In the meantime the colony at Buenos Aires had been dragging on a
miserable existence, and after terrible sufferings from famine and from
the ceaseless attacks of the Indians, the remaining settlers abandoned
the place and made their way up the river first to Corpus Christi, then
to Asuncion. Here, by the emperor's orders, the assembled Spaniards
proceeded to the election of a captain-general, and their choice fell
almost unanimously on Domingos Martinez de Irala, who was proclaimed
captain-general of the Rio de la Plata (August 1538). In 1542 the
settlement of Buenos Aires was re-established by an expedition sent for
the purpose from Spain, under a tried _adelantado_, Cabeza de Vaca. This
able leader, eager to reach Asuncion as quickly as possible, sent on his
ships to the river Plate, but himself with a small following marched
overland from Santa Catherina on the coast of Brazil to join Irala. His
doings at Asuncion belong, however, not to the history of Argentina, but
of Paraguay. Suffice it to say that differences with Irala eventually
led to his arrest, and to his being sent back to Spain to answer to the
charges brought against him for maladministration. The second settlement
made by his expedition at Buenos Aires was even less successful and
long-lived than the first. Exposed to the incessant attacks of the
savages, the piace was a second time abandoned, February 1543.
Juan de Garay.
Forty years were now to elapse before any further efforts were made by
the Spaniards to colonize any part of the territory of the river Plate
and lower Parana. In 1573 Juan de Garay, at the head of an expedition
despatched from Asuncion, founded the city of Santa Fe near the
abandoned settlements of San Espiritu and Corpus Christi. Seven years
later (1580), when the new colony had been firmly established, Juan de
Garay proceeded southwards, and made the third attempt to build a city
on the site of Buenos Aires; and despite the determined hostility of the
Querendi Indians he succeeded in finally gaining a complete mastery over
them. In a desperate battle, the natives were defeated with great
slaughter, and the territory surrounding the town was divided into
ranches, in which the conquered natives had to labour. The new town
received from Garay the name of _Ciudad de la Santissima Trinidad_,
while its port retained the old appellation of Santa Maria de Buenos
Aires. It was endowed by its founder with a _cabildo_ (corporation) and
full Spanish municipal privileges. Garay, when on his way to Santa Fe,
was unfortunately murdered by a party of Indians, Minuas (Mimas), three
years later, while incautiously sleeping on the river bank near the
ruins of San Espiritu. The new settlement, however, continued to
prosper, and the cattle and horses brought from Europe multiplied and
spread over the plains of the Pampas.
In the meantime the Spaniards had penetrated into the interior of what
is now the Argentine Republic, and established themselves on the eastern
slopes of the Andes. In 1553 an expedition from Peru made their way
through the mountain region and founded the city of Santiago del Estero,
that of Tucuman in 1565, and that of Cordoba in 1573. Another expedition
from Chile, under Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, crossed the Cordillera in
1559, and having defeated the Araucanian Indians, made a settlement
which from the name of the leader was called Mendoza. In 1620 Buenos
Aires was separated from the authority of the government established at
Asuncion, and was made the seat of a government extending over Mendoza,
Santa Fe, Entre Rios and Corrientes, but at the same time remained like
the government of Paraguay at Asuncion, and that of the province of
Tucuman, which had Cordoba as its capital, subject to the authority of
the viceroyalty of Peru.
Evils of Spanish colonial system.
Asiento question.
Thus at the opening of the 17th century, after many adventurous efforts,
and the expenditure of many lives and much treasure, the Spaniards found
themselves securely established on the river Plate, and had planted a
number of centres of trade and colonization in the interior.
Unfortunately, in no part of the Spanish oversea possessions did the
restrictive legislation of the home government operate more harshly or
disadvantageously to the interests of the colony; it was a more
effective hindrance to the development of its resources and the spread
of civilization over the country, than the hostility of the Indians.
Cabot had urged the feasibility of opening an easier channel for trade
with the interior of Peru through the river Plate and its tributaries,
than that by way of the West Indies and Panama; and now that his views
were able to be realized, the interests of the merchants of Seville and
of Lima, who had secured a monopoly of the trade by the route of the
isthmus, were allowed to destroy the threatened rivalry of that by the
river Plate. Never in the history of colonization has a mother country
pursued so relentlessly a policy more selfish and short-sighted. Spanish
legislation was not satisfied with endeavouring to exclude all European
nations except Spain from trading with the West Indies, but it sought to
limit all commerce to one particular route, and it forbade any trade
being transacted by way of the river Plate, thus enacting the most
flagrant injustice towards the people it had encouraged to settle in the
latter country. The strongest protests were raised, but the utmost they
could effect was that, in 1618, permission was granted to export from
Buenos Aires two shiploads of produce a year. But the Spanish government
was not content with the prohibition of sea-borne commerce. To prevent
internal trade with Peru a custom-house was set up at Cordoba to levy a
duty of 50% on everything in transit to and from the river Plate. In
1665 the relaxation of this system was brought about by the continual
remonstrances of the people, but for more than a century afterwards
(until 1776) the policy of exclusion was enforced. This naturally led to
a contraband trade of considerable dimensions. The English, after the
treaty of Utrecht (1715) held the contract (_asiento_) for supplying the
Spanish-American colonies with negro slaves. Among other places the
slave ships regularly visited Buenos Aires, and despite the efforts of
the Spanish authorities, contrived both to smuggle in and carry away a
quantity of goods. This illicit commerce went on steadily till 1739,
when it led to an outbreak of war between England and Spain, which put
an end to the _asiento_. The Portuguese were even worse offenders, for
in 1680 they made a settlement on the north of the river Plate, right
opposite to Buenos Aires, named Colonia, which with one or two short
intervals, remained in their hands till 1777. From this port foreign
merchandise found its way duty free into the Spanish provinces of Buenos
Aires, Tucuman and Paraguay, and even into the interior of Peru. The
continual encroachments of the Portuguese at length led the Spanish
government to take the important step of making Buenos Aires the seat of
a viceroyalty with jurisdiction over the territories of the present
republics of Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay and the Argentine Confederation
(1776). At the same time all this country was opened to Spanish trade
even with Peru, and the development of its resources, so long thwarted,
was allowed comparatively free play. Pedro de Zeballos, the first
viceroy, took with him from Spain a large military force with which he
finally expelled the Portuguese from the banks of the river Plate.
Effects of French war.
The wars of the French Revolution, in which Spain was allied with France
against Great Britain, interrupted the growing prosperity of Buenos
Aires. On the 17th of June 1806 General William Beresford landed with a
body of troops from a British fleet under the command of Sir Home
Popham, and obtained possession of Buenos Aires. But a French officer,
Jacques de Liniers, gathered together a large force with which he
enclosed the British within the walls, and finally, on the 12th of
August, by a successful assault, forced Beresford and his troops to
surrender. In July 1807 another British force of eight thousand men
under General Whitelock endeavoured to regain possession of Buenos
Aires, but strenuous preparations had been made for resistance, and
after fierce street fighting the invading army, after suffering severe
losses, was compelled to capitulate. The colonists, who had achieved
their two great successes without any aid from the home government, were
naturally elated, and began to feel a new sense of self-reliance and
confidence in their own resources. The successful defence of Buenos
Aires accentuated the growing feeling of dissatisfaction with the
Spanish connexion, which was soon to lead to open insurrection. The
establishment of the Napoleonic dynasty at Madrid was the actual cause
which brought about the disturbances which were to end in separation.
Liniers was viceroy on the arrival of the news of the crowning of Joseph
Bonaparte as king of Spain, but as a Frenchman he was distrusted and was
deposed by the adherents of Ferdinand VII. The central junta at Seville,
acting in the name of Ferdinand, appointed Balthasar de Cisneros to be
viceroy in his place. He entered upon the duties of his office on the
19th of July 1809, and at first he gained popularity by acceding to the
urgent appeals of the people and throwing open the trade of the country
to all nations. But his measures speedily gave dissatisfaction to the
Argentine or Creole party, who had long chafed under the disabilities of
Spanish rule, and who now felt themselves no longer bound by ties of
loyalty to a country which was in the possession of the French armies.
Struggle for independence.
On the 25th of May 1810 a great armed assembly met at Buenos Aires and a
provisional junta was formed to supersede the authority of the viceroy
and carry on the government. The acts of the new government ran in the
name of Ferdinand VII., but the step taken was a revolutionary one, and
the 25th of May has ever since been regarded as the birthday of
Argentine independence. The most prominent leader of the junta was its
secretary Mariano Moreno (1778-1811), who with a number of other active
supporters of the patriot cause succeeded in raising a considerable
force of Buenos Aireans to maintain, arms in hand, their nationalist and
anti-Spanish doctrines. An attempt of the Spanish party to make
Balthasar de Cisneros president of the junta failed, and the ex-viceroy
retired to Montevideo. A sanguinary struggle between the party of
independence and the adherents of Spain spread over the whole country,
and was carried on with varying fortune. Foremost among the leaders of
the revolutionary armies were Manuel Belgrano, and after March 1812
General Jose de San Martin, an officer who had gained experience against
the French in the Peninsular War. A state of disorder, almost of
anarchy, reigned in the provinces, but on the 25th of March 1816 a
congress of deputies was assembled at Tucuman, who named Don Martin
Pueyrredon supreme director, and on the 9th of July the separation of
the united provinces of the Rio de la Plata was formally proclaimed, and
comparative order was re-established in the country; Buenos Aires was
declared the seat of the government. The jealousy of the provinces,
however, against the capital led to a series of disturbances, and for
many years continual civil war devastated every part of the country.
Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay rose in armed revolt, and finally
established themselves as separate republics, whilst the city of Buenos
Aires itself was torn with faction and the scene of many a sanguinary
fight.
Republic established.
From 1816, however, the independence of the Argentine Republic was
assured, and success attended the South Americans in their contest with
the royal armies. The combined forces of Buenos Aires and Chile defeated
the Spaniards at Chacabuco in 1817, and at Maipu in 1818; and from Chile
the victorious general Jose de San Martin led his troops into Peru,
where on the 9th of July 1821, he made a triumphal entry into Lima,
which had been the chief stronghold of the Spanish power, having from
the time of its foundation by Pizarro been the seat of government of a
viceroyalty which at one time extended to the river Plate. A general
congress was assembled at Buenos Aires on the 1st of March 1822, of
representatives from all the liberated provinces, and a general amnesty
was decreed, though the war was not over until the 9th of December 1824,
when the republican forces gained the final, victory of Ayacucho, in the
Peruvian border-land. The Spanish government did not, however, formally
acknowledge the independence of the country until the year 1842. On the
23rd of January 1825, a national constitution for the federal states,
which formed the Argentine Republic, was decreed; and on the 2nd of
February of the same year Sir Woodbine Parish, acting under the
instructions of George Canning, signed a commercial treaty in Buenos
Aires, by which the British government acknowledged the independence of
the country. It had already been recognized by the United States of
America two years previously.
Unitarians and Federalists.
In 1826 Bernardo Rivadavia was elected president of the confederation.
His policy was to establish a strong central government, and he became
the head of a party known as Unitarians in contradistinction to their
opponents, who were styled Federalists, their aim being to maintain to
the utmost the local autonomy of the various provinces. Under the
government of Rivadavia the people of Buenos Aires became involved,
practically single-handed, in a war with Brazil in defence of the Banda
Oriental, which had been seized by the imperial forces (see URUGUAY).
The Brazilians were defeated, notably at Ituzaingo, and in 1827 the war
issued in the independence of Uruguay. Rivadavia's term of office was
likewise memorable for the constitution of the 24th of December 1826,
passed by the constituent congress of all the provinces, by which the
bonds which united the confederated states of the Argentine Republic
were strengthened. This project of closer union met, however, with much
opposition both at Buenos Aires and the provinces. Rivadavia resigned,
and Vicente Lopez, a Federalist, was elected to succeed him, but was
speedily displaced by Manuel Dorrego (1827), another representative of
the same party. The carrying out of Federalist principles led, however,
to the formation in the republic of a number of quasi-independent
military states, and Dorrego only ruled in Buenos Aires. After the
conclusion of the peace with Brazil, the Unitarians placed themselves
under the leadership of General Juan de Lavalle, the victor of
Ituzaingo. Lavalle, at the head of a division of troops, drove Dorrego
from Buenos Aires, pursued him into the interior, and captured him. He
was shot (December 9, 1828), by the order of Lavalle, and during the
year 1828 the country was given up to the horrors of civil war.
Rosas dictator.
On the death of Dorrego, a remarkable man, Juan Manuel de Rosas, became
the Federalist chief. In 1829 he defeated Lavalle, made himself master
of Buenos Aires, and in the course of the next three years made his
authority recognized after much fighting throughout the provinces. The
Unitarians were relentlessly hunted down and a veritable reign of terror
ensued. Rosas gradually concentrated all power in his own hands, and was
hailed by the populace as a saviour of the state. In 1835, with the
title of governor and captain-general, he acquired dictatorial powers,
and all public authority passed into his hands. This dictatorship of
Rosas continued until 1852. In every department of administration and of
government he was supreme. He was exceedingly jealous of foreign
interference, and quarrelled with France on questions connected with the
rights of foreign residents. Buenos Aires was in 1838 blockaded by a
French fleet; but Rosas stood firm. A formidable revolt took place in
1839 under General Lavalle, who had returned to the country accompanied
by a number of banished Unitarians. In 1840 he invaded Buenos Aires at
the head of troops raised chiefly in the province of Entre Rios; but he
was defeated at Santa Fe, then at Lujan, and finally was captured in
Jujuy and shot, 1841. The rule of Rosas was now one of tyranny and
almost incessant bloodshed in Buenos Aires, while his partisans,
foremost amongst whom was General Ignacio Oribe, endeavoured to
exterminate the Unitarians throughout the provinces. The scene of
slaughter was extended to the Banda Oriental by the attempt of Oribe,
with the support of Rosas, and of Justo Jose de Urquiza, governor of
Entre Rios, to establish himself as president of that republic (see
URUGUAY), where the existing government was hostile to Rosas and
sheltered all political refugees from the country under his despotic
rule. The siege of Montevideo led to a joint intervention of England and
France. Buenos Aires was blockaded by the combined English and French
fleets, September 1845, which landed a force to open the passage up the
Parana to Paraguay, which had been declared closed to foreigners by
Rosas. A convention was signed in 1849, which secured the free
navigation of the Parana and the independence of the Banda Oriental. The
downfall of Rosas was at last brought about by the instrumentality of
Justo Jose de Urquiza, who as governor of Entre Rios, had for many years
been one of his strongest supporters. The breach between the two men
which led to open collision took place in 1846. The first efforts of
Urquiza to rouse the country against the oppressor were unsuccessful,
but in 1851 he concluded an alliance with Brazil, to which Uruguay
afterwards adhered. A large army of twenty-four thousand men was
collected at Montevideo, and on the 8th of January 1852 the allied
forces crossed the Parana and the road to Buenos Aires lay open before
them. Rosas met the allies at the head of a body of troops fully equal
in numbers to their own, but was crushingly routed, February 3rd, at
Monte Caseros, about 10 m. from the capital. The dictator fled for
refuge to the British legation, from whence he was conveyed on board
H.B.M.S. "Locust," which carried him into exile.
Urquiza president.
Buenos Aires and the provinces.
A provisional government was formed under Urquiza, and the Brazilian and
Uruguayan troops withdrew. He summoned all the provincial governors at
San Nicolas in the province of Buenos Aires, and on the 31st of May they
proclaimed a new constitution, with Urquiza as provisional director of
the Argentine nation. A constituent congress, in which each province had
equal representation, was duly elected, and in order to provide against
the predominance of Buenos Aires, it was determined that Sante Fe should
be the place of session. But this did not suit the _portenos_, as the
people of Buenos Aires were called, and the province refused to take any
part in the congressional proceedings. But Urquiza was a man of
different temperament from Rosas, and when he found that Buenos Aires
refused to submit to his authority, he declined to use force. The
congress had (May 1, 1853) appointed Urquiza president of the
confederation, and he established the seat of government at Parana. The
province of Buenos Aires was recognized as an independent state, and
under the enlightened administration of Doctor Obligado made rapid
strides in commercial prosperity. The two sections of the Argentine
nation contrived to exist as separate governments without an open breach
of the peace until 1859, when the long-continued tension led to the
outbreak of hostilities. The army of the _portenos_, commanded by
Colonel Bartolome Mitre, was defeated at Cepeda by the confederate
forces under Urquiza, and Buenos Aires agreed to re-enter the
confederation (November 11, 1859). Urquiza at this juncture resigned the
presidency, and Doctor Santiago Derqui was elected president of the
fourteen provinces with the seat of government at Parana; while Urquiza
became once more governor of Entre Rios, and Mitre was appointed
governor of Buenos Aires.
Mitre president.
Paraguay war.
The struggle for supremacy between Buenos Aires and the provinces had,
however, to be fought out, and hostilities once more broke out in 1861.
The armies of the opposing parties, under Generals Mitre and Urquiza
respectively, met at Pavon in the province of Santa Fe (September 17).
The battle ended in the disastrous defeat of the provincial forces;
General Mitre used his victory in a spirit of moderation and sincere
patriotism. He was elected president of the Argentine confederation and
did his utmost to settle the questions which had led to so many civil
wars, on a permanent and sound basis. The constitution of 1853 was
maintained, but Buenos Aires became the seat of federal government
without ceasing to be a provincial capital. Causes of friction still
remained, but they did not develop into open quarrels, for Mitre was
content to leave Urquiza in his province of Entre Rios, and the other
administrators (_caudillos_) in their several governments, a large
measure of autonomy, trusting that the position and growing commercial
importance of Buenos Aires would inevitably tend to make the federal
capital the real centre of power of the republic. In 1865 the Argentines
were forced into war with Paraguay through the overbearing attitude of
the president Francisco Solano Lopez. The dictator of Paraguay had
quarrelled with Brazil for its intervention in the internal affairs of
Uruguay, and he demanded free passage for his troops across the
Argentine province of Corrientes. This Mitre refused, and alliance was
formed between Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay, for joint action against
Lopez. General Mitre became commander-in-chief of the combined armies
for the invasion of Paraguay and was absent for several years in the
field. The struggle was severe and attended by heavy losses, and it was
not until 1870 that the Paraguayans were conquered, Lopez killed, and
peace concluded (see PARAGUAY). Meanwhile, disturbances had broken out
in the interior of Argentina (1867), which compelled Mitre to relinquish
his command in Paraguay, and to call back a large part of the Argentine
forces to suppress the insurrection. The rebels had hoped for assistance
from Urquiza, but the powerful governor of Entre Rios maintained the
peace in his province, which under his firm and beneficent rule had
greatly prospered, and the revolutionary movement was quickly subdued.
Sarmiento president.
In 1868 the term of General Mitre came to an end, and Doctor Domingo
Faustino Sarmiento, a native of San Juan, was quietly elected to succeed
him. His conduct of affairs was broad-minded and upright, and was
characterized by earnest efforts to promote education and to develop the
resources of the country. His period of office was marked by the rapid
advance of Buenos Aires in population and prosperity, and by an
expansion of trade that was unfortunately accompanied by financial
extravagance. The war with Paraguay left a legacy of disputes concerning
boundaries which almost led to war between the two victorious allies,
Argentina and Brazil, but by the exertions of Mitre, who was sent at the
close of 1872 as special envoy to Rio, a settlement was arrived at and
friendly relations restored. The month of April 1870 saw an insurrection
in Entre Rios headed by the _caudillo_, Lopez Jordan. Urquiza was
assassinated, and the provincial legislature, through fear, at once
proclaimed Lopez Jordan governor. The federal government refused to
acknowledge the new governor, and troops were despatched by Sarmiento
against Entre Rios. The contest lasted with varying success for more
than a year, but finally Lopez Jordan was completely defeated and driven
into exile.
Avellaneda president.
The Tiro Nacional.
The presidential election of 1874 resolved itself, as so often before,
into a struggle between the provincials and the _portenos_ (Buenos
Aires). The candidate of the former, Dr Nicolas Avellaneda, triumphed
over General Mitre, not without suspicions of tampering with the
returns; and the unsuccessful party appealed to arms. The new president,
however, who was installed in office on the 12th of October, took active
steps to suppress the revolution, which never assumed a really serious
character. The government troops gained two decisive victories over the
insurgents under Generals Mitre and Arredondo, and they were compelled
to surrender at discretion. But though peace was for a time restored,
the old causes of soreness and dissension remained unappeased, and as
the time for the next presidential election began to draw near, it
became more and more evident that a critical struggle was at hand, and
that the people of Buenos Aires, supported by the province of
Corrientes, were determined to bring to an issue the question as to what
position Buenos Aires was to hold for the future with regard to the
remaining provinces of the confederation. It was evident that the
president intended to use all the influence which the party in power
could exercise, to secure the return of General Julio Roca, who had
distinguished himself in 1878 by a successful campaign against the
warlike Indian tribes bordering on the Andes. The _portenos_ on their
part were determined to resist this policy to the utmost. Mass meetings
were held, and a committee was appointed for the purpose of considering
what action should be taken to defeat the ambitious designs of the
provincials. Under the direction of this committee, the association
known as the "Tiro Nacional" was formed, with the avowed object of
training the able-bodied citizens of Buenos Aires in military exercises
and creating a volunteer army, ready for service if called upon, to
withstand by force the pretensions of their opponents. The establishment
of the Tiro Nacional was enthusiastically received by all classes in
Buenos Aires, the men turning out regularly to drill, and the women
aiding the movement by collecting subscriptions for the purpose of
armament and other necessaries. On the 13th of February 1880, the
minister of war, Dr Carlos Pellegrini, summoned the principal officers
connected with the Tiro Nacional, General Bartolome Mitre, his brother
Emilio, Colonel Julio Campos, Colonel Hilario Lagos and others, and
warned them that as officers of the national army they owed obedience to
the national government, and would be severely punished if concerned in
any revolutionary outbreak against the constituted authorities. The
reply to this threat was the immediate resignation of their commissions
by all the officers connected with the Tiro Nacional. Two days later,
the national government occupied, with a strong force of infantry and
artillery, the parade ground at Palermo used by the Buenos Aires
volunteers for drill purposes. A great meeting of citizens was then
called and marched through the streets. President Avellaneda was
frightened at the results of his action, and to avoid a collision
ordered the troops to be withdrawn. Negotiations were now opened by the
government with the provincial authorities for the disarmament of the
city and province of Buenos Aires, but they led to nothing. Matters
became still further strained on account of the outrages committed by
the national troops, and such was the bitterness of feeling developed
between the two factions, that an appeal to arms became inevitable.
Appeal to Arms.
Fall of Buenos Aires.
In the month of June 1880, President Avellaneda and his ministers left
Buenos Aires, and this act was considered by the _porteno_ leaders
equivalent to a declaration of war. The national government and the
twelve provinces forming the Cordoba League, were ranged on one side;
the city and province of Buenos Aires and the province of Corrientes on
the other. The national troops were well armed with Remington rifles,
provided with abundant ammunition, equipped with artillery and supported
by the fleet. In the city and province of Buenos Aires, plenty of
volunteers offered their services, and an army of some twenty-five
thousand men was quickly raised, but they were armed with old-fashioned
weapons and there was only a limited supply of ammunition. Feverish
attempts were made to remedy the lack of warlike stores, but difficulty
was experienced on account of the fleet blockading the entrance to the
river. After several skirmishes, the national army commanded by General
Roca, containing many troops seasoned in Indian campaigns, assaulted the
_portenos_ posted before Buenos Aires, and after two days' hard fighting
(20th and 21st July) forced its way into the town. On 23rd July the
surrender of the city was demanded and obtained. The terms of the
surrender were that all the leaders of the revolution should be removed
from positions of authority, all government employees implicated in the
movement dismissed, and the force in the province and city of Buenos
Aires at once disarmed and disbanded. The power of Buenos Aires was thus
completely broken and at the mercy of the Cordoba League. The _portenos_
were no longer in a position to nominate a candidate in opposition to
General Julio Roca, who was duly elected. He assumed office in October
1880.
Roca president.
Hitherto General Roca had been regarded only in his capacity as a
soldier, and not from the point of view of an administrator. In the
campaigns against the Indians in the south-west of the province of
Buenos Aires and the valley of the Rio Negro he had gained much
prestige; the victory over Buenos Aires added to his fame, and secured
his authority in the outlying provincial centres. One of the first
notable acts of the Roca administration was to declare the city of
Buenos Aires the property of the national government. This separation of
the city from the province, and its federalization had been one of the
chief aims of the Cordoba League, and was the natural consequence of the
crushing defeat inflicted on the _portenos_. As a sequel to this step,
in 1884 the town of La Plata was declared to be the capital of the
province of Buenos Aires, and the provincial administration was moved to
that place. This federalization of the capital has proved to be a most
important factor in binding together the different parts of the
confederation, and in promoting the evolution of an Argentine nation out
of a loosely cemented union of a number of semi-independent states.
Considering the circumstances in which General Roca assumed office, it
must be admitted that he showed great moderation and used the
practically absolute power that he possessed to establish a strong
central government, and to initiate a national policy, which aimed at
furthering the prosperity and development of the whole country. He was
able by the influence he exerted to keep down the internal dissensions
and insurrectionary outbreaks which had so greatly impeded for many
years the development of the vast natural resources of the republic.
With this object he had promoted the extension of railways so as to link
the provinces with the great port of Buenos Aires, and to provide at the
same time facilities for the rapid despatch of military forces to
disturbed districts. Unfortunately the last two years of Roca's term of
office were marked by two grave errors, which subsequently caused
widespread suffering and distress throughout the country. The first of
these mistakes was a measure making (January 1885) the currency
inconvertible for a period of two years. This act, which was only
decided upon after much hesitation, had a most deleterious effect upon
the national credit. The second was the nomination of Dr Miguel Juarez
Celman for the presidential term commencing in October 1886. The
nomination was brought about by the Cordoba clique, and Roca lacked the
moral courage to oppose the decision of this group, though he was well
aware that Celman, who was his brother-in-law, was neither
intellectually nor morally fitted for the post.
Celman president.
The Union Civica.
No sooner had President Juarez Celman come into power towards the close
of 1886, than the respectable portion of the community began to feel
alarmed at the methods practised by the new president in his conduct of
public affairs. At first it was hoped that the influence of General Roca
would serve to check any serious extravagance on the part of Celman.
This hope, however, was doomed to disappointment, and before many months
had elapsed it was clear that the president would listen to no prudent
counsels from Roca or from any one else. The men of the old Cordoba
League became dominant in all branches of the government, and
carpet-bagging politicians occupied every official post. In their hurry
to obtain wealth, this crowd of office-mongers from the provinces lent
themselves to all kinds of bribery and corruption. The public credit was
pledged at home and abroad to fill the pockets of the adventurers, and
the wildest excesses were committed under the guise of administrative
acts. What followed in the second and third years of the Celman
administration can only adequately be described as a debauchery of the
national honour, of the national resources, of the rights of Argentines
as citizens of the republic. Buenos Aires was still prostrate under the
crushing blow of the misfortunes of 1880, and lacked strength and power
of organization necessary to raise any effective protest against the
proceedings of Celman and his friends when the true character of these
proceedings was first understood. The conduct of public affairs,
however, at length became so scandalous, that action on the part of the
more sober-minded and conservative sections was seen to be absolutely
imperative if the country was to be saved from speedy and certain ruin.
In 1889 the association of the "Union Civica" was founded, and the
organization undertaken by Dr Leandro Alem, Dr Aristobulo del Valle, Dr
Bernardo Irigoyen, Dr Vicente Lopez, Dr Lucio Lopez, Dr Oscar Lilliedale
and other leading citizens. The untiring energy and zeal of Leandro Alem
fitted him for being the chief organizer of a movement into which he
threw himself heart and soul. Mass meetings were held in Buenos Aires,
and it fell specially to the lot of Dr del Valle, who was an able orator
as well as a sincere patriot, to expose the irresponsible and corrupt
character of the administration, and the terrible dangers that
threatened the republic through its reckless extravagance and financial
improvidence. Subsidiary clubs affiliated to the central administration
were formed throughout the length and breadth of the country, and
millions of leaflets and pamphlets were distributed broadcast to explain
the importance of the movement. President Celman underrated the strength
of the new opposition, and relied upon his armed forces promptly to
suppress any signs of open hostility. No change was made in official
methods, and the condition of affairs drifted from bad to worse, until
the temper of the people, so long and so sorely tried, showed plainly
that the situation had become insufferable. The Union Civica then
decided to make a bold bid for freedom by attempting forcibly to eject
Celman and his clique from office.
On the night of the 26th of July 1890 the Union Civica called its
members to arms. It was joined by some regiments of the regular army and
received the support of the fleet. Barricades were thrown up in the
principal streets, and the surrounding houses were occupied by the
insurgents. Two days of desultory street fighting ensued, during which
the fleet began to bombard the city, but was compelled to desist by the
interference of foreign men-of-war, on the ground that the bombardment
was causing unnecessary damage to the life and property of
non-combatants. A suspension of hostilities then took place, and
negotiations were opened between the contending parties. Celman, acting
upon the advice of General Roca, who recognized the strength of public
opinion in the outbreak, placed his resignation in the hands of congress
on the 31st of July. A scene of intense enthusiasm followed, and Buenos
Aires was _en fete_ for the following three days. The vice-president of
the confederation, Carlos Pellegrini, who had been minister of war under
presidents Avellaneda and Roca and had had much administrative
experience, succeeded without opposition to the vacant post.
Pellegrini president.
Much satisfaction was shown in Europe at the fall of President Celman,
for investors had suffered heavily by the way in which the resources of
Argentina had been dissipated by a corrupt government, and hopes were
entertained that the uprising of public opinion against his financial
methods signified a more honest conduct of the national affairs in the
future. Great expectations were entertained of the ability of President
Pellegrini to establish a sound administration, and he succeeded in
forming a ministry which gave general satisfaction throughout the
country. General Roca was induced to undertake the duties of minister of
the interior, and his influence in the provinces was sufficient to check
any attempts to stir up disturbances at Cordoba or elsewhere. The most
onerous post of all, that of minister of finance, was confided to Dr
Vicente Lopez, who, though he was not of marked financial ability, was
at least a man of untiring industry and of a personal integrity that was
above suspicion. But the economic and financial situation was one of
almost hopeless embarrassment and confusion, and Pellegrini proved
himself incapable of grappling with it. Instead of facing the
difficulties, the president preferred to put off the day of reckoning by
flooding the country with inconvertible notes, with the result that the
financial crisis became more and more aggravated. Through the rapid
depreciation of Argentine credit, the great firm of Baring Brothers, the
financial agents of the government in London, became so heavily involved
that they were forced into liquidation, November 1890. The consequences
of this catastrophe were felt far and wide, and in the spring of 1891
both the Banco Nacional and the Banco de la provincia de Buenos Aires
were unable to meet their obligations. Amidst this sea of financial
troubles the government drifted helplessly on, without showing any
inclination or capacity to initiate a strong policy of reform in the
methods of administration which had done so much to ruin the country.
It is little wonder that, in these circumstances, the choice of a
successor to Pellegrini, whose term of office expired in 1892, should
have been felt to possess peculiar importance. General Bartolome Mitre
was proposed by the _portenos_ as their candidate. He had been absent
from Argentina on a journey to Europe, and on his return in April 1891,
a popular reception was given to him at which 50,000 persons attended. A
petition was presented to him begging him to be a candidate for the
presidency, and with some reluctance the veteran leader gave his
consent. His partisans, however, found themselves confronted by a
compact provincial party, who proposed to put forward the other strong
man of the republic, General Roca, to oppose him. But the two generals
were equally averse to a contest _a outrance_, which could only end in
civil war. They met accordingly at a conference known as _El Acuerdo_,
and it was arranged that both should withdraw, and that a non-party
candidate should be selected who should receive the support of them
both. The choice fell upon Dr Saenz Pena, a judge of the supreme court,
and a man universally respected, who had never taken any part in
political life. This compact aroused the bitter enmity of Dr Leandro
Alem, who did his utmost to stir up the Union Civica to a campaign
against the neutral candidate. Finding that the more conservative
section of the union would not follow him, Alem formed a new association
to which he gave the name of Union Civica Radical. Such was his energy,
that soon a network of branches of the Union Civica Radical was
organized throughout the republic, and Dr Bernardo Irigoyen was put
forward as a rival candidate to Dr Saenz Pena. But Alem was not content
with constitutional opposition to the Acuerdo, and his movement soon
assumed the character of a revolutionary propaganda against the national
government. His violence gave Pellegrini the opportunity of taking
active steps to preserve the peace. In April 1892 Alem and his chief
colleagues were arrested and sent into exile.
In the following month (May), the presidential elections were held; Dr
Saenz Pena was declared duly elected, and Dr Jose Uriburu, the minister
in Chile, was chosen as vice-president.
Saenz Pena president.
The idea of Dr Saenz Pena was to conduct the government on common sense
and non-partisan lines, in fact to translate into practical politics the
principles which underlay the compromise of the Acuerdo. He was a
straightforward and honourable man, who tried his best to do his duty in
a position that had been forced upon him, and was in no sense of the
word his own seeking. No sooner, however, was he installed in office
than difficulties began to crop up on all sides, and he quickly
discovered that to attempt to govern without the aid of a majority in
congress was practically impossible. He had had no experience of
political life, and he refused to create the support he needed by using
his presidential prerogative to build up a political majority.
Obstruction met his well-meant efforts to promote the general good, and
before twelve months of the presidential term had run public affairs
were at a deadlock. Dr Alem, who had been permitted to return from
exile, was not slow to profit by the occasion. Embittered by his
treatment in 1892, he openly preached the advisability of an armed
rising to overthrow the existing administration. Public opinion had been
outraged by the immunity with which the governors of certain provinces,
and more particularly Dr Julio Costa, the governor of the province of
Buenos Aires, had been allowed to maintain local forces, by the aid of
which they exacted the payment of illegal taxes and exercised other acts
of injustice and oppression. A number of officers of the army and navy
agreed to lend assistance to a revolutionary outbreak, and towards the
end of July 1893 matters came to a head. The population of Buenos Aires
assembled in armed bodies with the avowed intention of ejecting the
governor from office, and electing in his stead a man who would give
them a just administration. The president was for some time in doubt
whether he had any right to intervene in provincial affairs, but
eventually troops were despatched to La Plata. There was no serious
fighting. Negotiations were soon opened which quickly led to the
resignation of Costa, and the return of the insurgents to their homes.
While these disturbances were taking place in the province of Buenos
Aires, another revolutionary rising was in progress in Santa Fe. Here
the efforts of Dr Alem succeeded in supplying a large body of rebels
with arms and ammunition, and he was able, by a bold attack, to seize
the town of Rosario and there establish the revolutionary headquarters.
This capture so alarmed the national government that a force was sent
under the command of Roca to put down the insurrection. The revolt
speedily collapsed before this redoubtable commander, and Alem and the
other leaders surrendered. They were sentenced to banishment in Staten
Island at the pleasure of the federal government.
But the suppression of disorder did not relieve the tension between the
congress and the executive. During the whole of the 1894 session, the
attitude of senators and deputies alike was one of pronounced hostility
to the president. All his acts were opposed, legislation was at a
standstill and every effort was made to force Dr Saenz Pena to resign.
But although he experienced the utmost difficulty in forming a cabinet,
the president was obstinate in his determination to retain office
without identifying himself with any party. A definite issue was
therefore sought by the congress on which to join battle, and it arose
out of the death sentences which had been pronounced on certain naval
and military officers who had been implicated in the Santa Fe outbreak.
The president had made up his mind that the sentence must be carried
out; the congress by a great majority were resolved not to permit the
death penalty to be inflicted. It was a one-sided struggle, for without
the consent of the congress the president could not raise any money for
supplies, and congress refused to vote the budget. But heavy expenses
had been incurred in putting down revolutionary movements in various
parts of the provinces, and war with Chile was threatened upon the
question of a dispute concerning the boundaries between the two
republics. In January 1895 a special session of congress was summoned to
take into consideration the financial proposals of the government, which
included an increase in the naval and military estimates. Congress,
however, had now got their opportunity, and they used the time of
national stress to bring increased pressure to bear upon the president.
On the 21st of January Dr Saenz Pena at last perceived that his position
was untenable, and he handed in his resignation. It was accepted at once
by the chambers, and the vice-president, Dr Jose Uriburu, became
president of the republic for the three years and nine months of Pena's
term which remained unexpired.
Uriburu President.
Uriburu was neither a politician nor a statesman, but had spent the
greater portion of his life abroad in the diplomatic service. His
knowledge of foreign affairs was, however, peculiarly useful at a
juncture when boundary questions were the subjects that chiefly
attracted public attention. After disputes with Brazil, extending over
fifteen years, about the territory of "Misiones," the matter had been
submitted to the arbitration of the president of the United States. In
March 1895 President Cleveland gave his decision, which was wholly
favourable to the contention of Brazil. The Argentine government, though
disappointed at the result, accepted the award loyally. The boundary
dispute with Chile, to which reference has already been made, was of a
more serious character. The dispute was of old standing. Already in 1884
a protocol had been signed between the contending parties, by which it
was agreed that the frontier should follow the line where "the highest
peaks of the Andine ranges divide the watershed." This definition
unfortunately ignored the fact that the Andes do not run from north to
south in one continuous line, but are separated into cordilleras with
valleys between them, and covering in their total breadth a considerable
extent of country. Difference of opinion, therefore, arose as to the
interpretation of the protocol, the Argentines insisting that the
boundary should run from highest peak to highest peak, the Chileans that
it should follow the highest points of the watershed. The quarrel at
length became acute, and on both sides the populace clamoured from time
to time for an appeal to arms, and the resources of both countries were
squandered in military and naval preparations for a struggle.
Nevertheless despite these obstacles, President Uriburu did something
during his term of office to relieve the nation's financial
difficulties. In 1896 a bill was passed by congress, which authorized
the state by the issue of national bonds to assume the provincial
external indebtedness. This proof of the desire of the Argentine
government to meet honestly all its obligations did much to restore its
credit abroad. Uriburu found in 1897 the financial position so far
improved that he was able to resume cash payments on the entire foreign
debt.
Roca President.
In 1898 there was another presidential election. Public opinion, excited
by the prospect of a war with Chile, naturally supported the candidature
of General Roca, and he was elected without opposition (12th October
1898). The first question which he had to handle was the Chilean
boundary dispute. During the last months of President Uriburu's
administration, matters had reached a climax, especially in connexion
with the delimitation in a district known as the Puna de Atacama. In
August an ultimatum was received from Chile demanding arbitration. After
some hesitation, on the advice of Roca the Argentines agreed to the
demand, and peace was maintained. The principle of arbitration being
accepted, the conditions were quickly arranged. The question of the Puna
de Atacama was referred to a tribunal composed of the United States
minister to Argentina and of one Argentine and one Chilean delegate;
that of the southern frontier in Patagonia to the British crown. One of
the first steps of President Roca, after his accession to office, was to
arrange a meeting with the president of Chile at the Straits of
Magellan. At their conference all difficulties were discussed and
settled, and an undertaking was given on both sides to put a stop to
warlike preparations. The decision of the representative of the United
States was given in April 1899. Although the Chileans professed
dissatisfaction, no active opposition was raised, and the terms were
duly ratified. In his message to congress, on the 1st of May 1899,
General Roca spoke strongly of the immediate necessity of a reform in
the methods of administering justice, the expediency of a revision of
the electoral law, and the imperative need of a reconstruction of the
department of public instruction. The administration of justice, he
declared, had fallen to so low an ebb as to be practically non-existent.
By the powerful influence of the president, government measures were
sanctioned by the legislature dealing with the abuses which had been
condemned. On the 31st of August of the same year a series of proposals
upon the currency question was submitted to congress by the president,
whose real object was to counteract the too rapid appreciation of the
inconvertible paper money. The official value of the dollar was fixed at
44 cents gold for all government purposes. The violent fluctuations in
the value of the paper dollar, which caused so much damage to trade and
industry, were thus checked. In October 1900 Dr Manuel Campos Salles,
president of Brazil, paid a visit to Buenos Aires, and was received with
great demonstrations of friendliness. The aggressive attitude of Chile
towards Bolivia was causing considerable anxiety, and Argentina and
Brazil wished to show that they were united in opposing a policy which
aimed at acquiring an extension of territory by force of arms. The
feeling of enmity between Chile and Argentina was indeed anything but
extinct. The delay of the arbitration tribunal in London in giving its
decision in the matter of the disputed boundary in Patagonia led to a
crop of wild rumours being disseminated, and to a revival of animosity
between the two peoples. In December 1901 warlike preparations were
being carried on in both states, and the outbreak of active hostilities
appeared to be imminent. At the critical moment the British government,
urged to move in the matter by the British residents in both countries,
who feared that war would mean the financial ruin of both Chile and
Argentina, used its utmost influence both at Santiago and Buenos Aires
to allay the misunderstandings; and negotiations were set on foot which
ended in a treaty for the cessation of further armaments being signed,
June 1902. The award of King Edward VII. upon the delimitation of the
boundary was given a few months later, and was received without
controversy and ratified by both governments.
Quintana and Alcorta Presidents.
To the calm resourcefulness and level-headedness of President Roca at a
very difficult and critical juncture must be largely ascribed the
preservation of peace, and the permanent removal of a dispute that had
aroused so much irritation. His term of office came to an end in 1904,
when Dr Manuel Quintana was elected president and Dr Jose Figueroa
Alcorta vice-president, both having Roca's support. Dr Quintana at the
time of his election was sixty-four years of age. He proved a
hard-working progressive president, who did much for the development of
communications and the opening up of the interior of the country. He
died amidst general regret in March 1906, and was succeeded by Dr
Alcorta for the remaining years of his term. (G. E.)
AUTHORITIES.--C.E. Akers, _Argentine, Patagonian and Chilian
Sketches_ (London, 1893), and _A History of South America 1854-1904_
(New York, 1905); Theodore Child, _The Spanish-American Republics_
(London, 1891); Sir T.H. Holdich, _The Countries of the King's Award_
(London, 1904); W.H. Hudson, _The Naturalist in La Plata_ (London,
1892), and _Idle Days in Patagonia_ (London, 1893); A.H. Keane and C.
R. Markham, _Central and South America_, in Stanford's "Compendium of
Geography and Travel" (London, 1901); G.E. Church, "Argentine
Geography and the Ancient Pampean Sea" (_Geogr. Journal_, xii. p.
386); "South America: an Outline of its Physical Geography" (_Geogr.
Journal_, xvii. p. 333); Dr Karl Karger, _Landwirtschaft und
Kolonisation im spanischen Amerika_ (2 vols., Leipzig, 1901); F.P.
Moreno, "Explorations in Patagonia" (_Geogr. Journal_, xiv. pp. 241,
354); Carlos Lix Klett, _Estudios sobre produccion, comercio, finanzas
e interesses generales de la Republica Argentina_ (2 vols., Buenos
Aires, 1900); G. Carrasco, _El crecimiento de la poblacion de la
Republica Argentina comparado con el de las principales naciones
1890-1903_ (Buenos Aires, 1904); C.M. Urien and C. Colombo,
_Geografia Argentina_ (Buenos Aires, 1905); E. von Rosen,
_Archaeological Researches on the Frontier of Argentina and Bolivia
1901-1902_ (Stockholm, 1904); Arturo B. Carranza, _Constitucion
Nacional y Constituciones Provinciales Vigentes_ (Buenos Aires, 1898);
Angelo de Gubernatis, _L'Argentina_ (Firenze, 1898); Meliton Gonzales,
_El Gran Chaco Argentino_ (Buenos Aires, 1890); John Grant & Sons,
_The Argentine Year Book_ (Buenos Aires, 1902 et seq.); Francis
Latzina, _Diccionario Geografico Argentino_ (Buenos Aires, 1891);
_Geographie de la Republique Argentine_ (Buenos Aires, 1890);
_L'Agriculture et l'Elevage dans la Republique Argentine_ (Paris,
1889); Bartolome Mitre, _Historia de San Martin y de la Emancipation
Sud-Americana, segun nuevos documentos_ (3 vols., Buenos Aires, 1887);
_Historia de Belgrano y de la Independencia Argentina_ (3 vols.,
Buenos Aires, 1883); Felipe Soldan, _Diccionario Geografico
Estadistico Nacional Argentino_ (Buenos Aires, 1885); Thomas A.
Turner, _Argentina and the Argentines_ (New York and London, 1892);
Estanislao S. Zeballos, _Descripcion Amena de la Republica Argentina_
(3 vols., Buenos Aires, 1881); _Anuario de la Direcion General de
Estadistica 1898_ (Buenos Aires, 1899); Charles Wiener, _La Republique
Argentine_ (Paris, 1899); _Segundo Censo Republica Argentina_ (3
vols., Buenos Aires, 1898); _Handbook of the Argentine Republic_
(Bureau of the American Republics, Washington, 1892-1903).
(A. J. L.)