him there was always the same selfish
object which was to destroy his power of usefulness, and make him a
patriot only when his own interests and those of the nation were
identical. In the first stage of his career this influence of his
character is not so clearly apparent, but even here we can trace what
eventually became so plain. Till the death of Henry V. he was dominated
by the overpowering personality of his brother, and it was only when he
strove to stand alone that the glaring weakness of his character became
evident. It is then with care and diligence that we must examine
Gloucester's military career under the guidance of his brother, if we
are to find the connecting-link between his earlier and later actions.
Humphrey's wound was not so long in healing as might have been
expected,[145] and he was soon back in England. Henceforward he was one
of the King's trusty warriors, and the war indeed was to monopolise most
of his time for the next few years, though for the present there was a
cessation. In the meantime he received the reward of his services. Part
of the forfeited estates of the late Earl of Cambridge, executed at
Southampton, the adjoining manors of Bristol and Barton, were given to
him for himself and his heirs male, while he added the castle and
lordship of Llanstephan to his already extensive possessions in South
Wales.[146] Moreover, the death of the Earl of Arundel in October had
rendered vacant the post of Constable of Dover and Warden of the Cinque
Ports, an office which the King conferred on his youngest brother within
four days of his return to London.[147] Evidently the appointment had
been made before the letters-patent were signed, since we find reference
to Gloucester as Constable and Warden in a petition of the Parliament
before Henry's return.[148] Towards the end of the year Humphrey was
created Lord of the Isle of Wight and of Carisbrooke,[149] and in
January he became Warden and Chief-Justice in Eyre of the Royal Forests,
Parks, and Warrens south of the Trent.[150] Henry was evidently well
pleased with his brother's conduct in the recent campaign, and had
therefore increased his importance and placed him in a position of
greater trust. The Isle of Wight and the Cinque Ports were an important
charge, in view of the French war now in progress.
1416] THE EMPEROR SIGISMUND
A lull in the French war gave Gloucester a period of rest before
continuing the martial career on which he had now entered. While
Burgundy intrigued against Armagnac influence in France, the chief
figure in the political horizon of the two warring nations was Sigismund
of Luxemburg, King of the Romans and Emperor elect. Sigismund had become
Margrave of Brandenburg at the death of his father, the Emperor Charles
IV., and King of Hungary on the death of Lewis the Great by reason of
his marriage with Mary, the daughter of that monarch. As his brother
Wenzel's weakness had induced the electors to choose another Emperor,
Sigismund, who had been selected for this honour, though nominally only
King of the Romans at this time, bore the burden of the imperial duties,
and was generally recognised as Holy Roman Emperor. He had conceived a
great and far-reaching policy, which included the unification of
Christendom in one fraternal bond of love, and a crusade against the
Turk, who was threatening the Eastern borders of Western Europe. To
this end he had secured the deposition of Pope John XXIII. as a step
towards removing the scandal of two claimants to papal honours, and he
now had turned his attention to the reconciliation of France and
England, as part of his larger policy of Christian unity. To this end he
had left the Council of Constance to visit these two countries, and to
try the effects of his personal mediation.[151] Graciously received at
Paris, he had nevertheless soon found that the gospel of peace was there
preached to deaf ears, and driven thence by the hostility of the mob
which had risen against him, he set his face towards England, reaching
Calais at the end of April, and Dover on the 30th of that month.[152]
As soon as the contemplated visit of the Emperor had become known in
England, preparations had been made for his reception. Early in April
Gloucester, as Warden of the Cinque Ports, had been commissioned to send
ships to Calais to bring over the imperial visitor,[153] and careful
arrangements were made for the journey between Dover and London, with a
special prohibition against charging the visitors for anything they
required,[154] a most welcome provision for the penurious Sigismund,
who, far more than his contemporary Frederick of Austria, deserved the
nickname 'mit den leeren Taschen.' Gloucester, accompanied by the Earl
of Salisbury and Lords Harrington and Furnival--the latter more
recognisable under his later title of John Talbot, Earl of
Shrewsbury--went down to meet Sigismund at Dover, where the castle was
made ready for his reception.[155] This was the Duke's first official
visit to the Cinque Ports, and the occasion was celebrated by a solemn
reception at the Shepway, and a present of £100 from the towns under his
command.[156]
1416] SIGISMUND IN ENGLAND
On the arrival of the Emperor at Dover, so says a sixteenth-century
chronicler, Humphrey was the chief actor in a picturesque ceremony.
Riding into the water with drawn sword before Sigismund had disembarked,
he demanded whether he came merely on a friendly visit, or in his
imperial capacity to claim suzerainty over the country; and it was not
till a denial of all imperial rights over King Henry had been given that
the visitor was allowed to land.[157] Though no contemporary writer
mentions this event, there is a strong presumption of truth in the
story. There are traces of the legend earlier than Holinshed,[158] and
it seems very likely that some precaution should be taken, in view of
Sigismund's well-known claims to the allegiance of all Europe. Only a
short time before he had exasperated French national feeling by
knighting a plaintiff before the Parlement de Paris to secure his right
to plead, and it was universally suspected--with considerable justice
too--that imperial aggrandisement, as much as his desire for peace, had
prompted Sigismund's European tour.[159] Finally, the fact that the
Emperor spent a whole day on board his ship at Dover before disembarking
helps to strengthen the probability that some kind of negotiation took
place, and that Holinshed's story is true, and based on some authority
which we have now unfortunately lost.
The landing was accomplished on the evening of May 1, and next day
Gloucester escorted his charge as far as Canterbury, where the
Archbishop welcomed the visitor. The following day, being Sunday, was
spent in the Cathedral city, and on Tuesday the cavalcade moved on,
being met at Rochester by Bedford, and at Dartford by Clarence. The
King himself, with an escort of 5000 gentlemen, and accompanied by the
Mayor and Aldermen of London in 'rede gownes,' received Sigismund at
Blackheath, and with great pomp and circumstance the four Lancastrian
brothers brought their guest through the city to Westminster.[160]
Henry had adjourned Parliament till Sigismund's arrival, hoping to have
its help in the ratification of a peace with France, which the French
Embassy that came over in the train of the Emperor seemed to
promise.[161] It is probable, therefore, that Sigismund was present at
the reopening of the session; but no business of importance was
undertaken, and when Gloucester with other of the lords had given his
guarantee for the repayment of a loan, the meeting was dissolved.[162]
On Rogation Sunday, May 24, the feast of St. George, which had been
postponed till the arrival of the Emperor, was celebrated, and Sigismund
was admitted to the Order of the Garter, attending High Mass in St.
George's Chapel, and the subsequent banquet in honour of the
occasion.[163] Gloucester was amongst those who received robes of the
order on this occasion, and with him we find William, Count of Holland,
the father of the lady he was afterwards to marry.[164] Count William
had been summoned by the Emperor to assist in the peace negotiations by
reason of his relations with the French court, the Dauphin being his
son-in-law; but his stay in England was cut short by the refusal of
Sigismund to grant the investiture of his inheritance to his only child,
Jacqueline, a refusal which induced him to withdraw in a rage.[165]
1416] SIGISMUND RETURNS HOME
In spite of the splendour of the feastings at Windsor,[166] the object
of the imperial visit was not forgotten, but though Henry was ready to
come to terms, the Armagnac faction at Paris opposed all efforts towards
peace. A French attack on Harfleur and the Isle of Wight[167] threw
Sigismund into the arms of the English, and on August 15 a treaty of
alliance between King and Emperor was signed at Canterbury.[168]
Meantime Bedford had been despatched to relieve Harfleur, in which he
was entirely successful,[169] and he returned on September 4 to find
that Henry, accompanied by Gloucester, had crossed to Calais, whither
Sigismund had preceded them, carrying with him the maledictions of the
London citizens for his failure to procure peace,[170] but himself
leaving behind him a nattering record of the pleasant time he had had in
England.[171] His mission had failed in its object, but writers of both
nations agree that the fault lay not with the English but with the
French.[172]
The journey of Henry and Gloucester to Calais was taken with the
definite object of cementing an alliance with John the Fearless of
Burgundy, and of drawing the vassal duke nearer to his imperial
overlord. Ostensibly the matter of chief importance was a meeting with
the envoys from the King of France, but as might be expected from their
recent behaviour, the French asked ridiculously high terms, and the only
result of the conference was a truce between the two countries till
February 2, 1417.[173]
1416] GLOUCESTER AND COUNT OF CHAROLAIS
The way was thus cleared for negotiations with Burgundy, but the duke
showed himself very doubtful of the good faith of the English, and
demanded elaborate safeguards for his person if he came to Calais. This
difficulty was removed, and on October 1 a safe conduct was given him
for himself and 800 men, only half of whom were to come further than the
gates of the city; Gloucester was to meet him at Gravelines, and remain
with the Count of Charolais as hostage for his safety till his
return.[174] Accordingly on October 3 the French ambassadors were
dismissed by Henry, for one of the most prominent of them, the
Archbishop of Rheims, was very obnoxious to Burgundy, and Humphrey
prepared a 'reasonable escort' of some 800 men, who were to accompany
him to the Burgundian court. At two o'clock on the morning of October 5
trumpets sounded in the English quarters, and the little band made ready
to accompany the duke to Gravelines, all unarmed. About four o'clock
they left the city, and followed by a crowd anxious to witness the
meeting of the two dukes, they reached the banks of the river Aa between
six and seven, just as the tide was at its lowest. Lord Camoys and Sir
Robert Waterton were then sent over to secure a signed and sealed
security for the safety of the English prince, and when this had been
given the Burgundian troops came out and faced the English across the
river. The retainers of both parties passed over first, and then the
principals, with a touch of that mediæval ceremonial which
characterised the men of the new age, rode into the water from the
opposite sides, and shaking hands in mid-stream, passed on, Burgundy to
be met by the Earl of Warwick and escorted to Calais, Gloucester to be
received with every courtesy by the Count of Charolais, Burgundy's
eldest son and heir, with whom he went to St. Omer.[175]
For nine days these two men, whom fate was to bring into bitter
hostility before many years had passed, lived together, and when the
conference at Calais came to an end, it was with warm thanks for
courteous entertainment that Gloucester took his leave.[176]
Nevertheless a jarring note had been struck during this visit, for we
read that on one occasion, when the Count came to visit his guest,
Gloucester treated him with scant courtesy, ignoring his presence save
for a formal salutation, and continuing his conversation with his
friends.[177] This event is recorded by a man who knew the history of
the Burgundian States from internal observation, and who recorded facts
with a justice unusual amongst many of his contemporaries, and we need
not be slow to credit the story, when we remember Humphrey's naturally
imperious disposition. That he disliked his commission is at least
probable in the light of his past opposition to a Burgundian alliance,
and we may well find here the seeds of that strong personal hostility
which embittered the later disagreements of the two dukes. To believe
this account does not necessitate the discrediting of the story that
Gloucester gave formal thanks couched in extravagant terms for his
treatment at St. Omer, as this would be only part of the ritual of
courtesy which still dominated the relations of the great men of the
time. On October 13 Burgundy and Gloucester once more appeared at
Gravelines, and having observed the same procedure as on the first
occasion, they returned to their respective quarters.[178]
No definite alliance had been made between Henry and Burgundy, but the
first step had been taken towards that policy, which in the hands of
that young Count, whom Gloucester had now met for the first time, was to
bring such loss and disaster to France. The Emperor's visit to England
had borne no useful fruit. While the complications of his policy and his
perpetual penury prevented any advantage to England from the Treaty of
Canterbury, at Constance his position was only still more complicated
than before by the support of his new English friends, and the honour of
being enrolled a member of the Order of the Garter could not hide the
failure of his policy. To Gloucester fell the duty of escorting
Sigismund on the first stage of his homeward journey, and for this
purpose he was provided with four large English ships. The Emperor and
his men, however, hugged the coast in small boats, and left Humphrey to
ride the high seas and protect them from harm, as they feared an attack
from the French in revenge for the Treaty of Canterbury. Gloucester
accompanied Sigismund as far as Dordrecht, and there the two princes
parted with mutual compliments, and presents from the slightly
replenished imperial treasury.[179] They were never to meet again.
1416] GLOUCESTER AND SIGISMUND
Sigismund and Gloucester have much in common. Both loved pomp and
display, and had equally enjoyed the high festival which had marked the
reception of the Emperor in England; both scandalised a none too
particular age by the laxness of their morals; both were possessed of
that charm of personality which so often accompanies a lack of moral
stamina; both basked in the smiles of the bourgeois class. In their
future life, too, both were to find themselves opposed to a faction
which prated of constitutionalism, and schemed but for its own
aggrandisement. But deep down in the roots of their mental attitude we
see a great dissimilarity. Sigismund lived in a world of ideas conceived
in the spirit of mediævalism; he looked to the past to correct the
future. On the other hand, Gloucester had drunk deep of the new ideas,
which had begun to influence men's minds; he had grasped that spirit of
nationalism, which was to sweep away the traditional forces of
mediævalism, and give birth to the nations of Europe; he had experience
of a campaign, in which the tactics and the weapons of a new era had
been used; he was beginning to perceive the true significance of the
rising importance of the middle classes. With all his selfishness and
with all his instability of character, he had got the right idea, and
the failure of his life, and the impolicy of many of his actions, will
be found due, not to any misconception of his age, not to any inability
to follow the trend of human thought, but to grave defects of character.
Like Sigismund, he had great abilities, but unlike Sigismund, he could
not follow the course he had mapped out for himself. His policy has a
consistency we might not expect to find, but he was not a man whose
active life in any way represented his ideals.
* * * * *
On October 16 Henry returned to England. He realised that peace was not
possible so long as he maintained the justice of his claims on France,
and that for the end he had in view the war must be prosecuted with the
utmost vigour. Peace was desirable, but the only means of procuring it
was to continue the war with redoubled energy; and such was the burden
of the Chancellor's speech when Parliament opened on October 19.[180]
Seeing no means of evading the demand, Parliament resigned itself to
granting two subsidies for the carrying on of the war; so that by the
beginning of the new year preparations were in full swing. Privy seals
were issued to the nobility and gentry in order to ascertain the
probable numbers of those who were willing to take part in the campaign,
and in February the necessary indentures were prepared.[181] Orders for
the strengthening of the navy were also issued, and it was hoped that
the expedition would sail by May 1.[182] Gloucester was busy probably
with his own preparations. Doubtless he was anxious to guarantee himself
against possible loss, for he, along with many others, had not obtained
full payment for the last campaign. He had returned the jewels which had
been pledged to him for his second quarter's pay, but the officials of
the Exchequer had refused to pay him for the forty-eight days of that
period which he had spent in England after his return. They argued that
this time was not spent in the service of the King, and ignored his plea
that he had been ready to remain in France and had had to pay his men
for the full period.[183] However, he prepared his retinue, which seems
to have consisted of 90 lances and 266 archers under the command of
Reginald Cobham and William Beauchamp,[184] and by July he had arrived
with the other units of the army at Southampton, the earlier date in May
having been found impracticable in view of all that had to be done. By
July 23 the preparations were complete. Bedford was appointed Regent,
the King went on board his ship at Southampton, and the sails
embroidered with the arms of England and France were hoisted for the
voyage.[185]
1417] RENEWAL OF THE FRENCH WAR
The dangers of the crossing had been removed by the utter defeat which
the Earl of Huntingdon had inflicted on the Genoese fleet, completing
the work of Bedford earlier in the year. So by August 1 Henry had landed
at Touques in Normandy, accompanied by his two brothers, Clarence and
Gloucester, seven Earls, and fourteen Barons.[186] The army at Henry's
disposal was probably the largest, certainly the best equipped, that any
English king had ever mustered, and its numbers may be roughly estimated
at some 10,000 men.[187] No resistance was offered to the disembarkation
of the troops, for Henry had kept his own counsel as to his
destination,[188] but there seems to be no doubt that a knowledge of his
intended arrival would have brought no troops against him, for it is
hard, says Basin, to describe the absolute terror which the very name of
the English inspired.[189]
No time was lost after landing. Clarence was appointed Constable of the
army,[190] and the castle of Touques, which lay on the estuary of the
Seine exactly opposite Harfleur, was invested by Gloucester as
'chieftaine of the King's avant guard.' A 'marvueilously defensible'
fortress this, but reduced by Gloucester's 'gunns and other engines' by
August 9,[191] for the town was assaulted so continuously, that it was
compelled to surrender to escape a worse fate. From this successful
siege Gloucester went to join a council of war summoned by Henry, at
which it was decided to begin the campaign with an attack on Caen.[192]
So, after challenging the Dauphin to single combat, as he had done in
his earlier campaign, and reissuing his ordinances for the good
government of the army, Henry marched on that town.[193]
Winter weather was now approaching, and Henry looked to Caen, a
residential town with large suburbs, to provide suitable quarters for
the ensuing months. So leaving Honfleur behind him--too hard a nut to
crack just then[194]--and accompanied by Humphrey, who probably still
commanded the van, he took a devious route to his destination. He
thereby avoided the passage of certain little rivers, which would have
been troublesome for so large a force. Leaving Touques on August 13, the
army marched by slow stages through Fontenes and Estouteville to Caen,
which was reached on August 13.[195] On their arrival, Clarence, who had
been sent on in advance, was found to be in possession, of the Abbey of
St. Stephen, situated on a hill just outside the walls, well fortified,
and commanding the southern defences of the town.[196] It was in order
to secure this position, and to save the suburbs of the town from being
burnt, that Clarence had followed a shorter route along the coast-line,
for Henry wanted shelter for his men.
1417] THE SIEGE OF CAEN
Caen stands on the left bank of the river Orne, which washes its
south-east wall, while a tributary, the Odon, flowing through the town,
joins the main stream just outside.[197] The castle and the strongest
sides of the defences were approached from the south, where the Abbey of
St. Stephen, which Clarence had occupied before Henry's arrival,
commanded the town, if not the castle itself. This Abbey had been
founded by William the Conqueror, who was buried there; and it was to a
sister foundation of Queen Matilda's, the Abbey of Holy Trinity, to the
north-east of the town, that Clarence was sent when Henry superseded
him at St. Stephen's.[198] Between these two points, on the south-west,
the Earl Marshal was given his post, and further north again were Lord
Talbot and Sir Gilbert Umfraville; Lords Neville and Willoughby
continued the ring of the besiegers up to the Abbey of the Holy Trinity.
On the opposite side of the town to the south-east were the Earls of
Huntingdon and Warwick and Sir John Grey, the father of Gloucester's
future son-in-law.[199] The Norman Chronicle tells us that Gloucester
was stationed at Vaucelles.[200] He seems to have had no regular post in
the blockading of the town, but to have been given the command of the
siege-engines,[201] which Henry landed from the fleet that had coasted
from Touques.
In the course of the siege Gloucester and his guns did royal work. They
kept up an incessant fire, and although the French returned it with
interest, the large guns 'beat down both walls and towers, and slew much
people in their houses and eke in the streets,'[202] but no firing on
the churches of the town was allowed.[203] Besides the bombardment,
numerous mines were driven under the town, but they were counter-mined
by the defenders, and many a fierce fight was fought underground. In the
direction of the siege Henry was most energetic, bestowing his chief
interest on the side where Gloucester was engaged with the heavy
cannon.[204] By September 3 the besiegers were ready for the grand
assault, and Henry summoned the town to surrender, but met with a
refusal. A council of war was called, and orders issued to each captain
to keep his counsel, but to be ready for the assault on the morrow; the
men were to be drawn up in three divisions, each to act in support of
the others. Next day the assault was begun on all sides. Clarence, who
was opposed by the weakest side of the defence, and had previously
undermined the wall, fought his way into the town and across the bridge
that spanned the Odon, and took those who were resisting the King's
attack in the rear. In spite of a false alarm that a relieving force was
approaching, the English pressed their advantage home, and after a sharp
fight the town was finally captured, though the castle held out for some
days longer.[205]
The soldiery were given a free hand with the proviso that churches,
women, and unarmed priests were to be respected. Thus in the hour of
victory Henry did not forget that he claimed to be a king subduing
rebellious subjects, and at the same time the willing agent of the anger
of God.
1417] GLOUCESTER'S MILITARY QUALITIES
We do not know what part Gloucester took in the actual assault, but his
important work had been done during the fortnight which had prepared the
way for the storming of the town. He was no longer the raw soldier of
two years ago. He had gained experience of siege operations at Harfleur,
he had taken part in a pitched battle at Agincourt, and he had been
intrusted with the short, sharp siege of the castle of Touques. No great
experience in sum, but he seems to have used it well, for he had played
no unimportant part in the fall of Caen. He seems indeed to have enjoyed
a natural military gift, and we have now still more reason to believe
that it was more as an artilleryman than in any other capacity that he
was particularly prominent. The suggestion of this given at the siege of
Harfleur is confirmed by the fact that he was immediately appointed to
the command of the guns in this second campaign; his genius was not that
of the mediæval soldiers. New forces had come to change the world and to
help on the evolution of the race. In later life Humphrey was to shine
forth as the patron of the new learning which was the most important of
these forces; in his earlier life he showed that he was ready to accept
new military methods and to use his great mental qualities in the
practical as well as the theoretical sides of human activity. In later
days men praised him for this wonderful combination of the pursuits of
the student and the man of action, but it was not an extraordinary
phenomenon that this should be so. The restless activity which was the
motive-power of his life led him to throw himself enthusiastically into
the projects of the moment, even if he had not the determination to
persevere in his undertakings, and to win fame by the successful
prosecution of his aims. Unsustained impetuosity was the chief
characteristic of Humphrey's life, and if in military matters his nature
might sometimes betray him into taking too great risks, he combined with
this quality that absolute carelessness of personal danger which we have
seen him display at Agincourt, and for which he was conspicuous at a
later stage of these French wars. It was this quality, so essential in
warfare when a commander led his men into action, that endeared him to
his men, and helped to create his military fame among his
contemporaries. So successfully had he fought before Caen, that Henry
immediately despatched him on an independent expedition, as a further
test of his capacity.
With a detachment from the royal army Gloucester set out for Bayeux,
where he found the town well fortified but demoralised, and his attack
met with such success that by September 16 the garrison was ready to
treat. Having no power to grant terms, he allowed four of the citizens
to seek the King at Caen, where permission was given to eight others to
attempt to procure forces for the relief of the town.[206] The chances
of relief, however, were very small, since Burgundy was threatening
Paris from the bridge of St. Cloud, but if such a force came it would
serve Henry's purpose very well, as it would have to fight a pitched
battle with his army before it could reach Bayeux. However, the chances
of the garrison were so minute that on September 19 Gloucester was
authorised to treat for the surrender of the town, which yielded on the
23rd.[207] According to instructions the town was very generously
treated. Gloucester promised them good and just government and every
liberty that they had enjoyed under the rule of Charles VI., and for
their defence he repaired the fortifications.[208] Probably some days
were spent here in settling the affairs of the town, and in receiving
the submission of the whole country-side, which hastened to acknowledge
the supremacy of the English arms.
Leaving Bayeux Humphrey led his men eastwards, and passing by Caen
reduced the country round Lisieux. This town and the castle of 'Newby'
surrendered without resistance, and numerous other fortified places gave
in their allegiance to the English King.[209] Having settled the country
and left small garrisons in the towns, with Sir John Kirkby in command
at Lisieux,[210] Gloucester rejoined his brother, who having left Caen
on October 1, had sat down before Alençon on the 15th of that
month.[211] All through this expedition Gloucester was never out of
touch with the main body of the army, but was entirely under the control
of the King. Except at the short siege of Bayeux, he had met with
practically no resistance. So great indeed was the severity of Henry to
those who withstood him, that when his brother reached Lisieux, he found
but one old man and one old woman in possession of the town, and so many
took advantage of the English King's proclamation at Caen promising his
protection to all who swore allegiance to him,[212] that this little
excursion partook more of the nature of a pacific procession than of a
warlike campaign.
1417] THE SIEGE OF ALENÇON
Alençon, before which Gloucester now found himself, was a position of
considerable strength, fortified by stout walls, numerous towers, and a
castle which nature and the skill of man had made almost impregnable;
added to this during the first few days of the siege the garrison
entertained hopes of relief, and their resistance was proportionately
determined. Gloucester was stationed at the hottest place of the attack,
just opposite the castle, and had to take his share in repelling the
frequent sorties of the garrison.[213] However, when the fallacy of
their hopes of relief became evident, and the reports of the universal
surrenders to the English on all sides reached them, the besieged began
to tire; they agreed to surrender on honourable terms, and on October 24
Henry entered the city.[214] Immediately various captains were sent out,
carrying their successes into the heart of Maine and Perche; Bellesme
and Fresnoy surrendered, and the whole country up to and including La
Marche acknowledged the English supremacy.[215]
Gloucester did not take part in these expeditions, but stayed with the
King, who spent some time in Alençon. Negotiations were pending with the
French court, which had returned a conciliatory answer to the challenge
from Caen, whilst the Duke of Brittany, frightened by the success of the
English troops, proceeded to Alençon and there on November 16 signed a
truce, which was to last till the following Michaelmas, on behalf of
himself and of the young titular King of Sicily, whose possessions in
Maine and Anjou were threatened.[216] It was a niece of this Lewis who
in later years was to marry Henry's yet unborn son, and who was to prove
the bitterest of Humphrey's many enemies.
Towards the end of November Henry moved from Alençon; Gloucester
accompanied him, leaving Sir Roland Lyntall in his place as lieutenant
of the town, for of this last conquest the King had made him
captain.[217]
1417] THE SIEGE OF FALAISE
On December 1 the English army appeared before Falaise, which had been
left untouched on the way to Alençon, as Henry had thought it too well
fortified to be attacked before the surrounding country was secured.
Certainly Falaise was no easy nut to crack. Beside excellent
fortifications a deep natural moat surrounded the town, into which
flowed numerous streams from the mountains, thus forming a natural lake
which prevented a near approach; high upon a rock, just outside but
connected with the walls, stood the castle in a position which was
considered quite impregnable[218]--that same castle which to-day with
its added Talbot tower is one of the most interesting mediæval relics in
northern France. The Earl of Salisbury had preceded the King to Falaise
lest the garrison, warned by the French ambassadors returning from
Alençon, should evacuate the town before the arrival of the English; so
at least runs one theory,[219] though a more probable object was to
prevent the garrison from laying in stores, which would enable them to
prolong the siege.[220] The siege proper began on Henry's arrival, and
he took up his position opposite the gate on the Caen road on the north
side of the town;[221] Clarence was placed opposite the castle;
Gloucester held the west side of the town--an honourable position, says
one chronicler.[222]
The garrison of Falaise was not of the unheroic type that the English
had met so far in this campaign, due probably to the fact that the
French were commanded by such a leader as they had not hitherto found.
Led by the captain, the Sire Olivier de Manny, numerous attacks were
made on the besiegers, and Henry came to realise the hardness of the
task before him. With wise prudence for the safety and comfort of his
men he built wooden huts for their shelter from the severities of the
winter, now at its height, and this little town was protected by a
strong rampart, a ditch and a palisade. In addition to all this, a
regular market was established in the midst of the camp, so that the
soldiers were never in want of food; wise precautions which did not pass
unnoticed by Humphrey, who later adopted them all when besieging
Cherbourg.
The bombardment of the town had never ceased since the siege began, and
counter attacks on the part of the besieged were frequent and fierce, so
that many lives were lost on either side, but at length the pertinacity
of the English attack began to tell, and a strong party in the town
clamoured for surrender. To this suggestion their captain offered a
determined opposition, and when at length, on December 20, the town
agreed to surrender if not relieved,[223] he with his men retired into
the castle and defied the English, even after January 2, when the town
had passed into their hands.[224]
The attention of the besiegers was now concentrated on the castle, and
the command devolved on Clarence, since the King had left the army after
the terms of surrender had been signed.[225] On the side where it was
unapproachable guns were kept firing continually, whilst on the town
side the moat was filled up, and sappers were employed to undermine the
wall. From the castle burning straw was thrown into the moat, and
boiling pitch was poured on the heads of the men who were working at the
mines, but in spite of these tactics the English gained ground, and
Olivier was compelled to sign terms of surrender on February 1. On the
16th the King, who had returned from Bayeux, took possession of the
castle.[226] With a lack of appreciation of a brave foe, born of his
theory that he was rightful King of France, Henry treated Olivier
harshly, and kept him in prison till he had paid for the restoration of
the castle he had defended so bravely.[227]
Henry had now established his power over a long strip of territory,
extending from Bayeux and Touques on the north to Bellesme and Le Mans
on the south, no inconsiderable achievement for seven months' work. At
the outset his avowed intention had been to conquer Normandy,[228] and
to accomplish this he must now move eastwards and secure Rouen--the key
to the whole duchy. But before bringing his full strength to bear at
this point, a more secure hold upon those districts which lay behind
him, and a more open approach to the city itself, were desirable. He
determined therefore to divide his army, and to send different
detachments to secure these ends before the final advance eastwards.
Moreover, much had to be done for the good administration of those
districts already conquered, and the approaching season of Lent
suggested to him that both secular and religious advantages might be
obtained, if he himself refrained from any active participation in the
war for the present.[229] Arrangements therefore were made in accordance
with these intentions before the King left Falaise. To Clarence was
confided the task of opening up the approach to Rouen; Warwick was sent
to capture Domfront, and to secure the south-eastern corner of the
duchy; Gloucester was to reduce the Côtentin to obedience.[230]
1418] THE CÔTENTIN EXPEDITION
All this had been planned by the King while the castle of Falaise was
still untaken, for he signed Gloucester's commission on February 16, the
very day on which he entered into possession of that fortress. By virtue
of this commission Humphrey was given power to take all towns and
fortified places in the Duchy of Normandy, to receive into the King's
peace all those who should submit to him, and to restore their lands and
possessions to them under his own seal.[231] At the same time he was
empowered to issue ordinances for the good government of his detachment,
and to punish any who should transgress them,[232] also the right to
levy tribute in the Côtentin was confined to himself and his
representatives.[233] Meanwhile preparations for the three expeditions
were being hurried on, orders for the mustering of the men of the
respective commanders were issued,[234] and Gloucester, acting on a writ
issued for that purpose, appointed John Asheton to organise the muster
of his division.[235] This muster has not survived, so that we have no
definite information as to the number under his command, but they
probably did not exceed 1500 men.[236] Amongst his followers were Lord
Grey of Codnor, John Lord Clifford, and Sir Walter Hungerford, the
steward of the King's household.[237]
Humphrey was sent on this expedition with full powers. He was entitled
by virtue of his various commissions to exercise almost royal authority
in the districts under his command, even to the granting of pardons, and
all commissions granted to others were to lapse when they came in
contact with his sphere of power.[238] The trust thus reposed in him was
deserved. Through this campaign we have caught but fleeting glimpses of
him, but these incidental notices generally find him either in command
of a detachment, as at Touques or Bayeux, or stationed at some
particularly important part of a siege, as at Caen. Nevertheless there
are indications that Henry felt less confident of his brother when he
was compelled to rely entirely on his own resources, for when he
determined to establish himself in such a position that he might bring
help to the various detachments he had sent out, should this prove to be
necessary, he chose the town of Bayeux for this purpose.[239] This town
was far nearer to the scene of Gloucester's activity than to the
districts in which Clarence and Warwick were operating, and yet
Cherbourg was the only place in the Côtentin that was likely to give
serious opposition. However, by April Henry was satisfied of his
brother's reliability, and returned to Caen. His suspicions,
nevertheless, were well founded, for Gloucester's inability for
sustained action made it probable that he could not for long rely on
his own resources. But in a case such as this, where he could look to a
higher authority not far away, full scope was given to his genuine
military ability.
Gloucester lost no time in making his preparations, for he probably left
Falaise on the same day as his commission was signed. Crossing the river
Orne, he worked up the bank of a small tributary stream named the
Noireau, and gained his first success in the capture of the little town
of Condé-sur-Noireau.[240] Marching still further west he reached Vire,
a place of considerable strength, situated on the river of that name. A
short siege convinced the town that they could have no hope of relief,
and it capitulated on February 21. Sir John Robsart and William
Beauchamp acted as commissioners for Gloucester in arranging terms, and
they agreed with the captain of Vire that the castle and town should be
surrendered whenever the Duke should demand it, and that an English
garrison should be put therein. The captain, soldiers, and inhabitants
yielded themselves up to the mercy of the English King. During the
interval between this agreement and the day of surrender the captain and
garrison promised to keep their provisions, artillery, and other
muniments of war intact, neither deporting nor destroying them, and all
English prisoners and the supporters of Henry's cause were to be
delivered up forthwith. During this same interval no one was to enter or
leave the city without Gloucester's consent. With regard to the
inhabitants, all who should take the oath of allegiance to Henry were to
have safety of life and limb, with permission to reside in the town,
and keep their furniture and other possessions contained therein;
property outside the walls was also to be preserved to them unless it
had been granted away before the date of the agreement. On the other
hand, those of the inhabitants who should refuse to take the oath of
allegiance to Henry were to be allowed to depart unharmed, so long as
they had left by the time of Vespers on the day that the English
occupied the town, but their personal possessions, furniture, and other
belongings were to be collected into one house, their arms into another
within the castle, and these, with their horses, were all to be
forfeited to the conquerors. Provision was made to prevent those who
remained in the town from sheltering the goods of those who went away,
on the pretence that they were their own, under a penalty of forfeiture
of all possessions. Eight knights and four squires were to be hostages
in English hands for the performance of the treaty, and no hostilities
were to take place before the surrender was accomplished.[241]
When he had taken possession of the town, Gloucester turned due north
and marched along the right bank of the river Vire to St. Lo, passing by
Thorigny, which surrendered without resistance, having no mind to stand
a siege at the hands of the victorious English.[242] St. Lo was less
timorous, but it did not hold out long after Gloucester had established
his troops in its extensive suburbs, and on March 12 it followed the
example of Vire and on the same conditions.[243] Meanwhile, a detachment
acting to the left of the main body under Sir John Robsart, had secured
Hambie two days earlier,[244] and after this division had rejoined him
at St. Lo,[245] Gloucester continued his march down the river Vire, and
across it to Carentan, which surrendered on the 10th on slightly better
terms than the other towns. The garrison was allowed to depart with
horses and arms except the artillery, and 'de sa gentilesse' Humphrey
allowed the ladies of the town to take their personal property with
them.[246] On the same day Le Hommet, to the south of Carentan,
surrendered to Charles de Beaumont, Marshal of Navarre, who had led part
of the English troops down the other side of the river Vire.[247]
Gloucester had now swept up both sides of the country, and had reached
that narrow neck of land which ends in the Cap de la Hogue. Here he
concentrated his forces, and marched along the river Douve as far as St.
Sauveur le Vicomte, which surrendered on March 25.[248] Here, in
accordance with instructions from Bayeux, he issued a proclamation
pardoning all rebels--so Henry called them--who should swear fealty to
the King before April next.[249] Meanwhile the Earl of Huntingdon had
been sent to the south-east of Normandy, and on March 16 he had secured
Gloucester's rear by the capture of Coutances. His expedition was
independent of the commander in the Côtentin, but the likelihood of
their joining forces seems to be recognised by the terms of Huntingdon's
Commission.[250] However, no such union took place, as before long the
latter was hurrying eastward to take part in the siege of Rouen.[251]
Still marching northward from St. Sauveur le Vicomte, Gloucester took
Néhou,[252] Bricquebec, and Valognes, thus having reduced the whole
district with the exception of the town of Cherbourg.[253] In all, it
was estimated, he had taken thirty-two castles in six weeks, with very
little trouble and hardly any loss of life.[254] One of the hardest
sieges of the war, however, was still before him, A later chronicler
tells us that at this stage he went to interview his brother at
Bayeux,[255] but the dates do not allow of this, for St. Sauveur le
Vicomte was captured on Good Friday, and a few days later Gloucester in
person laid siege to Cherbourg.[256]
1418] SIEGE OF CHERBOURG
It was here that the French had determined to make a stand. Men and
provisions had been collected from the country round, and the extensive
suburbs burnt to remove any possible shelter they might offer to the
besiegers.[257] Indeed, it had been no cheering report that Gloucester's
scouts had brought back after reconnoitring the town. They reported that
the situation of the place was one of great strength. The sea flowed up
to the walls on the north, and on the other side the river Divette wound
round a large part of the town, thus making all access a matter of great
difficulty; where nature had neglected to complete her work, a deep moat
drained part of the water of the river round the otherwise unprotected
wall; the fortifications were of great strength, for the walls had been
recently improved, guns had been mounted on the numerous towers round
the city, the castle with sixteen strong towers and a double wall was
almost impregnable, and all round the town outside the walls there was
a thick stone rampart crowned by castellated forts furnished with
artillery. Indeed, the garrison felt quite able to resist any attack and
to meet any mischance that should occur.[258] Though perhaps it was not
the strongest place in all Normandy, as the French chroniclers tell
us,[259] yet it was undoubtedly a formidable fortress, and had an
abundance of provisions to withstand a prolonged siege.[260]
Nothing daunted by the reports of the scouts, Gloucester advanced
towards Cherbourg with the full determination of becoming master of the
town, and having driven back the French outposts he began preparations
for the siege in the latter days of March.[261] He had come up to the
town from the east, and at the outset found his difficulties increased
by the destruction of the bridge over the river.[262] To increase his
discomfiture still more the stream had overflowed its banks, which added
to the natural obstacles which he had to face, and as he was unable to
get his men across to the other side of the town, he sent a strong
detachment into the country to prevent any reinforcements reaching the
garrison. But his troubles were not to cease here. A large unbroken
stretch of level ground surrounded the town, with not even a clump of
trees to give shelter to an attacking force, nor any rising ground on
which to plant the siege-engines.[263] It was indeed no easy task which
lay before the English commander.
With fervid and characteristic energy Gloucester set himself to overcome
the obstacles in the way. A bridge was quickly built across the river,
and a detachment of his forces was drafted off to complete the blockade
of the town on the other side, while a special guard was detailed to
protect the bridge night and day, thus preventing all egress from or
ingress into the town, and keeping a connecting-link between the
necessarily divided forces of the besiegers, while it gave a certain
quality of continuity to the attack. Not forgetting the openness of the
sea-approach Gloucester procured from England a fleet which, using the
islands of Jersey and Guernsey as a base, prevented any help from
reaching the besieged by water.[264] The siege had now begun in earnest
but by no means on equal terms, for while the French were safely
ensconced behind particularly strong walls the English had no shelter,
as they were prevented from pitching tents by the severity of the
sandstorms which had followed on the subsidence of the floods. Besides
this the besieged swept the exposed plain with their cannon, so that
there could be no question of attacking the town with any success till
some kind of cover was found for the men working the guns. Nay, more,
Gloucester's forces stood in imminent danger of extinction as they lay
before the town, for the French guns were good and the French gunners
better trained than in the previous sieges of the war.[265] Some
distance behind the besiegers lay some wooded country, and Gloucester
sent thither every third man of his forces with axes to cut down trees
and brushwood, with a strong reminder to keep out of sight of the enemy.
On a dark night logs and bundles of faggots were packed on carts,
brought to the English lines, and with feverish haste thrown up as the
groundwork of a bastion. The men worked with a will, and by daylight a
rampart of some considerable strength had been built. The morning showed
the French what had been the night work of their assailants, and though
surprised at the rapidity with which the English had worked, they were
nothing daunted, and immediately trained their guns on this obstruction.
Then ensued a fierce contest. The besieged brought the whole weight of
their artillery to bear on the unfinished bastion, while, now under
partial cover, the besiegers worked with might and main to preserve
their night's work, and to strengthen it so that no future attack on it
could be successful. Both sides put all their strength into an encounter
which they realised was the crucial event of the siege, for if the
English failed, all chance of continuing the attack was at an end.
Finding their cannonade not sufficiently destructive, the French began
to use an engine which threw red-hot balls and burning materials, and a
large part of the bastion was soon in flames. With unremitting energy
the English extinguished the flames with water, and, still under the
heavy fire of the besieged, brought up more timber and reconstructed the
demolished portions of their protecting rampart. In the end the victory
lay with the besiegers, and the English soldiers could work securely
behind the shelter that had cost them so dear.[266]
Gloucester had seen enough both of the strength of the town and the
valour of the besieged to realise that there could be no question of a
speedy surrender, so copying the tactics of his brother, he built strong
huts for his men, and made his camp appear almost like a little town,
fortified by a ditch and mound, so that no sortie of the enemy could
take him by surprise. He also cared for the comfort of his soldiers by
establishing a market within the camp, thus ensuring a constant supply
of provisions.[267] At the same time he must have realised that, after
the loss of life entailed by recent events, he had not sufficient men
for carrying on so important a siege, and though we have no direct
evidence that he sent for reinforcements, yet the presumption is strong
that he did so, when we find that early in June the King sent the Earl
of March, and probably with him the Earl of Suffolk, to bring some
fresh levies that had just arrived from England to the assistance of
his brother.[268] For this purpose March was made Lieutenant and
Warden-General of the marches of the Duchy of Normandy, while
Gloucester, to secure his seniority, was made Lieutenant and
Captain-General of the same marches, and a strong injunction was issued
to the Warden that he was not to interfere with his superior so long as
they both remained in that district.[269]
1418] SIEGE OF CHERBOURG
Meanwhile the English commander before Cherbourg had not been idle.
Owing to the heavy fire of the enemy a frontal attack on the town was
impossible; he therefore devised a plan whereby he might get his troops
nearer to the walls, and yet keep them under cover. While his men worked
gradually nearer to the enemy under the protection of the usual wooden
shelters, he carried out trenching operations on another side of the
defences. Long ditches were cut leading from the camp to the walls of
the town in an oblique direction, so that as the lines advanced the
soldiers were continually sheltered by the sides of their excavation,
and the earth which they threw up. By these means the fire of the
besieged was rendered nugatory, and the besiegers crept nearer and
nearer to the town.[270] The reinforcements had now arrived, and
Gloucester probably found himself at the head of something over 2000
men.[271] With this force he considered himself strong enough to make a
direct assault. He had tried to drain the water from around the walls,
and to this end had cut channels to direct the river from its usual
course. This plan, however, was spoilt by the breaking of the sluices
which were to keep the stream back, and the difficulty of crossing the
moat was as great as ever. With unabated determination Gloucester
ordered an assault, while some of the soldiers were told off to bring up
material to fill in the ditch, and to make it, if possible, level with
the wall. The heavy ordnance of the besieged stood them in good stead,
and the English were so disorganised by the storm of cannon balls, that
they retired, and the half-finished sluices were threatened by complete
destruction when the enemy sallied forth from the town. Sir Lewis
Robsart, a young, untried knight, who had lately come up with the
reinforcements, saved the situation, and though wounded managed to
resist the attacks of the enemy, till a rally of the English brought up
more men in a wedge formation, and secured the outworks which they had
almost lost.[272]
After the failure of this vigorous attempt the besiegers fell back again
on their former tactics of drawing their lines gradually nearer to the
walls and strengthening their new rampart, which they brought right up
to the edge of the moat. The cannon were now within very short range,
and when the English dragged up some of their wooden huts to protect
their engines, they were promptly destroyed by the fire from the town.
Indeed, so near was the English rampart to the wall that with long hooks
the French removed the hurdles which were meant to protect the
siege-engines. At the same time Gloucester was making every effort to
perfect his sluices, and the river-water was being gradually drawn out
of the moat. But the resourcefulness of the besieged enabled them to
pump in fresh water as fast as it was taken out, without in any way
relaxing the severity of the bombardment.
As time wore on, the determination of the defenders began to slacken,
and at the end of five months' siege they offered to treat. But as
Gloucester demanded an unconditional surrender, for which the townsmen
were not prepared, operations were resumed. Disregarding a second
attempt at negotiations, the Duke pressed the attack even more fiercely
than before, and for the third time overtures were made.[273] This time
the result was an agreement, signed on August 23, whereby the captain,
Jean Piquet, agreed to surrender unconditionally on September 29, if not
previously relieved.[274] The French chroniclers accuse Piquet of
interested motives in this agreement, saying that he sold the town for a
sum of money and a safe-conduct,[275] an accusation which seems hardly
substantiated in the light of the past history of the siege.
Though hostilities had now ceased pending the surrender, the townsmen
had by no means given up hope of escaping capture, and Gloucester
anxiously expected to be obliged to fight a relieving force. With this
prospect in view he sent off news of the situation to the King, and
proceeded to strengthen his position. The market was brought up from its
exposed position in the rear, and placed nearer the town, the rampart
was continued round the whole camp with a ditch dug in front of it, and
long sharpened stakes driven into its sides, all with a view to
resisting possible French reinforcements. At the same time he did not
forget the town, which, under these circumstances, would be behind him,
and to provide against attack in this quarter he built several strong
little forts, in which a small garrison would be able to resist a
considerable attacking force.[276] In taking these precautions he worked
on the system learned in the army of Henry V., though such expedients as
the stakes in the rampart and the forts to hold the town in check were
additions to the usual plan. The appointed day of surrender drew near,
and still no relief came. Just before the expiration of the truce,
however, the townsmen saw with joy that a force was approaching the
city. Their joy, however, was premature, for they shortly found that it
was a band of two thousand men sent over from the western cities of
England in ready response to a message from Henry at Rouen. With this
additional force all danger to the English passed away, and in due
course the town and castle of Cherbourg were handed over to Gloucester
on St. Michael's Day.[277]
The town was treated leniently. Gloucester permitted the garrison to
march out under arms, those of the townsmen who wished it being allowed
to accompany them, but such as remained behind being entirely at the
disposition of the English. All property was respected with the
exception that the contents of the Governor's house were distributed
amongst the troops, together with a certain sum raised from the
citizens. Gloucester's biographer goes on to say quaintly, that the
citizens found themselves better off than before, 'quickly understanding
in a short time the different constitutions of the English, and French
governments.'[278] The men of Cherbourg must have had unusually keen
perceptions. Still, care was taken for the good government of the city.
Lord Grey of Codnor was made governor, and all the other towns were
provided with captains.[279] Little as the English conquests have
affected northern France, there still remains a memento of Gloucester at
Cherbourg, where to this day 'Humphrey Street' recalls the long siege
and ultimate capture of the town.
The siege of Cherbourg had proved to be one of the most interesting
episodes in the military operations of Henry's second campaign. On the
one hand, the decidedly superior metal of the French guns foreshadowed
the transference of the best arm from the English to the French side in
this war; on the other, the whole siege served to illustrate the
peculiar military genius of the Duke of Gloucester. His conduct of the
operations betrayed a great knowledge of the theory of siege warfare,
while it showed that he had not served under his brother in vain. Again
and again we find traces of Henry's tactics adapted with great skill to
the needs of the present case by some slight elaboration. Without any of
the endowments of character which made the elder brother a great
general, the younger had, if possible, more of the qualities of a
soldier. A greater grasp of the situation is shown in the operations of
the siege of Cherbourg than in the case of any of Henry's sieges, more
adaptability to the needs of the moment. Gloucester took his risks and
justified them by success. No mere book-learned warcraft would have
dared the wedge formation on the day when the English were so hard
pressed, but the success of the movement justified its use. Gloucester
was an able man and a brave soldier, but he could never have become even
a passable commander. Within circumscribed limits he had no equal; there
was no captain in the English army who could have surpassed him before
Cherbourg, but under no circumstances could he have taken the position
which his great brother holds in military history. The natural bent of
his mind was inclined to the interests of the moment, and he could never
have planned out a campaign, or nursed his men up to a supreme effort,
as did Henry on the march to Agincourt. Courage, military skill, and the
power to appreciate any situation which confronted him he had in plenty,
but in him determination was swallowed up in rashness, and ability fled
before constitutional unsteadiness. As a leader of a forlorn hope, or in
the performance of a definite piece of work, he was pre-eminent, but his
natural characteristics removed any chance of his being in any sense a
general. In his military life, even as later in his stormy political
career, he displayed great ingenuity and cleverness, but here, as ever,
he lacked that vivifying touch of determination which alone could have
moulded the incidents of his life into one concentrated policy. At
Cherbourg his defects had had but slight chance of display, and it was
with increased fame, and with the reputation of a successful commander,
that towards the end of October he arrived at Rouen.
* * * * *
While Gloucester had been besieging Cherbourg, and reducing the
Côtentin, the King had not been idle. He had spent three months at
Bayeux and Caen in creating the machinery for the administration of the
duchy, which hitherto had been under military law. At the same time he
sent to England for reinforcements, and on their arrival in May he
marched eastwards, joining Clarence and Exeter, who had been opening the
way to Rouen; the former having completed his work by the capture of the
Abbey of Bec Hellouin, the latter having taken Evreux. Taking Louviers
and Pont de l'Arche, Henry arrived at Rouen by easy stages on July
29.[280] Rouen had lately turned Burgundian,[281] but this did not
entail any inclination to become unpatriotic. Indeed at this moment
Burgundy himself was playing the patriotic game, for he had returned to
power. The oppression of the Armagnacs, who governed Paris in the name
of the Dauphin, together with their unreasonable refusal of terms of
agreement with Burgundy, had so enraged the Parisians that a mob
revolution in favour of Burgundy and Queen Isabella, who had come to
terms with one another in 1417, was made easy. In June Bernard, Count of
Armagnac, and many of his adherents were murdered by the populace.
Tanneguy du Châtel and the Dauphin escaped from the city with
difficulty, and Burgundy was acclaimed with shouts of welcome as he
entered Paris.[282] In this position his answer to a pursuivant sent by
Henry was a declaration of war.[283]
1418] SIEGE OF ROUEN
The siege of Rouen was more than three months old when Gloucester
arrived in November, fresh from the capture of Cherbourg.[284] The abbey
and fortress of St. Katharine just outside the town, which had been a
great source of inconvenience to the besiegers, keeping open, as it did,
communication between the town and the outside world, had capitulated on
August 22, and on September 7 Caudebec, which guarded the river
approach, surrendered to Warwick,[285] so that now Rouen was shut in on
every side. The blockade was strictly kept. Gloucester found the King
safely housed in the Carthusian Monastery of Notre-Dame-de-la-Rose, on
the east side of the town, about a mile distant from the Porte St.
Hilaire, the custody of which was committed to Sir William Porter.
Further south, at the Porte Martinville, lay Warwick, with his troops
reaching down to the Seine, and behind him the newly acquired fort of
St. Katharine. Across the Seine, on the south, Salisbury and Huntingdon
guarded 'La Barbacane.' On the west, Clarence lay at the ruined abbey of
St. Gervais, guarding the Porte Cauchoise and the walls as far as the
river. The Earl Marshal lay opposite the castle on the north-west, with
Talbot and Sir John Cornwall joining up his men and those of Clarence.
Exeter lay at the Porte Beauvassine on the north, while the Lords
Willoughby, Ross, and Fitz Hugh completed the circle of the besiegers to
the Porte St. Hilaire.[286] Gloucester himself, on his arrival, was
given command of the forces which lay at the Porte St. Hilaire,[287] and
he justified his selection for a post of danger and importance by that
reckless bravery for which he was already well known. He lay nearer to
the enemy than any of the besiegers by '40 rode and more in spas,' and
supervised his men with great ability, exposing himself to the fire from
the town, and repelling the frequent sorties made on his side.[288]
Indeed the fighting seems to have been heaviest at the Porte St.
Hilaire, for Gloucester casualties were more numerous than in any other
part of the army.[289]
Henry's arrangements for the safety of his army could not have been more
carefully or more wisely made. His men were securely entrenched against
the daily attacks of the town, whilst he himself, caring neither for fog
nor wintry weather, frequently visited the outposts at night. With great
care a bridge had been built across the river, thus affording easy and
safe communication with Salisbury and Huntingdon. The capture of
Caudebec had opened the river, and provisions came pouring in from
London;[290] also some of the ships were dragged overland for three
miles so as to get above the town bridge, which blocked the way. By this
means the French boats were driven to take refuge within the port of
Rouen, and while the town lost all hope of a replenished supply of
provisions, the English had food in abundance, communication being kept
up with England by a fleet lent by Henry's kinsman, King John of
Portugal.[291] No assault was made on the town. Henry was far too wise
to attempt to take so strong a fortress by any means but starvation, for
Rouen had splendid walls, numerous towers, and plenty of guns, with a
garrison, so say the French chroniclers, of four thousand soldiers and
sixteen thousand armed citizens, and the most courageous and
enterprising leader the English had yet met in the person of Guy le
Bouteiller.[292]
The English therefore confined themselves to resisting the almost hourly
sorties of the besieged, and to harassing the country with the light
troops which had been brought from Ireland.[293] As November passed into
December the besieged began to feel a shortage of provisions, and they
turned out the non-combatants from the city. It could hardly be expected
that Henry would let these pass, and they were driven back to the walls,
though the English soldiers gave them food to save them from utter
starvation.[294] At the same time, however, the garrison was cheered by
the news that an old priest had managed to pass the English lines, and
to return with a promise of help from Burgundy. This news also reached
Henry, who fortified his camp behind as well as before, in case he had
to meet a relieving force;[295] yet this was but a measure of
precaution, for he well knew that Burgundy was not strong enough to
leave Paris open to the Armagnacs whilst he campaigned in Normandy.
Towards Christmas the garrison were in sore straits;
'They etete doggys, they ete cattys,
They ete mysse, horse and rattys,'
we are told by our rhyming Chronicler,[296] and they could not bury
their dead, so fast did men die. Another appeal to Burgundy resulted in
a promise of relief immediately after Christmas,[297] and on Christmas
Day Henry called a truce, and provided food for French as well as
English.[298] But the long-promised relief never came, and at length on
New Year's Eve the town asked for a parley. This was granted, but even
in their distress, with their wretched countrymen lying dead and dying
in the ditch hard by, the defenders would not accept Henry's terms. For
three days they discussed the matter in tents set up in Gloucester's
trenches and guarded by his men,[299] and when they returned to the
city despair seized the townsmen. Some tell us that in heroic
desperation they determined to throw down the walls, burn the city, and
fight their way out,[300] others say that a meeting of the citizens
compelled the leaders to reopen negotiations.[301] At any rate, they
went to the Porte St. Hilaire and asked to speak with Gloucester, but
failing to make him hear, and meeting with the same fate on the side
where Clarence lay, they at last succeeded in drawing the attention of
the Earl of Warwick, who undertook to communicate their wish to reopen
negotiations to the King.[302] This ended in terms of surrender being
signed on January 13.[303] If not relieved, Rouen was to surrender in
six days, pay an indemnity of 345,000 crowns of gold, and yield up three
men who were named. The garrison was allowed to march out unarmed and on
foot.[304] On the 19th of January Henry entered Rouen with great pomp,
and the Duchy of Normandy was finally won by the capitulation of its
capital.[305]
1419] MARRIAGE NEGOTIATIONS
After the conquest of Rouen the English captains were sent with small
detachments to clear the country. Salisbury to the north secured
Montivilliers, Honfleur, Fécamp, Dieppe, and Eu; Clarence went up the
Seine valley taking Vernon and Nantes, and many other smaller towns in
the immediate neighbourhood submitted.[306] Gloucester stayed with his
royal brother at Rouen, as he had been made captain of the city,[307]
and there steps were taken to further organise the administration of
Normandy, and to relieve distress in the town itself. At the same time
negotiations were being carried on with both French factions. Throughout
the recent siege ambassadors had been passing between the various
parties, and at one time the Dauphin offered terms,[308] at another the
French King, under the influence of Burgundy, sent a portrait of his
daughter Catherine, whose name had appeared in most of the
negotiations.[309] Conferences at Alençon with Armagnac, or at Pont de
l'Arche with Burgundian emissaries, were alike fruitless. Still Henry
persevered. Arrangements were made at Rouen for a personal meeting with
the Dauphin at Evreux on March 8,[310] but when Henry reached the
trysting-place he found that the Dauphin had not kept his word.[311]
Nothing daunted, he despatched Warwick on March 28 to arrange an
interview with the Burgundian faction for May 15, and Clarence, with
Gloucester, took an oath to observe any conditions that might be
arranged.[312] But Henry's diplomacy stretched farther than this.
Bedford was given permission to seek a wife among the daughters of
Frederick of Nuremberg, or among the daughters of the Duke of Lorraine,
or indeed among any of the kindred of the Emperor Sigismund.[313]
Gloucester, on the other hand, had a more restricted field for marriage
negotiations opened for him. He was given permission on April 1 to treat
for the hand of Blanche of Sicily, daughter and heiress of Charles III.
of Navarre. Acting on this commission, Gloucester appointed his
chamberlains, William Beauchamp and John Stokes 'Dr. of Laws,' to care
for his interests in that quarter, but his hopes of a wife at that time
were to be short-lived.[314] On April 20 Charles de Beaumont, who
represented Henry at the court of Navarre, and had recently served under
Gloucester in the Côtentin, informed him that negotiations were pending
for the marriage of Blanche to Don John of Arragon, asserting that
Henry's delays in stating definitely what lands in Guienne he would give
Gloucester on his wedding had so annoyed Charles, that it was unlikely
that the English marriage would ever come off.[315] In these suspicions
Beaumont was fully justified. We hear no more of Gloucester as a
prospective suitor for the hand of Blanche, and soon after she was
married to his rival, Don John, who ultimately became John II. of
Arragon.
1419] CAPTURE OF IVRY
Gloucester had more active work on hand than this somewhat nebulous
marriage scheme. He left Evreux early in April, accompanied by the Earl
Marshal, John de Mowbray, having been commissioned to take Ivry, which
he invested in the customary manner.[316] The town held out with more
determination than had been expected, and to save Gloucester's troops
from starvation the King had to despatch orders to the bailiff of Evreux
to send all sellers of provisions in his bailiwick to Ivry, to hold a
market there twice a week so long as Gloucester remained before the
town.[317] The town was not of great strength, and was taken by assault
in a few days, but the castle was not only well fortified, but situated
so as to be hard to attack. With the usual English tactics Gloucester
sat down before the impregnable, knowing that famine would do better
work than his guns. Once more it was proved that it was not the
cowardice of the French garrisons, but the lethargy and rivalries of the
French Princes which gave Normandy to the English King. The first panic
after Henry's landing at Touques once over, the French had held their
position stubbornly, but the English were unhampered in their
preparations for sieges and unharassed in the country while they
attacked the towns. Thus fortresses which might have replenished their
provisions had the attention of the besiegers been divided, were
compelled by lack of food and other stores to surrender. Harfleur had
proved it, Rouen had proved it, and now in due course the castle of Ivry
was compelled to come to terms on May 10, and three days later
Gloucester entered the fortress and received the oath of fealty from all
in the town.[318]
Having settled matters at Ivry, Gloucester marched towards Mantes, where
he joined his brother, probably late in May.[319] Henry was preparing,
with growing confidence in an amicable adjustment of his claims, to meet
Charles VI. and Burgundy at a conference, wherein the French had
consented to take the Treaty of Bretigny as a basis of their
discussion.[320] The conference was to be held in a meadow near Meulan,
where a little stream, called the Viviers, emptied itself into the
Seine. Thus guarded on two sides, the rest was surrounded by a bank and
a ditch, and had a pavilion in the centre for the shelter of the two
parties. Thither on May 30 came Burgundy with Queen Isabel and her
daughter Catherine.[321] Charles VI. was too unwell to be present. From
Mantes came Henry, accompanied by his two brothers Clarence and
Gloucester, Archbishop Chichele, the two Beauforts, Henry Beaufort of
Winchester and the Duke of Exeter, and two thousand five hundred
well-appointed soldiers. Nothing beyond ceremonial greetings took place
on the first day of the conference, which seem to have been chiefly
meant for the introduction of Henry to Catherine, for at later meetings
the much-treated-of Princess did not appear.[322] At the next meeting on
June 1 Clarence, Gloucester, Chichele, Beaufort, and Exeter were
officially appointed to treat for peace with France, and for the King's
marriage.[323] Negotiations dragged on, Henry demanding the cession of
full sovereignty of the English possessions in France which were assured
by the Treaty of Bretigny, the French demanding a renunciation by the
English King of his title to the French throne. At the end of a month
they were no nearer a settlement than at the beginning, and distrust of
each other was becoming evident. Eventually high words passed between
Henry and Burgundy, and negotiations were broken off.[324] Even then,
Henry does not seem to have lost all hope of an arrangement of these
difficulties, for on July 5 we find Chichele and Warwick commissioned to
undertake an embassy to the Burgundian party.[325]
1419] MINOR MILITARY OPERATIONS
Nevertheless, Henry knew that his best argument was force, and as soon
as the truce expired on July 31, he sent forward a detachment from
Mantes, which surprised and took Pontoise.[326] Henry, with Gloucester
and the main body of the army, stayed some little time longer at
Mantes,[327] and then followed to Pontoise, where Clarence rejoined him,
after having reconnoitred right up to the gates of Paris.[328] Hence the
whole army moved on August 18, and taking Vancouvilliers on the way, sat
down before Gisors on the 31st, which, after a short but sharp siege,
surrendered--the town on September 17, the castle six days later.[329]
From Gisors Henry went to Mantes, whence he supervised the siege of
Meulan, in which Gloucester took part. This town was so situated that
the Seine guarded it on one side, and marshes on the other. However, by
the use of rafts and floating castles, the English managed to clear the
river of the stakes which the French had planted in its bed, and so to
press the town, that it surrendered on October 31.[330] Henry had kept
up daily communication with the besiegers, and now he came to Meulan,
and on November 6 despatched Gloucester to secure the Seine valley
further up towards Paris. Poissy was captured on the 13th, and three
days later St. Germain succumbed after no serious resistance. On the
same day the neighbouring castle of Montjoye voluntarily submitted.[331]
By the middle of the month Gloucester was back with the King at Mantes,
and accompanied him to Rouen, for it had been decided to send him home
to replace his brother Bedford as Regent of England.[332] It seems
impossible to discover any real reason for this exchange of posts
between Bedford and Gloucester, unless the King wanted the help of the
brother who had had experience in statecraft in the organisation of his
newly acquired Duchy, and thought that Gloucester could be more easily
spared than Clarence to go to England. At any rate, on November 21,
orders were issued at Rouen for the impressment of forty sailors to
convey Gloucester to England, and it is probable that he crossed the
Channel within a few days of this provision.[333]
FOOTNOTES:
[145] _Gesta_, 59.
[146] _Cal. Rot. Pat._, 265. Llanstephan had belonged to Henry Gwyn,
killed on the French side at Agincourt.
[147] November 27, 1415. The actual patent of appointment is not
given, but it is referred to in a later entry. _Rot. Pat., 4
Henry V._, m. 22.
[148] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 91. Bedford is mentioned as Lieutenant of
England in the same document, and this definitely shows that
it was of a date anterior to the King's return.
[149] December 28, _Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V._, Part ii. m. 16. In the
reign of Henry VI. Gloucester alludes to having the reversion
of Carisbrooke and the Isle of Wight, then in the hands of
the Dowager-Duchess of York (Ancient Petitions, File 85, No.
4220), so no absolute grant of this was made at this time.
[150] Jan. 27, _Rot. Pat., 3 Henry V._, Part ii. m. 12.
[151] See Aschbach, _passim_.
[152] Elmham, _Vita_, 74; _Gesta_, 76.
[153] Rymer, iv. ii. 157.
[154] _Ibid._, iv. ii. 157.
[155] _Ordinances_, ii. 195, 196.
[156] MSS. of Corporation of New Romney, Hist. MSS., Rep. v. 539.
[157] Holinshed, iii. 85. Aschbach, ii. 162, accepts the story.
Windeck, Sigismund's secretary, who might have described the
incident in his _Life_ of the Emperor, did not come over at
the same time as his master, but followed a few days later.
See cap. 59.
[158] Redmayne, 49, gives a variation of the story, placing the
incident at Calais, and Warwick as the actor; but as
Sigismund arrived there by land, this is manifestly
impossible. Hall also gives it in yet another version.
[159] Windeck, cap. 59; Des Ursins, 529, 530.
[160] _Lond. Chron._, 103; Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 118;
_Gesta_, 75, 76; Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 133; Livius, 23;
Cotton MS., Cleopatra, c. iv. f. 28vo, gives May 4 as the day
of arrival at Dover.
[161] _Gesta_, 76.
[162] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 95, 96.
[163] Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 118; Elmham, _Liber
Metricus_, 134.
[164] Rymer, iv. ii. 135; Elmham, _Vita_, 87; Capgrave, _De
Illustribus Henricis_, 118.
[165] Caro, _Bundniss von Canterbury_, 57; Aschbach, ii. 164.
[166] A detailed account of the banquet in celebration of
Sigismund's enrolment in the Order of the Garter is given in
_Lond. Chron._, 159.
[167] Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 134.
[168] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. i. 688; _Cal. of French
Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 583.
[169] The King at first intended to lead this expedition. _Memorials
of London_, 628; Elmham, _Vita_, 78, 79; Capgrave, _De
Illustribus Henricis_, 120; Livius, 25; Harleian MS., 2256,
f. 180; Rymer, iv. ii. 168. Des Ursins, 532, says that
Gloucester accompanied Bedford.
[170] Windeck, cap. 60.
[171] Sigismund and his followers distributed copies of the
following verses among the citizens of Calais, as a tribute
to their royal reception in England:
'Vale et gaude gloriosa cum triumpho! O tu felix Anglia et
benedicta! Quia quasi angelica natura gloriosa, Laude Jhesum
adorans, es jure dicta. Hanc tibi do laudem quam recte jure
mereris.'
_Gesta_, 93; Capgrave, _De Illustribus Henricis_, 120; Elmham,
_Liber Metricus_, 141.
[172] Elmham, _Vita_, 77; Des Ursins, 532. Cf. Rymer, iv. ii. 17.
[173] Rymer, IV. ii. 178; Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 142.
[174] Rymer, IV. ii. 176; _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 584.
[175] _Gesta_, 100, 101; Gregory, 114; Capgrave, _De Illustrious
Henricis_, 120; Waurin, ii. 236; St. Rémy, 410; Monstrelet,
393.
[176] Waurin, ii. 236, 237; St. Rémy, 410.
[177] Monstrelet, 394, followed by Holinshed, iii. 87.
[178] Monstrelet, 394; Elmham, _Liber Metricus_, 146.
[179] Windeck, cap. 66; Capgrave, _Chron._, 315; Otterbourne, 278;
Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 317.
[180] _Rot. Parl._, iv. 94.
[181] The Sheriff was to have the indentures ready by February 14,
1417; Rymer, IV. ii. 192.
[182] _Ordinances_, ii. 230, 231.
[183] _Ibid._, iii. 9; _Rot. Parl._, iv. 320.
[184] Muster Rolls of the Army, preserved in the Chapter-House at
Westminster, printed in _Gesta_, 265. Livius, 31, gives 100
lances and 300 archers. Stowe, 353, follows Livius. 100
spears and 300 archers in Holkham MS., p. 15. Holinshed, iii.
89, gives 470 lances and 1410 archers.
[185] _Gesta_, 111; Elmham, _Vita_, 96. Harleian MS., 2256, f. 181,
gives Portsmouth as the place of starting.
[186] Livius, 33; _Gesta_, 111; Monstrelet, 406.
[187] Livius, 31, 32, gives a list of the retinues which amounts to
9066 men, though he ends by saying 16,000. _Gesta_, 190,
gives 16,400. See Ramsay, i. chap, xvii., Appendix, pp.
250-252.
[188] Elmham, _Vita_, 97.
[189] Basin, i. 26. See also Waurin, ii. 242; St. Rémy, 429; Livius,
34.
[190] _Rot. Norm._, 316, 317.
[191] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, p. 219, No. CCCXXXVII.; Livius, 34;
_Gesta_, 111, 112; Stow, 353, followed by Holkham MS., p. 15.
[192] Elmham, _Vita_, 101.
[193] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 321, 322; Elmham, _Vita_, 99,
100.
[194] St. Denys says it was besieged unsuccessfully, but there could
have been no time for this. Cf. Elmham, _Vita_, 98.
[195] Livius, 35; _Gesta_, 113; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 322.
[196] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 322-324; Livius, 35.
[197] Livius, 36.
[198] _Gesta_, 113; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 323.
[199] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 322.
[200] _Chronique de Normandie_, 228.
[201] Elmham, _Vita_, 104; Livius, 36.
[202] Cotton MS., Claudius. A. VIII. f. 6.
[203] Elmham, _Vita_, 105.
[204] Livius, 37.
[205] Livius, 38, 39; Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 324; Elmham,
_Vita_, 107-111; _Gesta_, 114. See also Waurin, ii. 244;
Monstrelet, 426; St. Rémy, 429 and 422. On September 5 the
castle agreed to surrender, if not relieved before the 19th.
Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, pp. 220, 221, Nos. CCCXXXIX., CCCXL.
[206] _Rot. Norm._, 164; Carte, i. 247.
[207] _Rot. Norm._, 167; Rymer, IV. iii. 16; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_,
Rep. 41, App. 1. 746.
[208] Elmham, _Vita_, 116; Livius, 40, 41.
[209] Redmayne, 51; Elmham, _Vita_, 116; Livius, 42; _Gesta_, 115.
[210] Redmayne, 51.
[211] Livius, 43, 44; _Gesta_, 116.
[212] Elmham, _Vita_, 117, 118; Livius, 42; _Gesta_, 116.
[213] Livius, 44; Elmham, _Vita_, 122. Elmham says that Clarence was
posted opposite the castle. Stow, 356, says that Gloucester
besieged the castle, while the King besieged the town.
Holkham MS., p. 16, follows Stow.
[214] Livius, 44; Elmham, _Vita_, 122, 123; _Rot. Norm._, 187.
[215] Livius, 45: Elmham, _Vita_, 123, 124; _Gesta_, 117.
[216] Rymer, IV. iii. 23, 24; _Gesta_, 117; Elmham, _Vita_, 124,
125.
[217] List of the captains of castles conquered in 1417; Appendix to
_Gesta_, 275. Holkham MS., p. 16.
[218] Livius, 46.
[219] Elmham, _Vita_, 128. He calls the leader of this expedition
the Duke of York, at the time a boy of only six years old.
[220] Livius, 46.
[221] Ramsay, i. 250, calls this the south side of the town. It is
hardly credible that the gate on the road to Caen would be on
the south side when that town lies north of Falaise.
[222] _Gesta_, 118; Elmham, _Vita_, 128; Livius, 46.
[223] _Rot. Norm._, 312; Gregory, 121.
[224] _Rot. Norm._, 312; Elmham, _Vita_, 129-132; Livius, 46, 47;
_Gesta_, 118.
[225] Otterbourne, 279, says that Henry spent Christmas at Bayeux in
_5 Henry V._, that is, 1417, though in another place he calls
it 1418. Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, also calls it 1418, but
his computations of years are always a little hazy, and he
seems to begin the new year at Christmas. Both authors
mention that it was at this time that Falaise surrendered,
which makes the date 1417.
[226] _Rot. Norm._, 308. Livius, 49, gives the date of the delivery
of the castle as February 6.
[227] Elmham, _Vita_, 133-138; Livius, 49; _Gesta_, 118.
[228] Waurin, ii. 242.
[229] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 248; Walsingham, _Ipodigma
Neustriæ_, 486; Elmham, _Vita_, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120;
_Chronique de Normandie_, 182; Gregory, 121.
[230] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 328; Walsingham, _Ipodigma
Neustriæ_, 486; Elmham, _Vita_, 139, 140; Gesta, 119, 120;
_Chronique de Normandie_, 182; Gregory, 121.
[231] _Rot. Norm._, 248; Rymer, IV. iii. 362.
[232] Carte, i. 276.
[233] _Ibid._, 273.
[234] _Ibid._, 273.
[235] _Ibid._, 274, 276.
[236] See p. 64, note 271, for an estimate of his forces in this
expedition. Elmham, _Vita_, 141, calls it a strong force.
[237] Gregory, 121. He includes the Earl of March in the list, who,
however, did not join the expedition till later, as he was at
present in England.
[238] See Commission to the Earl of Huntingdon of March 17, _Rot.
Norm._, 381.
[239] Elmham, _Vita_, 139, 143.
[240] _Gesta_, 120; Elmham, _Vita_, 141. Both these authorities call
this place 'Cawdey,' and are followed therein by Holkham MS.,
p. 16. The editor of the _Gesta_ thinks this is a clerical
error for Hambie. This town, however, was captured after
Vire, and it is hardly likely that both these contemporaries
would have made the same clerical error. Elmham may have
copied from the _Gesta_, but as he was personally acquainted
with Humphrey, and gives by far the fullest account of this
expedition, it is probable that he wrote on good authority,
if not from personal experience.
[241] _Rot. Norm._, 289-292.
[242] Elmham, _Vita_, 141; _Gesta_, 120; Livius, 50.
[243] _Rot. Norm._, 298-300.
[244] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746
[245] Robsart was at St. Lo before the day of surrender. Rymer, IV.
iii. 41.
[246] _Rot. Norm._, 300-303; Rymer, IV. iii. 41.
[247] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii.
40.
[248] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii.
44.
[249] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 708.
[250] _Rot. Norm._, 381; Elmham, _Vita_, 144.
[251] _Paston Letters_, i. 10.
[252] This place is called 'Noo' in _Gesta_, 120, and is taken by
the editor of that chronicle to be Pont Douve, now called
Pont d'Ouilly. In Elmham, _Vita_, 142, and Livius, 50, it is
called 'Nehoo.' Pont Douve was captured by Gloucester (Rymer,
IV. iii. 44; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746),
but it is not the same place as this, which is obviously
Néhou, a place situated four kilometers from St. Sauveur le
Vicomte. I cannot locate Pont Douve, but should gather from
the date of surrender that it was near Carentan on the Douve,
for it fell on March 17, the day after Carentan. This is the
date given in the _Norman Rolls_ and in the text of the
_Foedera_, though in the margin Rymer calls it March 27 and
is followed by Hardy in his syllabus of the _Foedera_,
without any reason being assigned.
[253] For whole campaign see Elmham, _Vita_, 141, 142; Livius, 50;
_Gesta_, 120, 121.
[254] Gregory, 121, who, however, gives the number of castles as
twenty-four. The higher estimate is to be found in a record
of the _Parlimentary Rolls_ in the year 1428. _Rot. Parl._,
IV. 320.
[255] Stow, 356.
[256] Walsingham, _Ipodigma Neustriæ_, 486; Gregory, 120.
[257] Livius, 51; Elmham, _Vita_, 148.
[258] Elmham, _Vita_, 148, 149; Livius, 52.
[259] Waurin, ii. 244; Monstrelet, 426.
[260] Even at the end of the siege there was abundance of corn and
wine in the city. Elmham, _Vita_, 163.
[261] Walsingham, _Ipodigma Neustriæ_, 486; Gregory, 120.
[262] Elmham, _Vita_, 148; Livius, 52.
[263] Elmham, _Vita_, 150; Holkham MS., p. 17.
[264] Elmham, _Vita_, 151; Livius, 52.
[265] _Ibid._
[266] Elmham, _Vita_, 152, 153; Livius, 53.
[267] Elmham, _Vita_, 153; Livius, 53.
[268] They had been brought over to France by the Earl of March,
Harleian MS., 2256, f. 182vo.
[269] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 693; Carte, i. 265.
[270] Elmham, _Vita_, 153; Livius, 54.
[271] When Gloucester reached the King before Rouen at the end of
this campaign, he had 3000 men under his command (_Chron.
Norm._, 241). However, he had then been reinforced by
another force of some 2000 men sent over from England (see
p. 67 below). Whether these last reinforcements followed him
to Rouen, or whether, when their work was done, they
returned to England, we cannot tell, but they were certainly
over and above the numbers he commanded at this present
time. If they became a definite part of his following and
took part in the rest of this year's campaign, as seems most
probable, they would help to fill the gaps in Humphrey's
ranks caused later by casualties before Harfleur, which must
have been severe, and by the garrison left to hold that
town. Perhaps with these deductions they might have
increased his force by some thousand men or more, which
would compel us to conclude that before the siege of
Cherbourg Humphrey had at his disposal some 2000 men. This
is confirmed by taking a list of men serving under the Duke
in the Côtentin. It is compiled from the statements of the
chroniclers and from the official records which give the
names of those who acted for Gloucester in the matter of
signing terms with the various towns. The retinues are taken
from the muster-roll of Henry's army printed in the Appendix
to the _Gesta_ (pp. 265-272). The list, of course, cannot be
taken as exhaustive, as many who are not mentioned may have
taken part in the campaign.
Lances. Archers.
Gloucester's own retinue captained by--Reginald Cobham, 45
114 William Beauchamp, 45 152 The Earl of March, 93 302 The
Earl of Suffolk, 31 90 Lord Grey of Codnor, 51 174 Sir
Walter Hungerford, 91 276 John, Lord Clifford, 50 150 Sir
Gerard Ufflete, 20 67 John de Robsart, 1 3
Total:--427 Lances and 1328 Archers.
This list includes the names of captains who appear before
Cherbourg as well as earlier in the campaign. Charles de
Beaumont, Marshal of Navarre, was also with Gloucester, and
probably had a contingent under his command. The total number
of 1755 men approximates to our 2000 estimate, whilst at the
same time allowance can be made for possible contingents
which, though in the field, are not mentioned. _Chron.
Norm._, 230, tells us that at the beginning of the campaign
Talbot was sent into the Côtentin with 500 or 600 men, and
Gloucester went to open up the road to Rouen. This may be a
mere mistake of names, and so Humphrey may have only had a
small force, little in excess of his own retinue, when he
started out on his expedition, though this is not likely, if
the men who served under him brought their whole contingents.
[272] Elmham, _Vita_, 154, 155; Livius, 54.
[273] Elmham, _Vita_, 155-158; Livius, 54.
[274] Rymer, iv. iii. 64; _Cal. of Norm. Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I.
746.
[275] Waurin, ii. 244; Monstrelet, 426.
[276] Elmham, _Vita_, 159; Livius, 55.
[277] Elmham, _Vita_, 160, 161, 162; Livius, 55, 56.
[278] Holkham MS., p. 17.
[279] List of captains printed in Appendix to _Gesta_, 276.
[280] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 329; John Page, 6; Elmham,
_Vita_, 179; _Gesta_, 123.
[281] Des Ursins, 539, 545.
[282] _Ibid._, 540-542.
[283] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 222.
[284] _Chronique de Normandie_, 230, says that Gloucester arrived on
St. Catharine's Day (November 25), but his men were 'arrayed'
at Rouen on November 6; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App.
I. 718. Cf. Livius, 64.
[285] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746.
[286] _Paston Letters_, 10; _Gesta_, 123, 124; Elmham, _Vita_, 180,
181; Livius, 61 John Page, 6-8; _Chronique de Normandie_,
238; Harleian MS., 2256, f. 185, 185vo.
[287] Elmham, _Vita_, 191; Livius, 64. _Chronique de Normandie_,
241, says that Gloucester brought with him some three
thousand men.
[288] John Page, 11; Cotton MS., Claudius, A. VIII. f. 8vo;
Harleian MS., 2256, f. 186.
[289] John Page, 16.
[290] Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, 224, 225.
[291] Elmham, _Vita_, 182; Livius, 62.
[292] Waurin, ii. 247; St. Rémy, 431.
[293] Waurin, ii. 249.
[294] John Page, 20; Waurin, ii. 253; Elmham, _Vita_, 192; St. Rémy,
432. St. Rémy says that Henry fired on these people, and both
he and Waurin say that they were ultimately taken back into
the town.
[295] John Page, 16.
[296] John Page, 18.
[297] Waurin, ii. 257; St Rémy. 433.
[298] John Page, 21.
[299] John Page, 33.
[300] Waurin, ii. 261.
[301] Elmham, _Vita_, 199.
[302] Harleian MS., 2256, f. 189.
[303] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746.
[304] Waurin, ii. 262. Livius, 68, says 300,000 crowns, which is
equal to 150,000 English nobles.
[305] Des Ursins, 545.
[306] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Elmham, _Vita_,
205, 206.
[307] Monstrelet, 450.
[308] Elmham, _Vita_, 191.
[309] Waurin, ii. 252.
[310] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 739.
[311] Rymer, iv. III. 130; Elmham, _Vita_, 209, 210.
[312] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 762; Rymer, IV. iii.
102-104.
[313] _Cal. of French Rolls_, Rep. 44, App. 610.
[314] Rymer, IV, iii. 102. William Beauchamp was the leader of a
company in Gloucester's retinue. Stokes was much employed by
the King in negotiations at this time, and is possibly the
John Stoke who in 1440 became Abbot of St. Albans.
[315] Rymer, IV. iii. 112.
[316] There is considerable uncertainty as to when Gloucester went
to besiege Ivry. Elmham (_Vita_, 210) says that Gloucester
was sent from Vernon, but at this time Elmham was absent with
Warwick (Vita, 215), and so may well have made a mistake. The
_Chronique de Normandie_, 244, says that the siege was begun
by Gloucester in March, on the Friday after the Feast of our
Lady (March 25), and lasted forty days. Ivry surrendered on
May 10, therefore this would mean that Gloucester began the
siege on April 1, marching thither from Evreux, where the
King was on that day. It is inconceivable that Gloucester
would go to Vernon and then back to Ivry, which would be to
make two sides of a triangle. See also Livius, 32, who puts
the expedition immediately after the fall of Rouen. The fact
that Gloucester promised to observe the treaty signed at
Vernon April 7, does not prove that he was there. Clarence
did the same, and he had gone to Mantes long before.
[317] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 314.
[318] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 746; Rymer, IV. iii.
52. In Rymer, though the document expressly says May 10,
1419, it is put under May 5, 1418; Elmham, _Vita_, 211;
Livius, 72; _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 776;
Carte, i. 303.
[319] The _Chronique de Normandie_, 244, says that after taking Ivry
Gloucester overran the county of Chartres with a large force.
No other authority mentions this, and it seems unlikely that
Gloucester would have taken the offensive in Chartres, in
view of the truce which he had sworn to observe. The truce
excluded the Duchy of Normandy, so that his operations before
Ivry did not infringe it. See Rymer, IV. iii. 102-104.
Holinshed, iii. 107, follows the _Chronique de Normandie_.
[320] See Beaucourt, _Histoire de Charles VII._, vol. i. pp. 296,
297.
[321] Elmham, _Vita_, 219.
[322] Waurin, ii. 268, 269; Elmham, _Vita_, 222. Elmham takes a long
time to describe in his usual florid style the maiden modesty
with which Catherine received Henry's kiss.
[323] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 783; Rymer, IV. iii.
119.
[324] Elmham, _Vita_, 219-226; _Chronique de Normandie_, 246;
Waurin, ii. 268-270; Monstrelet, 453, 454.
[325] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 41, App. I. 789.
[326] Waurin, ii. 276; Elmham, _Vita_, 227-231; St. Rémy, 438.
[327] He was still at Mantes on August 5, when he wrote to tell the
Londoners of the capture of Pontoise. Delpit, _Doc. Fr._, p.
227, No. CCCLIII.
[328] Elmham, _Vita_, 231, 232.
[329] Elmham, _Vita_, 232-234; Waurin, ii. 276, 277.
[330] _Chronique de Normandie_, 248, says November 6; Elmham,
_Vita_, 239, says October 29; _Gesta_, 132, October 30. Cf.
Livius, 79.
[331] _Chronique de Normandie_, 248. _Gesta_, 132, puts this
expedition before the siege of Meulan; Elmham, _Vita_, 239,
puts it during the progress of the siege of Meulan; Livius,
79, puts it immediately after the Conference of Meulan; Stow,
359, follows Livius.
[332] Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 331; Otterbourne, 283.
[333] _Cal. of Norman Rolls_, Rep. 42, App. 331; Carte, i. 527;
Walsingham, _Hist. Angl._, ii. 331.