IX RECENT HISTORY AND POLITICS
In the early days, at the time of that great soldier, Philip of
Macedon, the name of Thrace was applied to the whole district south
of the Danube. It was inhabited by a savage race, which Philip and
his successor, Alexander, brought under subjection and incorporated
into their empire. Early in the Christian era the Emperor Vespasian
conquered the country, and it became a Roman province, and remained
such until the horde of eastern barbarians swept up the valley of the
Danube about the beginning of the third century. Among them were the
Bulgari, an Asiatic clan, who remained in possession of the Balkan
Mountain region and gave it their name. During subsequent centuries
they founded the great Bulgarian Empire, which attained the zenith of
its power during the reign of the Czar Simeon (893-927 A.D.), but fell
under Byzantine rule in the eleventh century.
The first appearance of Russia in the affairs of Bulgaria was a most
important event, for it has affected the politics of the country
until this very day. One August morning in the year 967 A.D. 10,000
men landed from a Russian fleet at the mouth of the Danube. They were
led by a valiant and hardy warrior named Sviatoslav, whose food was
horseflesh and whose bed was a bearskin laid upon the ground. Since
then the Russians, by reason of racial and religious relationship,
have claimed the right to interfere in the affairs of the country, and
no nation has shown greater sympathy with the unhappy people who have
suffered so much from Turkish oppression.
The balance of power in Europe prevents the annexation of the Balkan
States to the Russian Empire. Austria and Germany will not permit the
Czar to extend his boundaries to the Mediterranean, but no power has
yet been able to counteract the Russian influence in Bulgarian politics
or prevent the Bulgarians from appealing to the Great White Bear
when they are in danger or distress. Russian influence is paramount
in Bulgaria to-day, not only because of affection, but for two other
reasons: In the first place, the people are not strong enough to resist
it, and in the second place, it is important for the Bulgarians to
cultivate the friendship of their powerful neighbor in anticipation of
events which may occur at any time. To no other source can they look
for assistance.
[Illustration: SOFIA, THE CAPITAL OF BULGARIA]
In the twelfth century occurred the second Russian invasion of
Bulgaria, which was so general as to cause a fusion of races and the
adoption of the Slav language and religion, which has been used by
Russia as a pretext for exercising a protectorate over southeastern
Europe. In the fourteenth century the Turks drove the Russians out, and
in 1389 the country was brought completely under Ottoman rule, which
continued until the close of the Russo-Turkish war in 1877-78. The
pretext for that war was the protection of the members of the Greek
Church against the cruelties and persecutions of the Turkish officials,
and Mr. Gladstone, although out of power at the time in England,
undoubtedly did more to bring it about than any other influence, by the
publication of a pamphlet entitled “The Bulgarian Atrocities.” With
fervid eloquence he described the sufferings of the Christians, and
Eugene Schuyler, then United States consul-general at Constantinople,
prepared a report which furnished the facts to sustain the appeal of
Mr. Gladstone in awakening sympathy and indignation throughout the
civilized world. The state of public feeling justified Alexander II.
of Russia in undertaking to protect and avenge the victims of Moslem
cruelty, who professed the same religion and spoke almost the same
language as himself. While the motives of the Russian government may
not have been entirely disinterested, the crusade was so just that
public opinion overlooked the fact that it had been striving several
hundred years to annex European Turkey to its own great empire and make
Constantinople its southern capital.
Alexander II. was a humane man. He emancipated 40,000,000 of serfs,
and, if his life had been spared a few years longer, he would have
given the Russian people a liberal allowance of self-government and
transformed an autocratic despotism into a constitutional monarchy.
The Bulgarians worship his memory. They have erected a monument in his
honor, and have called their principal park by his name. His portrait
may be seen in the cabins of the peasants as well as in the palace of
the reigning prince. At every stationer’s and news-stand, in every
shop where postage stamps are sold, postal cards bearing his picture
over the title “Liberator of Bulgaria” may be purchased. More of them
are sold than of any other variety and this devotion and gratitude
has continued for nearly a quarter of a century. One of the principal
streets of Sofia is named in honor of Mr. Gladstone, and his portrait
is also printed on postal cards, although I saw no recognition of Mr.
Schuyler’s services to that country.
The blood that was spilled in behalf of Bulgaria in the siege of
Plevna and in the defense of Shipka Pass was not shed in vain; and,
as the price of peace, Russia demanded and Turkey consented in the
Treaty of San Stefano that Bulgaria and Macedonia, known on the map
as Rumelia, should be independent of the Sultan’s authority. But the
other jealous Powers of Europe unfortunately interfered with this
arrangement, and, at a conference in Berlin, created a new nation
called Bulgaria, defining its limits as they appear upon current maps,
but leaving out Macedonia and providing that it should be under “the
direct political and military authority of the Sultan” with a Christian
governor-general. It was also stipulated that religious freedom and
tolerance should be guaranteed by the Turks, and that the people of
the various provinces should have the privilege of electing their
own magistrates and enacting their own laws, subject to the general
approval of the imperial authorities at Constantinople. Various other
important reforms were also promised by the Sultan affecting taxation,
the protection of personal and property rights, and the general welfare
of the people. If these pledges and stipulations had been carried
out according to the letter of the treaty, Rumelia would be a happy,
prosperous and peaceful country to-day, but the Powers at Berlin
must have known that the Sultan of Turkey never kept a promise, and
probably never will, and the childlike faith with which they accepted
his profuse assurances of reform is the most astonishing phenomenon in
political history.
When the great Powers met at Berlin after the close of the
Russo-Turkish war, they told the people of Bulgaria that they might
thereafter manage their own affairs and select their own king, subject
to the approval of the Sultan. They were required to pay him annual
tribute in lieu of the taxes which he used to collect in Bulgaria,
but the amount was not definitely fixed, and the financial relations
of the two countries are in a hopeless muddle, and will some time
require an international commission to adjust them. Bulgaria was also
held responsible for a share of the Turkish national debt, but it has
never been definitely apportioned. As soon as their neighbors had
decided what the Bulgarians must do, an election was ordered, and a
legislative assembly chosen under the supervision of Russian soldiers,
who interfered more or less at the polls, and endeavored to influence
the voting by bulldozing, moral suasion, gilded promises and other
inducements. A curious constitution was also prepared by a shrewd
Russian politician and adopted by the people, although very few of them
were able to comprehend it. In fact, nobody pretends to understand the
document, and it was evidently intended to be ambiguous.
After a good deal of conferring and correspondence the national
assembly selected as their sovereign Prince Alexander of Battenberg, a
man of twenty-four, then holding a commission as lieutenant upon the
staff of his great-uncle, Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany, and stationed at
Potsdam. Alexander was directly or indirectly connected with several
of the reigning families of Europe, and was therefore believed to be
impartial. He was a nephew of the Czar of Russia, and his brother
Henry was the husband of Queen Victoria’s daughter Beatrice. He was
a great favorite with everybody, because of his amiable disposition,
his frank and brave nature and his sterling integrity. The people of
Bulgaria gave him a cordial welcome, and he commenced a series of
reforms, said to have been recommended by Prince Bismarck, who took
great interest in his career. He proved to be a good king, unselfish,
warm-hearted, patriotic and ambitious to promote the welfare of the
people whose destiny he was selected to control. But he was too frank
and honest to cope with the conspirators by whom he was surrounded.
The Bulgarians had been under Turkish bondage for five centuries,
and were unfitted to govern themselves, like all people who have
been subject to tyranny. They were even worse than the Cubans or the
Filipinos. Bismarck said they “had been put into the saddle before they
learned to ride.” The situation was aggravated by the jealousy of the
surrounding nations--Germany, Austria, Russia, Turkey and Greece--which
were inclined to use Bulgaria as a football in their political games.
Russia was disappointed and vindictive because the other Powers had not
permitted her to enjoy the fruits of her victory over the Turks and was
determined to recover control of Bulgaria by intrigue, which has been
done.
The lack of educated natives in Bulgaria made it necessary to fill
nearly all of the important military and civil offices with foreigners,
and the Russians obtained the most influential places. Clever men
were sent from St. Petersburg to cultivate public sentiment and by
mercenary and other means to influence the elections. The parliament,
or _Sobranje_, as it is called, consists of a single chamber, elected
by the votes of all citizens who can read and write. The ministry are
absolutely independent of the chamber, and no parliamentary action can
upset them. They are responsible only to the ruling prince, who also
has entire authority to appoint and dismiss the officers of the army
and the civil service. The only way the _Sobranje_ can control him
is by withholding appropriations, and in case of a deadlock with the
sovereign there is no one to decide.
Bulgaria, without the slightest experience or preparation, was suddenly
transformed into an independent state, with the machinery of the
government entirely in the hands of foreigners, who were not only
jealous, but hostile towards each other.
People say that Alexander lacked judgment and discretion; that he
talked too much; that he was no diplomatist; that he quarreled with
his advisers; that he was lamentably deficient in the arts of the
politician, and was too liberal and lenient to govern a country which
had never known any ruler but a despot. This is probably true. If
Alexander could have had a sagacious and experienced statesman to
guide him, he might have had a different fate. But, under his brief
administration, Bulgaria made extraordinary progress, and if he had
been allowed to remain upon the throne, by this time it would have
advanced to a gratifying position among nations. When he came to Sofia
the entire country was in a state of anarchy, a hundred times worse
than Cuba after the Spanish war. The people had been suffering horrors
that shocked the civilized world, and had been oppressed by cruelty
that cannot be described. Being exasperated into resistance, their
oppressors punished them with sword and torch. The number of victims
is unknown. The British minister, who made an investigation, declared
that not less than 12,000 persons were massacred in a single month by
the Turks. Eugene Schuyler, the American consul then at Constantinople,
put the number at 15,000. The country had been in a state of chronic
revolution for several years and the theater of a war between two
powerful nations whose armies foraged upon the farms, burned the
cities and left desolate a large portion of the territory. Most of the
population had fled to the mountains from their burning homes, and many
of them were too poor and discouraged to repair damages when peace was
restored.
In attempting to regenerate this distracted nation, Alexander of
Battenberg undertook a task more difficult than was attempted by any
other man of his generation. He endeavored to build up a new nation
out of heterogeneous materials, and had little assistance but much
interference from the Powers that had intrusted him with the work. He
is one of the most romantic figures in modern European history. His
frank and cheerful nature, his social charms, his personal courage upon
the field of battle and his heroic attempts to overcome the impossible
won for him the enduring affection of the common people and all
patriotic spirits in Bulgaria, who recognized that he had no motive but
their good. The same qualities, however, made him bitter and relentless
enemies. He was surrounded by ambitious and avaricious adventurers and
corrupt officials whom he dismissed the moment he discovered their
misconduct. He was a poor judge of a rascal. He was so honest and
candid himself that he could not detect the insincerity of others. He
might have overcome these obstacles and defeated the conspiracies that
were constantly formed against him if Alexander II. of Russia, whose
assassination was a sad blow to Bulgaria as well as to his own people,
had lived. He had great confidence in his nephew, Prince Alexander,
loved him like his own son and supported him in every direction, even
against the intrigues of Russian politicians who had been sent to Sofia
to control the government. The people of Bulgaria loved him and still
call him their “Liberator.”
Alexander III., for some reason or other, never liked his cousin
of Battenberg, and soon after ascending the throne called him to
account for his anti-Russian policy in Bulgaria. The explanation
was unsatisfactory. Alexander said he was endeavoring to administer
affairs for the best interests of the people themselves without regard
to foreign complications. His liberality was too great to please the
Czar. He was a Protestant and encouraged education to an extent that
was not appreciated by the clergy of the Greek Church. He granted
freedom to the press, which encouraged the democratic spirit of the
people and strengthened the Liberal party in politics, which was
anti-Russian in its tendencies and even advocated a republican form of
government. Failing to meet the requirements of the Czar, Alexander
found he was no longer allowed to be master in his own house, and that
the Russian officials who surrounded him were taking their orders from
St. Petersburg rather than from their own sovereign. He attempted to
dismiss them and asserted his independence by filling their positions
with native Liberals upon whom he could rely. The Russians retaliated
by one of the most scandalous and shameful conspiracies that has ever
occurred in political history. It might have happened in the Middle
Ages, in the days of the robber barons and the Medicis, but there is
nothing to compare with it in modern times.
At two o’clock on the morning of August 21, 1886, Prince Alexander was
aroused from his slumbers by his valet, who thrust a revolver into his
hand and begged him to flee through an open window. But the prince was
a man to face danger, and, partially dressing himself, stepped into
an ante-room where he found a crowd of Russian officers, some of whom
he had recently dismissed from their positions, and others still in
the employment of the government. They coolly informed him that he had
the option to choose between death and abdication. A Russian officer
tore a blank page out of the visitors’ book that lay upon the table
and attempted to write an abdication, but he was too drunk to do so.
A young cadet from the military academy took the pen and wrote a few
incoherent words at his dictation. With five revolvers pointing at his
head, Alexander calmly read the document and remarked sarcastically:
“Gentlemen, you shall have your way,” and wrote in German the words,
“God protect Bulgaria. Alexander.”
A few moments later he was hustled into a carriage and, guarded by an
escort of Russian officers and cadets from the military academy, which
was in their charge, he was driven at a gallop seventeen miles to a
monastery, where, after a few hours’ rest, an exchange of horses was
made and he was hurried over the Balkan Mountains to the Danube River
and placed upon a yacht.
The conspirators at Sofia, with the aid of the Metropolitan, or
archbishop, of the Greek Church, proclaimed a provisional government;
but Stambouloff, the young president of the parliament, who was
equal to the emergency, declared them to be outlaws, appealed to the
Bulgarians to defend the throne against the Russian conspirators, and
persuaded the parliament to appoint him regent until Prince Alexander
could be restored. It was several days before the latter could be
found. In the meantime he was concealed upon the yacht on the Danube
River. When the facts became known throughout Europe the Russians
were compelled by public sentiment to surrender him, and the Czar
made desperate efforts to exculpate himself from the responsibility.
Nevertheless, not one of the Russian officials who were engaged in the
plot was ever punished or even censured.
Prince Alexander returned to Sofia in triumph, and was enthusiastically
welcomed by the people; but, with characteristic frankness, immediately
telegraphed the Czar:
“I received my crown from Russia. I am ready to return it to the hands
of her sovereign whenever it is demanded.”
The Czar at once replied, as might have been expected, expressing
disapproval of the return of Alexander to Bulgaria and censuring his
administration of affairs. In vain Stambouloff and other Bulgarians
implored their prince to remain and defy Russia, and even threatened
to prevent him by force from abdication, but Alexander declared that
his usefulness was ended, and that it was the only wise course for him
to retire and save the country from a war with Russia. Before doing
so, however, he exacted a pledge from the Czar that he would permit
the Bulgarians to manage their own affairs without interference--a
pledge that was violated within the next thirty days, and has never
been kept in any respect. Then, appointing a regency, Alexander
formally abdicated authority and left the country with the affection
and confidence of the people. He went to Austria, where he remained in
retirement, under the title of Count Hartenau, until his death in 1893.
When Alexander abdicated it was necessary for the Bulgarians to
choose another king, and they selected Prince Waldemar of Denmark, a
brother of the Queen of Great Britain, the dowager Czarina of Russia
and the King of Greece; but, rather than risk a quarrel with his big
brother-in-law at St. Petersburg, who had compelled Alexander to throw
down the crown, Waldemar declined the honor, and a committee was sent
from Sofia to the various capitals of Europe to find a proper man. In
the meantime Stambouloff, president of the _Sobranje_, or parliament,
ruled the country as regent, and his policy was openly and defiantly
anti-Russian. The Czar sent down two commissioners to take the state
in hand. Stambouloff treated them respectfully, but declined to obey
their orders. Two Russian men-of-war soon after appeared in the
harbor of Varna, the principal seaport of Bulgaria, but even that did
not intimidate Stambouloff, and the Russians, becoming disgusted,
recalled all of their countrymen who were holding official and military
positions, and even their minister and consuls, leaving Bulgaria to
its fate. What Alexander III. expected to happen it is difficult to
determine. He probably believed that anarchy would follow and furnish
him an excuse for occupying Bulgaria with an army, but the country
remained at peace. Stambouloff proved to be not only an able but
a satisfactory ruler, and he carried out the policy of the deposed
Alexander of Battenberg in an able and enlightened manner.
[Illustration: HOUSE OF THE SOBRANJE (BULGARIAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY),
SOFIA]
Stepan Stambouloff was undoubtedly the ablest man that has appeared
upon the Balkan Peninsula for several centuries, and one of the most
extraordinary characters of his generation. Although his faults were
conspicuous, his patriotism was never questioned. His integrity of
purpose shines out like a planet among the vacillating and cowardly
politicians who surrounded him. He was born at the little town of
Tirnovo, the son of a humble innkeeper, and was educated at an
ordinary country school. He came into prominence during the revolution
against Turkish authority previous to the Russo-Turkish war, and,
although barely of age, emerged from that struggle one of the most
conspicuous and influential of the Bulgarian patriots. Although the
new constitution required a man to be thirty years old to be eligible
to the _Sobranje_, he was an active member of that body before he was
twenty-three, and its president before he was twenty-five, and he
occupied that position continuously until he became prime minister
in 1887 at the age of thirty-three years. He was remarkable for his
courage, firmness and determination; he was a natural ruler of men and
always exercised a remarkable influence over every person who came in
contact with him. It used to be said that his enemies were always his
friends so long as they remained in his presence. He was gifted with
the highest degree of skill as a politician, and would have been a
political dictator if he had lived in a republic. Among the ignorant
and inexperienced population of Bulgaria he was able to exercise an
influence that was absolute, and the _Sobranje_ was almost unanimous
in his support. No doubt Stambouloff’s methods were often questionable.
He believed that the end justified the means, and never hesitated to
employ any measures he thought necessary to accomplish a purpose. He
was arbitrary, cruel and vindictive. The savage nature of the Bulgarian
mountaineers, from whom he came, frequently appeared in his manners and
disposition. He lacked polish and was indifferent to suffering; but his
entire career is an example of unselfish integrity. He devoted his life
and his talents to promoting the welfare of his fellow countrymen, and
never asked an advantage for himself. He died poorer than he was born,
although for seven years he was in absolute control of the Bulgarian
finances and for ten years previous was able to command anything in the
way of remuneration that he desired.
Recognizing that public sentiment in Europe would not approve an empty
throne in Bulgaria, Stambouloff dispatched a deputation to find a king.
They made advances to several cadets of the royal houses, but found it
very difficult to select a man of proper qualifications who was not so
involved by ties of relationship as to excite jealousy among the great
Powers. The story goes that they were on their way back to Bulgaria
when they met an acquaintance in a beer garden at Vienna. Learning
their business, he remarked:
“That young officer sitting at the table yonder is just the man you
want. He is Ferdinand of Saxe-Coburg and Gotha, grandson of Louis
Philippe of France, and a cousin of every crowned head in Europe. He is
a favorite of the Emperor of Austria and the Emperor of Russia and a
man of great wealth.”
At that time Ferdinand held a commission in the Austrian army and was
stationed in Vienna. The committee accepted the suggestion eagerly,
conferred with the prime minister of Austria the next morning,
communicated with Stambouloff at Sofia by telegraph, and within
forty-eight hours offered the throne of Bulgaria to the young prince,
who was not yet twenty-four years of age. The selection was approved
by all the European Powers except Russia. Czar Alexander III. had
no personal objection to the prince, but his policy was to boycott
Bulgaria as long as Stambouloff and the Liberal party, then in power,
continued to defy him.
The regents resigned, Prince Ferdinand ascended the throne, and
appointed Stambouloff to the post of prime minister, which he occupied
continuously until May, 1894. During that time he absolutely controlled
the policy of the government and the opinions of the prince. For
the first three or four years the two got on without friction, and
Ferdinand was a willing agent of his minister; but as he grew older,
particularly after his marriage in 1893, he became restless under the
yoke, showed signs of independence, and, probably through the influence
of his wife, began to yearn for the social and official recognition
of Russia, which up to that time had absolutely ignored him. If
Stambouloff had shown more tact in dealing with his sovereign and more
deference towards the bride the latter had brought to Bulgaria, he
might have continued at the head of the government indefinitely, but
he made no effort to conceal, either from the public or the court, the
fact that the prince was merely his puppet, and when the latter showed
signs of self-assertion drew the curb even more firmly upon him. The
Princess Marie Louise of Bourbon, daughter of the Duke of Parma, whom
Ferdinand married in 1893, first aroused his pride and stimulated
his independence, and finally acquired sufficient influence over her
husband to persuade him to resist Stambouloff.
Both she and Ferdinand were ambitious to advance their position and
power. Instead of being registered in the almanacs as “princes” they
wanted to be called king and queen, and actually had crowns made at
Munich in anticipation of a favorable vote in the _Sobranje_. But
Stambouloff, who despised pomp and pretensions like the true democrat
that he was, and looked forward to a time when Bulgaria should have
a republican form of government, opposed the aspirations of his
sovereigns, and a quarrel occurred which ended with his retirement from
the ministry and the selection of Mr. Stoiloff, his bitterest enemy,
as his successor. Stambouloff might have weathered the storm but for
his own arrogance and a domestic scandal in which his most trusted
subordinate was involved. In a moment of pique and anger he wrote a
hasty letter, resigning the office of prime minister, which the prince,
under the influence of his wife, was only too glad to receive and
promptly accept.
Immediately after, following the example of his great prototype,
the Bulgarian Bismarck unbosomed himself to a sympathetic friend
who happened to be correspondent of a German newspaper, and in most
sarcastic and disrespectful terms discussed the weaknesses of his
sovereign and the Princess Marie, and grossly violated confidence by
relating several amusing and rather humiliating incidents that had
occurred during his experience with them. This indiscretion was the
ruin of Stambouloff. The interview was republished with unfavorable
comments in every city of Europe and in all the Bulgarian papers; even
those that had formerly given him a cordial support. The public was
disgusted and the indignation of the royal household knew no bounds.
Prince Ferdinand actually went into court with a suit for defamation of
character against his former prime minister; he discharged from office
every man who was suspected of being a sympathizer of Stambouloff;
ordered the arrest of several of the ex-minister’s confidential
associates for malfeasance; revoked pensions that he had granted to
those who had served their country faithfully under Stambouloff’s
direction; confiscated the property of several of his supporters and by
other means terrified almost every man in Bulgaria who had been loyal
to Stambouloff. The Bulgarians are a fickle people, and within a few
weeks were ready to stone their former idol. His fall was complete.
Even the parliament, which he had absolutely controlled so long, passed
a law confiscating his property, although it was almost worthless.
Stambouloff attempted to escape from the storm, but, by order of the
prince, the police forbade him to leave the country.
Russia took advantage of the situation to encourage Ferdinand’s spirit
of independence, and immediately after the dismissal of Stambouloff
removed the boycott that had been declared against Bulgaria seven years
before. The Czar Nicholas recognized Ferdinand in a formal manner
and sent a diplomatic agent to Sofia, who has gradually acquired an
influence over the prince and a control over the government that are
now almost absolute. Ferdinand might as well be the governor of a
Russian province.
Although the recognition from Russia which he yearned for was finally
obtained, Prince Ferdinand has entirely forfeited the respect of Europe
and the confidence of the other Powers, because of certain events that
have occurred in Sofia since the change of ministry. One night in
July, 1895, a little more than a year after his retirement, and when
he was beginning to show signs of recovering his political influence,
Stambouloff was cruelly assassinated while walking home from his club.
One of the assassins was identified without the slightest difficulty by
Stambouloff himself, by a friend who accompanied him and by a servant
who was following them. Three men were engaged in the crime. Their
leader was a political adventurer named Michael Stavreff, or Michael
Malieu as he is usually called, who had been identified with the
Russian party in Sofia and had frequently been employed by the Russian
minister on confidential missions.
It was firmly believed by the friends of Stambouloff and the members
of the anti-Russian element from the beginning that Stavreff was hired
to commit the murder, and the fact that the assassin was permitted to
remain unpunished, and was not even arrested was assumed to be evidence
that the government sympathized with the crime. The indifference of
Prince Ferdinand excited unfavorable comment throughout Europe, and he
has never recovered the respect of the courts or the people. Stavreff
was a familiar object of interest about Sofia, a habitué of the cafés,
and an active participant in political affairs, being frequently
pointed out to strangers as the man who assassinated Stambouloff, the
prime minister; and while he never acknowledged his guilt, seemed
to enjoy his notoriety. His source of revenue was a matter of some
curiosity, and it was the popular opinion that he was drawing a pension
from the government or from some person in power.
As his intemperate habits grew upon him he lost control of his tongue,
and frequently uttered mysterious hints of secrets which he might
disclose if certain prominent officials did not treat him with greater
consideration. He became reckless in gambling as well as dissipation,
and his losses made him bolder and less discreet in his allusions,
until in October 24, 1902, he was arrested, secretly tried in prison
with great haste, and condemned to death for the assassination of
Stambouloff more than seven years previous. It was officially announced
that he had made a full confession of his guilt.
Shortly after this announcement there appeared upon the streets of
Sofia lithographed facsimiles of letters in the handwriting of Mr.
Ludskanoff, the minister of the interior, who had ordered the arrest
and execution of Stavreff, showing conclusively that he had employed
that desperado to murder not only Stambouloff, but also Mr. Vulkovitch,
who, until his death in 1892, in ability and influence was second only
to Stambouloff in the anti-Russian party. At that time Ludskanoff
was the leader of the pro-Russian faction, and fled from the country
to escape arrest for complicity in the assassination of Vulkovitch.
Stambouloff issued a decree of perpetual banishment against him, and he
did not return to Bulgaria until a proclamation of universal amnesty
was issued after Stambouloff’s death. Upon his return Ludskanoff,
who is a man of force and ability, resumed his former prominence in
politics, entered the parliament, and for several years has been a
member of the ministry, and an obedient tool of Russian influence.
The publication of the incriminating letters naturally created a
profound sensation, especially as they were followed, in a few days,
by several others of similar character, and caused a dissolution of
the cabinet. It was immediately reorganized, however, and Ludskanoff
was reappointed to the ministry of the interior; the prime minister,
Mr. Kavachoff, explaining that the proclamation of amnesty was a
full pardon for any offenses with which his colleagues might have
been connected, which seems to have been satisfactory to the Russian
sympathizers.
The police were not able to ascertain the source of the mysterious
publications, but it was the popular opinion that the letters were
intrusted by Stavreff to loyal friends to be used for his protection
in an emergency. They appear to have served their purpose, for at this
writing Stavreff has not been executed, although he still remains in
solitary confinement under sentence of death.
In 1900 Prince Ferdinand was guilty of another act of an entirely
different character, which brought down upon him the undisguised
condemnation of every Catholic country and civilization generally. Upon
his marriage with Marie Louise of Orleans, Ferdinand made a vow that
their children should be baptized and educated in the Roman Catholic
Church. This was one of the stipulations insisted upon by the father
and family of the bride. Ferdinand is himself a Roman Catholic by
birth and baptism. He has erected a chapel in the palace, has a Roman
Catholic chaplain, and attends mass each morning at seven o’clock.
While making his annual visits to an Austrian watering-place he never
fails to attend mass daily at a public church, and has otherwise shown
a devout and consistent spirit. But no sooner was his wife buried in
1899 than he placed his eldest son, the Crown Prince Boris, a child
five years old and the future king of Bulgaria, in charge of a Russian
priest of the Greek Church, who secretly baptized and is now educating
the boy in that faith. This is said to have been done at the suggestion
of Russia, but no one believes that the Czar thinks any better of him
for it, while the Emperor of Austria, the King of Italy, the German
Emperor and other sovereigns of Europe have publicly expressed their
disapproval of the proceeding. The other children are being brought up
in the faith of their parents.
Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria spends very little time at his capital.
There is not much there to attract his interest. The affairs of
state are carefully looked after by Mr. Bakhmeteff, the Russian
representative, and the members of the ministry; social and
intellectual diversions are almost unknown, and the prince has a hobby
which he can pursue with greater satisfaction at Varna, where he has a
country palace on the shores of the Black Sea. He is an accomplished
naturalist, and spends much of his time hunting and classifying
insects, plants and other phenomena of animate and inanimate nature.
He has catalogued nearly all the flora and fauna of Bulgaria and has
established in Sofia a very respectable zoölogical garden at his own
expense.
Although a grandson of Louis Philippe, the prince has the nose of
Louis Napoleon, and is said to bear a singular resemblance to the
last emperor of France, both in disposition and character. His nose
is a gratification to the caricaturists. It is so conspicuous that
it answers for a trade-mark, and they are able to play upon it
with great ingenuity. He is altogether a clever and accomplished
gentleman, a skillful politician with an accommodating conscience,
and very different from his predecessor, Alexander of Battenberg. He
has inherited the manners of his French ancestors, as well as their
insincerity, and can wriggle out of a tight place, they say, more
gracefully than any other prince in Europe. Alexander was a Lutheran
and encouraged Protestant missionary work. Ferdinand does not object
to the missionary invasion, because the constitution guarantees free
worship and the police protect the Protestants in case of disturbance.
Prince Ferdinand had a brief but happy married life. Marie Louise lived
about six years after marriage and had four children--Boris, born
January 30, 1894; Cyril, born November 17, 1895; Eudoxie, born January
17, 1898, and Madeja, born January 30, 1899. The late Queen died on the
day following the birth of her youngest child. They are all interesting
children, and are being carefully trained after European methods.
The patron saint of Bulgaria is St. John of Ryle, although Christianity
was introduced into the country by St. Methodias. Originally a
shepherd, John of Ryle became a monk and ascetic, and lived for twenty
years in the hollow of an oak tree in the mountains that divide
Bulgaria and Macedonia, which are now called by his name. He then
removed to an inaccessible rock, under which was afterwards built in
his honor what is known as the Ryle Monastery. It is an extensive
building of medieval architecture and one of the most picturesque
objects in Bulgaria. It lies in the midst of beautiful mountain
scenery two days’ journey south of Sofia, and is frequently visited by
tourists, who are hospitably entertained by the monks.
[Illustration: MONASTERY OF ST. JOHN OF RYLE, BULGARIA]
The old monastery has come to considerable notoriety recently, because
of a report that Miss Stone was concealed within its walls, and the
building was thoroughly searched by the soldiers under orders from the
government at Sofia. This invasion and profanation of the holy place
caused great indignation among members of the Greek Church throughout
Bulgaria, who blamed the American missionaries and threatened
reprisals. The hostility of the monks against missionary proselyting
is much more bitter and vindictive than is shown by the regular parish
clergy, because the latter as a rule are better educated. They mingle
with the world, and therefore are more liberal in their views on all
subjects.
It is not altogether certain that the monks of St. Ryle were blameless
of complicity in Miss Stone’s abduction, but there is no proof that
they had any share in or knowledge of the outrage. The suspicion
is based upon knowledge of previous circumstances. Their relation
with the brigands has always been friendly, and in olden times the
secluded situation of the monastery made it a convenient rendezvous
for enterprising gentlemen who ordinarily pursued peaceful vocations
in the fields and pastures, but took to the road whenever tempted by
favorable opportunities or pressed by necessity. They are said to have
given liberally of their booty to the monks and to have brought to
their table much game and other food supplies from the mountains. In
return for this generosity the monks often afforded them an asylum when
they were pressed by the police, gave them shelter in stormy weather,
concealed their arms and ammunition, and permitted them to use the
monastery as a meeting place before and after their raids. It would
be perfectly natural for the bandits who captured Miss Stone to take
their captives to St. Ryle for the night or for a longer period if
they happened to be in that locality, and, acting upon this knowledge
of their habits, the government ordered the place to be searched.
The monastery has withstood many a siege, and has been the scene of
slaughter and suffering as well as devotion during every epoch of
Bulgarian history. The fanaticism of the Moslems is recorded upon the
frescoes that represent Christian saints and legends, by numerous
gashes made by scimiters and punctures by yataghans. The cells are damp
and narrow and without creature comforts, but the holy fathers seem
to be contented, and judging from their appearance have not entirely
denied themselves carnal pleasures.
John of Ryle lived in the tenth century and died in the year 976. St.
Methodias lived from 852 to 888. The monastery was originally built in
the eleventh century. In those days Bulgaria was a powerful nation,
and its opulence and the magnificence of its court were the wonder of
the world. The ruins of the palaces of the Bulgarian czars at Tirnova,
the ancient capital, are extensive and still show evidences of their
original splendor. The walls were decorated with gold and inlaid with
mosaics of gilded glass. The pillars were of polished marble, and much
bronze was used in ornamentation. In the early chronicles we catch a
glimpse of the czar who sat upon a throne of ivory ornamented with
gold, silver and precious stones, in an audience chamber of marble.
His robe was trimmed with pearls, his girdle glistened with diamonds,
his armor tinkled with the chains of gold coin that hung about his
neck and shoulders. The bracelets, anklets and collars which he wore
were embossed with jewels of great price, and his scepter was set with
rubies, diamonds, sapphires and other precious stones, like those
that can now be seen among the relics of early Russian history in the
Kremlin at Moscow.
Tirnova, the ancient capital, still stands, a picturesque study, upon
the rocky walls of a rapid river. Its streets run up and down the
slopes of the hills; its houses are perched upon rocks. Ingenious
warriors in olden times utilized the limestone cliffs which surround
it and rise to altitudes of seven or eight hundred feet, for
fortifications, partly natural and partly artificial. Among them appear
groups of gayly painted houses separated by the heavy foliage of the
venerable trees and luxurious gardens. The domes of the Greek churches,
the minarets of the mosques, the clock towers, steeples and the French
roofs of modern buildings form a curious architectural medley. The East
and West meet in this romantic little place, where nature seems to have
forbidden a city to be built.
In the center of the town, upon the longest street, is a natural
bridge of stone spanning a deep chasm, through which the river Jantra
flows. It is not so high nor so wide by half as the natural bridge of
Virginia, but is equally curious, and being in the center of a city is,
of course, of greater interest. Some historians assert that both the
causeway and the chasm were cut by human hands as a protection to the
citadel which stands upon the other side. If this is true it was an
ingenious device, and before the days of gunpowder and heavy artillery
the place must have been impregnable.
Ancient history occasionally appears in a most startling manner,
and it is often difficult to realize that you are actually gazing
upon buildings and scenes that are identified with the most romantic
episodes of human history. Here, in the tower of this picturesque
castle, Baldwin, the Frank crusader who accompanied Richard the
Lion-Hearted and became Emperor of Constantinople, was confined as a
prisoner. He was defeated at Adrianople by the Bulgarian army under
the Czar Kalojan, and brought to Tirnova, where he was imprisoned
for several years, and is said to have been buried alive. They call
it “Baldwin’s Tower,” and although partially ruined it is still
sufficiently preserved to give one an idea of its original appearance,
and its walls and windows look out upon one of the most beautiful views
in the world.
Attached to the palace of the Bulgarian czars were gardens filled with
fruit trees and flowering plants whose traces still remain until the
present day. Wherever the earth is turned or a cellar is dug for a new
building, vestiges of former grandeur and sometimes relics of the Roman
occupation are disclosed. Lying by the roadside are mutilated remains
of marble pillars and pedestals; capitals with bulls’ heads and wreaths
exquisitely carved; discs of glazed pottery and gilded glass; pieces of
molding with bronze still clinging to them; quartz enameled with colors
and gold, and sometimes fragments of plaster still retaining the colors
of a fresco.
X THE PEOPLE OF BULGARIA
Bulgaria is about as big as Pennsylvania, has a similar shape, and
reminds one very much of that State, because of the resemblance in
topography and other physical features. The forests and the rivers
watering rich valleys, the mountain ranges, the rocky ledges, and the
landscape generally are very much like the Quaker State. The population
is about thirty per cent less. The Danube River forms the northern
boundary of Bulgaria, and much of the produce of the state goes out,
and much of its imported merchandise comes in upon enormous barges
towed in strings from Budapest and from Vienna. Austria monopolizes
the trade in manufactured merchandise. During the summer season the
passenger steamers on the Danube offer a very pleasant voyage through
Hungary, Servia, Bulgaria and Roumania to the Black Sea, but in the dry
season in the fall the water is low, fogs are frequent and the air is
too cool to sit on the deck, hence a trip by train is more agreeable.
You can go to Sofia from Vienna by rail in twenty-four hours in
comfortable sleeping-cars and good dining-cars, in which _table d’hôte_
meals are served at city prices, but the fares are very high.
The Orient Express, which is the great railway train of Europe,
and runs from Calais and Ostend through Germany and France to
Constantinople three times a week, is a pretentious humbug when judged
by American standards. The distance between Vienna and Sofia is about
the same as between Philadelphia and Pittsburg, but it takes twice
as long to make the journey, and the fare is about four times as
much. The extra fare, or supplement, as they call it, demanded for
the privilege of riding upon this famous train, is forty-four francs
between those two cities, or $8.40, which is about full fare between
Philadelphia and Pittsburg, and instead of getting a wide berth in a
Pullman sleeper for $2 you have to pay $3.80 for a night’s lodging in
a stuffy little closet. The beds are comfortable, but the space is
so narrow that it is scarcely safe to roll over, and the only way to
ventilate the compartment is to open a window directly over your head.
The ordinary trains are only two hours slower than the Orient Express;
they are equally well equipped, run every day and the charge is only
about one-half as much.
Bulgaria has several railroads, running to the Black Sea, to Bucharest
and to Salonika on the Mediterranean, in addition to the trunk line
to Constantinople. They belong to the government, and seem to be
well managed, although they make very slow time. The Orient Express
sometimes works up a speed of twenty miles an hour, but averages about
eighteen, and that is considered remarkable. The entire railway system
aggregates nine hundred and nine miles, with one hundred and thirty
miles of new track under construction. Telephone and telegraph wires,
belonging to the government, are stretched all over the country, the
telephone service being a great improvement upon that of Germany,
which, however, is the worst I have ever found--so bad that foreigners
will not use a telephone if they can possibly avoid it. I have often
thought that perhaps some of the German parts of speech are too big
to send over an ordinary wire, that perhaps the wear and tear of the
telephone instruments is too great for them to endure; but an eminent
professor in the University of Berlin, to whom I suggested this one
evening, thought I was in earnest and punished my impudence by holding
me up in a corner for half an hour while he demonstrated the absurdity
of the proposition. Moral--Never try to joke with German professors.
The eastern boundary of Bulgaria is the Black Sea; on the west
is the Kingdom of Servia, and on the south the Rhodope chain of
mountains divides it from the Turkish province of Eastern Rumelia,
or Macedonia, as that portion situated south of Bulgaria is commonly
called. The Balkan Mountains, like the Alleghanies in Pennsylvania,
bisect the country and divide it into two provinces. In some parts we
find beautiful undulating landscapes and at intervals long expanses
of elevated plateaus varying from twelve hundred to two thousand
feet above the sea, which lie between the mountain ranges. These
plains are irrigated and drained by several important streams, the
most interesting being the Jantra, which winds among the mountains
through high limestone gorges, and furnishes a picturesque feature to
the topography. There are no large cities in Bulgaria, but several
important towns, each of which has its marked peculiarities:
POPULATION
Sofia 46,593
Rustchuk 37,174
Tirnova 25,295
Shumla 23,517
Plevna 23,178
Razgrad 21,551
Orehovo 20,054
Philippopolis 41,068
Varna 28,174
Orehovitsa 25,013
Slivno 23,210
Tatar Pazarjik 22,056
Vidin 29,044
There are several other towns of less than twenty thousand and more
than ten thousand population, but three-fourths of the inhabitants
are engaged in agricultural and pastoral pursuits, most of them being
small farmers, cultivating from one to six acres, and having large
flocks and herds which graze at large. Theoretically, the state owns
all the land, and the people are tenants with perpetual leases,
descending from generation to generation, who pay one-tenth of all
their products to the state, usually in kind, in lieu of rental and
taxes. The pasture land is free, and is held in common by unwritten and
unrecorded titles by those who occupy it with their flocks and herds.
The forests have also been free until recently, and anyone who chose
to do so was at liberty to cut whatever timber he needed for his own
use without payment, but the police exercised a supervisory authority
to prevent the wholesale destruction of the trees for commercial
purposes. Forty-seven per cent of the entire territory is in pasture,
and sheep, goats, cattle, horses and pigs are raised in large numbers.
The wool product of Bulgaria is the greatest source of wealth, and
is sent to Austria and Germany. The exports of hides and skins are
next in value, not less than five million sheep pelts being shipped
annually. The principal agricultural product is wheat, which goes to
Germany and Turkey, and a very important and profitable industry is the
distillation of attar of roses, which is carried on in the provinces
bordering on the Black Sea.
The Bulgarians have a language of their own, a sort of dialect of the
Russian, which bears the same relation to that language as the Scotch
bears to the English. There are Greek letters in their alphabet and
Greek words in their vocabulary, but the language is Slavonic. No
Bulgarian could understand a Greek, and vice versa, and a Russian
peasant could not converse with a Bulgarian peasant any more readily
than a Highlander could talk with a costermonger from Whitechapel,
because each has his local idioms; but educated Russians and Bulgarians
can understand each other even if each talks in his own language.
Russians can read Bulgarian newspapers very readily. Philologists are
of the opinion that the Bulgarian language is quite as close to the
old Slav tongue as the Russian, and it is a curious fact that many
words may be traced to the old Thracian and Illyrian tongues. The Slavs
drove the original population into the mountains and seized their lands
on the plains, but in the second half of the seventh century a horde
of uncouth warriors crossed the Danube and subjugated the Slavs, and
their descendants have since occupied the territory which bears their
name. The Bulgarians are of mysterious origin. The source from which
they came has never been satisfactorily determined. Some ethnologists
argue that they were Finns, others believe they were Tartars, but the
greatest weight of evidence seems to fix their former residence on
the banks of the Volga River. They were without a history, which is a
singular thing for so vigorous, progressive and intelligent a race. It
is a curious coincidence that the Bulgarians lost their language but
kept their name, while the Slavs, whom they subdued, lost their name
but kept their language.
Sofia, the capital and commercial center, is situated in the
southwestern corner of Bulgaria on an elevated plain, at the base of
Mount Vitosch, a beautiful peak seven thousand eight hundred feet high.
Its head is usually clothed in the clouds, and perpetual snow lies in
the wrinkles upon its face. The cloud movements and other atmospheric
effects add greatly to its picturesqueness, and in autumn the forests
which cover its breast are vivid with scarlet and yellow foliage,
which reaches to the snow line and affords a striking and lovely
contrast. The base of the mountain is only a few miles from the city,
and excursions to it are one of the few amusements in which foreigners
can indulge in warm weather. They have very little diversion. There
are no theaters--only one little vaudeville show--no concerts, except
occasionally by a military band attached to the palace, and only
a limited amount of social entertainment. The foreign colony must
therefore find its fun in driving, riding, picnicking and playing
tennis. Golf has not been introduced, for the natives take little
interest in such sports. The foreign colony is small, and limited
almost entirely to the diplomatic representatives of the European
countries. A few Austrians and Germans are engaged in business affairs,
several Belgian engineers run the electric-light and street-car lines,
and there are one Englishman and two or three Americans, mostly
missionary teachers.
[Illustration: ROYAL PALACE AT SOFIA]
The city covers a considerable area, and looks as if a building boom
had been suddenly checked, which is true. Prince Alexander was a
great promoter. Under his administration Bulgaria made extraordinary
progress, and Sofia started upon a promising career. Stambouloff took
up the work where Alexander left it at his abdication, and carried out
many of his schemes, but since the “Bulgarian Bismarck” was relieved as
prime minister, little has been done in the way of public or private
improvement. The stagnation is said to be due in a measure to a lack of
confidence in the stability of the present government, and to the
fact that Prince Ferdinand is interested in other things. One must
infer that he takes little pride in the appearance of his capital and
does not encourage the expenditure of money upon public works.
Shortly before he retired, Stambouloff purchased an entire block
of ground opposite the palace, upon which he intended to erect a
magnificent building for the offices of the government. The plans
were drawn by an Austrian architect, excavations were made for the
foundation and cellars, and a large quantity of cut stone was delivered
by the contractors. A few days after Stambouloff’s retirement work was
suspended and has never been resumed. Several train loads of granite
lie scattered over the ground; the cellar is half-filled with water
during the wet season and overgrown with weeds during the dry months.
Every stranger who comes to Sofia instinctively asks an explanation,
but Prince Ferdinand, who always has this reproachful panorama before
him, seems to be entirely indifferent to it. The palace is a fine
building in French style, surrounded by pleasant grounds, and facing a
public park that is well laid out with foliage plants and fountains,
and is a pleasure ground for the people.
The old city, or the Turkish quarter, as it is called, resembles a
patch of Constantinople, and has the low adobe walls, the heavy tiled
roofs, the deep windows and the narrow streets of all oriental cities,
with long blocks of bazaars kept by Turks and Jews, who have most of
their wares displayed upon the sidewalks. This is by far the most
interesting section of the town to strangers. The shops are open, so
that the visitor is enabled to watch the artisans at their work. The
trades seem to be grouped together--the shoemakers in one bunch, the
tailors in another, the butchers, bakers, brassworkers, tinsmiths and
other people in the same trade occupying adjoining houses.
Most of the natives wear unshorn sheepskin clothing, with the wool next
to the body, the leather side being tanned to a soft white, velvety
appearance like buckskin; and the most interesting occupation is that
of the tailors, who make all sorts of queer-looking garments from
sheepskins. Many of the men wear short jackets of the Eton pattern, but
as the weather grows colder they change them for warmer garments, and
some have long ulsters with wide skirts which reach to their heels.
The rest of their clothing is the natural color of the wool woven
into heavy fabrics; their headgear is made of lamb’s wool curled like
the skating caps sometimes worn in the United States. They are called
_kalpaks_.
In the new part of the city the streets are wide, and in the business
portion are lined with fine buildings of stuccoed brick, ornamented
with elaborate moldings similar to those of Germany and Austria. The
residence portion is only partially built up, there being wide gaps
between the houses, showing the town lots that have been held for
speculative purposes and where building schemes have been abandoned.
If Sofia were as closely built as the ordinary European city it could
accommodate three times its present population. Occasionally a stately
residence rises from behind a forbidding wall. The foliage around it
indicates a garden, but Bulgarian civilization has not passed the
period when it is prudent to omit any means of protection. The streets
and sidewalks are in a horrible condition. In the business portion of
the city the roadways are paved with cobblestones and the sidewalks
are well laid with flags, tiles and bricks. Each householder in
the residence portion is expected to lay the sidewalk in front of his
premises, but many of them neglect to do so.
[Illustration: BUSINESS STREET IN SOFIA]
Several imposing buildings were erected for government purposes during
the reign of Prince Alexander, usually of French architecture, and
among other things a Protestant church (he was a Lutheran), which
Ferdinand has converted into a riding-school. The military barracks,
schoolhouses, the public printing office, a technical school and other
public buildings are creditable, but lose much of their dignity by
being scattered over the city, with unsightly spaces of open ground and
half-finished buildings that have been abandoned between them. Several
former Turkish mosques have been converted to secular uses and are now
occupied as prisons, markets, warehouses and arsenals. The largest
mosque, in the center of the city, and only a stone’s throw from the
palace, was recently fitted up for a national museum.
Although Sofia is still primitive in many respects, modern ideas are
rapidly growing in favor and there is nothing in the new part of
the town to recall the recent Turkish occupation. The citizens very
generally wear modern European clothing. The only place one can see
the native costume is at the market in the early morning, where the
country people bring vegetables and dairy products for sale. There
are two hotels with comfortable rooms and excellent tables, a club
that would be an ornament to any city in Europe, and other features of
modern civilization quite as advanced as are to be found in Austria
or Germany. The streets, public buildings, hotels and many private
houses are lighted by electricity. Electric street-cars run in every
direction, owned and managed by a Belgian company. The fare is three
cents for first-class passengers and two cents for second-class. The
cars are divided in the middle by a partition, and the only difference
between the two classes is that one sits upon red-plush cushions and
the other upon wooden benches. The conductors change the cushions from
one part of the car to the other at each end of the trip.
The Bulgarian army is composed of thirty thousand men, well drilled,
equipped in the German style, and organized by Russian officers
upon the Russian system. Every man between the ages of twenty and
twenty-four years is obliged to do military duty for four years,
although Mohammedans may escape service by the payment of a special
tax. Persons exempted on account of infirmities are also required to
pay special taxes. On an average forty thousand young men become of
military age annually, but, as the government does not need and cannot
pay so many, about one-third of this number are drawn by lot for
service, so that the actual time spent in the army is two years instead
of five as required by law. The reserves, numbering about 200,000,
can be called into service upon a few days’ notice, provided there is
money in the treasury to meet the expense. There is a military academy
at Sofia at which officers are educated, and to enter that institution
and graduate with a commission in the army is the highest ambition
of every Bulgarian youth. The officers about town are a handsome lot
of fellows, with pleasant manners, fine physique, intelligent faces
and soldierly carriage. The natives are all natural horsemen, and a
squadron of Bulgarian cavalry is a worthy object of admiration. The
uniforms are similar to those of Germany. None but an expert could
distinguish the difference, and the garrison of Sofia must be very
large, because uniformed men are so numerous in the streets. The army
is kept up to a high degree of efficiency because trouble with Turkey
is always anticipated, and may occur at any moment. The Bulgarians
have dedicated themselves as a nation to the emancipation of their
neighbors and relatives in Macedonia, and are only waiting a favorable
opportunity to strike. Their great difficulty is money. Their treasury
is empty and their national credit is exhausted, but they will seize
every opportunity that is offered for a _coup d’état_. Politics seems
to monopolize the attention of everybody, and the entire Bulgarian
population is involved in a perpetual intrigue with the freedom of the
Macedonians as its object.
[Illustration: MILITARY CLUB AT SOFIA]
The native horses are small, but nervy and enduring. Domesticated
buffaloes of the Asiatic species are used for draft animals. They are
not so noble in appearance as the great American bison. Their necks
are not shaggy, their heads are smaller and more like that of ordinary
oxen. Their coats are smooth and sleek, and the only resemblance to the
bison which formerly roamed over our prairies is the horns.
There are several excellent schools in Sofia. The technical school
at the foot of the mountain in the suburbs of the city is a model
institution, and one of the most interesting and complete of its kind
I have ever visited. It gives a practical training in the trades and
applied sciences to one hundred or more young men. The standard of
education is not high, but that is not needed in Bulgaria. What the
country requires is a practical training of its mechanics in the
different trades, as the people are generally devoted to agriculture
and most of the artisans are foreigners.
The working classes are comparatively well off. There is no lack of
employment for all those who are willing to work, and there is a
growing demand for skilled mechanics, who receive much higher wages
than in Germany and Austria. Masons, carpenters, cabinet-makers,
painters, stone-cutters and other skilled laborers earn from $1.25 to
$2.50 a day, and ordinary laborers earn from forty to eighty cents a
day, which is nearly double the average earnings of people of the same
classes in other European countries.
Meat and vegetables are cheap, and the diet of the laboring people is
much more nourishing than is usual throughout Europe. The family of a
Bulgarian laborer is quite as well fed as are their brethren in the
United States. Except in the large cities the peasantry live upon their
own produce and dress in garments of sheepskin, cotton or wool, that
are made by themselves. Taxes are moderate, compared with Germany and
France; they are no greater than in Norway and Sweden, although the
peasants complain bitterly of the extravagance of Prince Ferdinand and
the amount of money spent for military purposes. The working classes
are ardent politicians and are devoted to the cause of Macedonian
freedom. They contribute their money as liberally and as patiently
as the servant girls in the United States to the Irish cause, and
their faith is not weakened by the knowledge that the funds are often
squandered in dissipation by their leaders.