THE SEVEN DAYS' RETREAT, 1862.
On the morning of the twenty-sixth of June, 1862, everything was quiet
in our camps; only the fire of an occasional gun was heard in the
front of the main part of our army, on the other side of the
Chickahominy. We were enduring a very hot period of weather and sought
relief from the fierce rays of the sun under our little shelter tents
which we opened on all sides for more air. Men who were not on duty
smoked, played cards, chatted or discussed the conduct of the war and
explained how it should be managed; they damned the cabinet and the
politicians in Washington, who really managed the war and interfered
often disastrously with the commanding generals in the field. They
expressed indignation against the Copperhead (Rebel sympathizing)
papers in the North and wondered why they were not suppressed. They
made rough estimates of the enormous cost of the war which drew forth
a remark from one of the party, that he thought many millions could be
saved if the Government advertised for bids to put down the rebellion
and awarded the job to some Napoleonic contractor.
About the middle of the afternoon we were suddenly startled by heavy
firing in the direction of our right wing at Beaver Dam Creek near
Mechanicsville, about three miles from our camp, where the third
division of the Fifth Army Corps under General McCall was posted in a
strong position. Presently the firing increased to heavy volleys,
mingled with the thunder of artillery, and we realized that the long
expected attack on our right wing had begun. The drummers beat the
long roll and in a moment all was activity in camp. Tents were struck,
knapsacks were packed, rations were issued and cartridge boxes
replenished; the wagons were packed and all ready for a movement; we
only awaited orders to march to the support of the third division.
Then came a lull in the firing for an hour or more, only to be renewed
about sundown with increased fury when Sykes's division was ordered
forward. We took the road towards Mechanicsville and marched in quick
time to within half a mile or so of the battle line, when we were
halted for a while and then turned off the road into a plowed field on
the right, where we were to bivouac for the night. It was getting dark
but considerable firing was still going on and it was after nine
o'clock before it ceased entirely. We stacked arms and sat on our
knapsacks on the ground waiting.
From orderlies and wounded men passing to the rear, we learned that
the enemy had crossed and were still crossing the Chickahominy by the
upper bridges; and had made fierce attacks on the strong position of
the third division on Beaver Dam Creek where they had been repulsed
with great loss, while our loss was small; but that by morning the
enemy would be in such overwhelming numbers that the position would be
untenable. This information made it seem sure to us that there would
be another battle on the morrow and that we would take part in it; and
for the first time we experienced the peculiar feeling and mental
condition of the soldier on the eve of battle, a condition that has
been described in prose and poetry, as the "night before the battle."
Heretofore our brigade had only been under artillery and picket
firing, in which there had been but few casualties, but now we were to
face more serious encounters with the enemy.
We all felt grave. Each man seemed to reflect. I heard none boast as
to what they would do to-morrow. Intimate friends made known their
wishes to each other, in case either of them should not survive. We
spread our blankets on the plowed field. It was a beautiful moonlight
night. I lay awake a long time looking at the starry heavens, thinking
of my mother, who was my only relative. I believe that to a young
soldier the anticipation and certainty of a battle for many hours
before it occurs is one of the most trying parts of it. I suppose that
I felt just like my comrades. I prayed and hoped that I might be
spared, or, if I was to fall, that I might be killed rather than
mutilated. At last I fell asleep and slept soundly until awakened at
daylight next morning.
The events of the next few days made a stronger impression on my
youthful memory than any other occurrence throughout the war, and it
seems to me that at this writing, after a period of more than fifty
years, I remember and can describe my feelings and actions, step by
step, as though it had all happened but a week ago.
After a hasty breakfast without coffee, we stood to arms and waited.
Some troops were marching on the road to the rear and we learned that
General McCall's division was being quietly withdrawn from their
defenses. Only some rambling shots could be heard. After a while we
marched out into the road and in the direction of Cold Harbor, which
was simply a traven at the intersection of two roads. On our way we
passed our old camp and the mill and noticed that all our wagons had
departed during the night and that quantities of provisions which they
could not carry had been set on fire and were still burning.
We were halted several times and remained in line of battle for an
hour or more before we went on again; sometimes we countermarched. The
forenoon was well spent when we passed Cold Harbor and took the road
leading to Turkey Hill and Woodbury's Bridge. When we reached the
vicinity of the Adams house, where General Porter established his
headquarters, we halted again and were ordered to pile our knapsacks
in a field at the edge of the road where a small guard was left in
charge of them, while we went on about a quarter of a mile further and
took up a position on some high ground in a field on the road leading
to New Cold Harbor where we found Warren's brigade and other troops
who had preceded us.
It was past noon when we arrived here and sat or lay down on the grass
by the roadside under a broiling hot sun and ate our dinner of boiled
bacon and hardtack. I remember distinctly that it was bacon, for when
I took my piece out of my haversack and unwrapped it, I found it had
melted nearly half away from the great heat since early morning. We
lay around and smoked our pipes trying to find a little shade from
some low bushes that grew along the road, while we listened to an
occasional cannon shot which seemed to be a long way off.
The position of my regiment was near the highest part of the road
which at this point was about two feet below the general surface of
the ground, thus forming a low breastwork. In our front were open
fields bordered by woods three hundred yards or more away. Some
distance to our left the fields were broken by a small stream in a
ravine fringed with bushes and some trees. This stream crossed the
road we were on about three hundred yards to our left and at a lower
level. Beyond the stream the fields rose again to the edge of the
woods. In our rear there was a gentle upward slope which reached a
height of about a dozen feet above the level of the road and was
within sight of the Watt house surrounded by fields. On this
commanding but exposed position a regular battery soon appeared,
unlimbered their guns and prepared for action, the cannoneers filling
their sponge buckets with water, while others tore down the rail fence
in front of the guns on the high side of the road.
From our position I had a good view of the open fields and the
locality made such an impression on my memory, that I had no
difficulty in recognizing it many years afterward when I revisited the
scene. The road to the right and left of us was filled with troops of
Sykes's division. I noticed that Warren's brigade, which I recognized
by the Zouave uniforms of the Fifth New York, was posted in some
depressed ground in front of the road in advance and at some distance
to our left.
I think it was some time after two o'clock in the afternoon that
picket firing became more frequent and kept on getting closer. We
lined up against the rail fence watching the fields in our front
anxiously. Presently I noticed a company of the "Duryee Zouaves" leave
their regiment, deploy as skirmishers, and enter the woods opposite
them; and in a little while we heard the crack of their rifles. Then
we realized that the enemy was driving in our pickets and preparing to
attack us.
Two pieces of woods formed almost a right angle about five hundred
yards from our position and in the corner there was a wide gap through
which I could see the country for a mile or more beyond. I noticed a
great cloud of dust which seemed to be approaching, and when it neared
the gap I could make out that there were horses, but was not sure
whether it was cavalry or artillery from the dust they raised. My
doubts about this were dispelled in a few minutes when I saw a sudden
puff of smoke and heard the familiar sound of a shell passing over our
heads. We heard the command to lie down and obeyed it promptly,
throwing ourselves face down in the thick dust of the road. The shots
now came in such quick succession that I judged a full battery of six
guns was firing at our battery, stationed directly in the rear of my
regiment only a few yards away, which lost no time in replying and
whose guns roared with deafening effect close over our heads as we lay
in the road. Amid all this noise and the bursting of the enemy's
shells among and behind the battery, we could sometimes hear the
groans of a wounded battery horse.
As I explained before, we had some protection from this fire, inasmuch
as the road was sunk about two feet, and only one of the many shells
fired burst directly over our heads, killing two and wounding three
men of Company G., next to my company on the left. While this firing
was going on, I think each man tried to make himself as thin as
possible--I know that I did. Each time I heard the scream of a shell
coming our way, I hugged the ground so close that I broke the crystal
and hands of an open-faced watch which I carried in my pocket, and I
felt a great sense of relief when I heard the explosion of the shell
behind me. I ardently wished to be in some other place or that the
firing would cease.
I do not know just how long this artillery duel lasted--to me it
seemed an age--but it was probably less than an hour before there was
a lull in the firing. We arose, and I looked at the two men who had
been killed close by and saw that one had had his head blown clean
off, leaving only a stump of the neck; while the other had a large
hole in the side of his head. The sight was horrible; they lay in a
great pool of blood. The three wounded men had been removed. I took a
look at the battery in our rear and judged from what I could see that
they had not suffered as much as I had expected.
The battle had now begun in earnest at several points along our line;
we heard the heavy volleys of the infantry and the thunder of many
guns. I stood at the fence and, amid much smoke, saw that Warren's
brigade had become engaged with the enemy who were at the edge of the
woods. Soon I noticed a large body of Rebels come out of the woods,
apparently in our direction, when the command to lie down was again
given and this time a warning from the officer commanding the battery
that he was about to fire canister at the approaching enemy. Canister
shot is a round tin can made to fit the bore of the gun. It is filled
with bullets. When fired, the tin is blown to pieces and the bullets
have a tendency to scatter. A few dozen rounds of canister from our
battery drove the enemy back into the woods leaving their dead and
wounded out in the field. While the canister firing went on a little
incident occurred which under other conditions might have been
humorous. A man in my company was hit by something in a very soft part
of his body, covered by the seat of his pants, and let out a yell that
he was wounded. When the firing ceased and an examination was made,
only a large red spot could be found on his skin; he had evidently
been hit by a piece of tin or solder from a canister which no doubt
stung him hard!
My regiment now received orders to form ranks and we immediately went
forward down the road at a run, passing other regiments held in
reserve who encouraged us with such remarks as "Go in, Second
Infantry, and give them hell! Pitch into them, boys!" When we came to
the little stream previously mentioned, we filed to the right and
passed along for some distance, halted, closed up the ranks and fixed
bayonets when I discovered that I had lost mine; it had slipped out of
its scabbard while I was climbing a fence. We then crossed the ravine
and brush and went up the incline in company front and found ourselves
on the right of the Fifth New York Regiment of Warren's brigade,
prolonging his line of battle. I distinctly remember seeing General
Warren mounted on a gray horse at the right front of his line, a very
conspicuous figure, watching the Second Infantry taking their place in
line.
At this stage of the war neither the officers nor the soldiers had
learned to take advantage of any inequalities of the ground, or in the
absence of such, to dig a hole and throw up a small heap of dirt for
protection, behind which the soldier lay and fired if the enemy was at
some distance. They learned to do this very soon, however. In passing
I noticed that most of the Fifth New York on our left had set up their
knapsacks in front of them and were firing in a horizontal position.
Our colors were planted on the very brow of the rise and we dressed
(aligned) to them as we did when on parade. This brought us in full
view of and made us a conspicuous mark for the enemy who were plainly
seen at the edge of a wood directly in front about two hundred yards
away. As soon as they observed us they began firing, with but little
effect at first, until some minutes after when they estimated the
distance more closely. We lost no time in replying. The command was
given to commence firing, to fire at will, and to sight for two
hundred yards.
As soon as I began to fire at the enemy, I was inspired by very
different feelings from what I had experienced while lying inactively
in the road, being shelled by the enemy and unable to reply; this, I
think, has a dispiriting effect on a young soldier. I now felt a
strong desire to inflict all the damage I could on the enemy. I was
cool and collected and took deliberate aim with every shot, as long as
I could distinguish individuals, and when the smoke became thick I
aimed at the flash of their guns and admonished my nearest comrades in
the ranks do the same.
The bullets began to whistle spitefully about our ears now; some
struck the ground in front of us, raising the dust, but the greater
part of them went above our heads. A hasty glance to the right and
left along the line showed me, however, that men were falling here and
there, and presently my comrade on my right in the front rank pitched
forward on his face to the ground, exclaiming with a groan, "I've got
it!" He seemed in intense pain and clutched the earth with his
fingers. I turned him on his back and found that he had been hit in
the right thigh, and I am sure that in the din of battle I heard the
bullet strike him and break the thigh bone. There is a peculiar sound
or thud when a bullet enters a human body, different from that which
it makes when striking other objects--a sound, once heard, not easily
forgotten. I ordered two men to take the wounded man a few yards to
the rear, down the incline, out of the line of fire, where they left
him in the shade of some bushes and saw to it that he had his canteen
handy, and then they took their places again in the firing line. When
the wounded man was removed I picked up his rifle, took off the
bayonet and affixed it to mine, thinking I might need it if we came to
close quarters.
I will here digress in my story and relate what happened to this
soldier whom we left grievously wounded on the battle field when we
had to retreat, for the purpose of showing how the enemy often cruelly
neglected our wounded. The man's name was Charles Rehm. He was company
clerk at this time, and I had known him well ever since he joined my
company at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, in 1858. I met him about eighteen
months after this battle, while on a short furlough in Washington. He
related to me how, soon after being wounded, he seemed to have lost
consciousness and remembered little until near the close of the
following day--more than twenty-six hours after he was hit--when a
Rebel surgeon attended him and he was sent to a hospital in Richmond
that night along with many other wounded Union prisoners. There they
wanted to amputate his leg, but he told them he would rather die than
loose his leg. He was a young man about twenty-five, strong and
vigorous. He recovered, but his right leg was much shorter than the
left; he had to use a cane and limped badly. At the time he was
employed as a clerk in the War Department.
To continue my story of the battle, after firing many rounds in our
exposed position we were ordered to fall back a few paces and to fire
kneeling or lying down. The rising ground in front of us now gave us a
little protection. I fired a few rounds in a prostrate position, in
which it was difficult to reload, until I saw a man a few files from
me receive a horrible wound which opened his face from his forehead to
his chin; then I arose and fired kneeling until I heard a sudden
command to close ranks and fire by company. This command, I learned
afterward, was given because the enemy seemed to form for a charge
upon us. We arose and in close double ranks began to fire volleys all
together, to the commands of "load!" "ready!" "aim!" and "fire!" which
proved to be very effective, for the Rebels retired into the woods and
for a little while their firing ceased; then it recommenced in a more
feeble way, when we ceased firing by company and fired at will again.
While the volley firing was going on, I received what seemed like a
hard blow on the right side of my head which staggered me; but I
immediately guessed the cause of it and turned around to my rear-rank
man, who had to fire over my shoulder, and soundly berated and
threatened him. He proved to be the stupid and excitable recruit,
named Davis, whom I had drilled in Washington at times. My neck and
ear were blackened with powder, and it was months before I regained
perfect hearing.
Loading and firing the old style muzzle loading arms was slow compared
with modern arms and metallic cartridges. Before the gun could be
fired, we had to take a paper cartridge out of the cartridge box,
convey it to the mouth, bite off the end and pour the powder into the
muzzle of the gun barrel held vertically. Then we tore off the
remaining paper to free the ball and inserted that into the muzzle;
the ramrod was now drawn, turned around, end for end, and the ball
rammed home without any wadding; the ramrod was then drawn out, turned
and restored to its place. The gun was now brought to the right hip,
full cocked, a percussion cap placed on the nipple, and was then ready
to aim and fire. All this required many motions and much time.
The day was intensely hot, my clothing was saturated with
perspiration, the bright barrel of my gun was so heated by the fierce
rays of the sun and the firing that it seemed to burn my hands and I
was almost afraid to reload it without giving it time to cool off. I
think we had been under fire nearly two hours, and our forty rounds of
ammunition were almost exhausted when a regiment of the Pennsylvania
Bucktails (so called because each soldier had a buck's tail sewed to
his cap) arrived to relieve us. We were ordered to retire into the
small ravine behind us, passing through the ranks of the Bucktails who
advanced to take our places. We left our dead and seriously wounded
behind us where they fell, unable to give them any help, crossed the
little stream in the ravine and formed ranks on the other side in a
field--a much shorter line than it had been but two hours before.
We marched off in good order to the rear until we gained some rising
ground, when a Rebel battery opened on us with grape shot which killed
and wounded more of our men, among them Captain Richard Brindley who
commanded the regiment at this time. He was instantly killed by a
grape shot. We broke into double quick pace to reach lower ground and
escape from the fire of this battery; then we turned to the right in
the direction of the Adams house and halted about a half a mile back
of our firing line, where we found some regiments from General
Slocum's division, which had been sent by General McClellan from the
other side of the Chickahominy to reinforce the Fifth Army Corps which
up to this time had held more than double its number of the enemy at
bay. The battle at this time was raging fiercely--nearly a hundred
thousand men were engaged; from our position, however, we saw but
little of it except some batteries on high ground behind us firing
over our heads at the enemy.
We lay on the ground, tired and exhausted by what we had gone through,
noting the absence of many of our comrades and relating to each other
how we had seen this or that one fall. Three of our lieutenants we had
not seen since noon-time; and we wondered what had become of our band
and the drummers and fifers, whom we had not seen since morning, and
who should have been acting as stretcher-bearers to carry the wounded
off the field. There was no organized ambulance corps in our brigade
at this time, and but few ambulances; and, unfortunately, the wounded
soldiers who could not walk were left on the field where they fell.
This sad state of affairs was much improved later on in the war.
Some ammunition now arrived, but only twenty rounds could be served
out to each man. The first sergeant of my company informed me that I
had been selected to serve on the color guard. This was considered an
honor, but it had its disadvantages, the killed and wounded being
always greater in proportion on the color guard than in the companies.
One of our two color sergeants had been killed and two of the color
corporals wounded. I left the ranks of my company and joined the color
guard. I expected to find the colors riddled with bullet holes from
the fire of the enemy and was greatly surprised to find a bare
half-dozen holes in each.
We remained in our position a while longer and saw many wounded men
and stragglers making their way to the rear. Presently larger bodies
of broken regiments appeared and we realized that the Fifth Corps was
being forced back by the overwhelming numbers of the enemy. Some loud
cheering on the high ground about a quarter of a mile to the rear
startled us, and, from the appearance of the troops of which some
regiments wore straw hats, we thought they were Rebels who had broken
into our ranks from the rear, but they proved to be parts of French's
and Meagher's Irish brigades which had been sent to reinforce General
Porter. They were sent too late, however, to be of material
assistance.
It was nearly sunset when two officers from General Sykes's staff made
their appearance and gave some order to Captain John S. Poland who was
now in command, and immediately the order was given to fall in, then
by the left flank forward at double quick. The two aides-de-camp were
mounted and led the column to make a charge on the enemy by General
Sykes's order; one of them was Lieutenant Thomas D. Parker of my
regiment, the name of the other, who belonged to a different regiment,
I do not remember. We rushed on for about two hundred yards when we
halted for a brief space to correct the alignment on the colors in the
center; then the command "forward, charge." was given and we rushed up
a hill for a hundred yards or so, cheering and yelling like mad, the
two aides-de-camp riding in front in the center waving their swords.
It suddenly came to me that we were about to attack the enemy with
bayonets. I had been instructed in bayonet drill and had practised
until I was considered proficient; but I think at this moment I had a
secret wish that the adversary whom I might encounter would not be a
bigger man than I. I looked ahead but could see no enemy until we
reached the crest of the hill, when we suddenly received a staggering
fire, from a Rebel regiment that seemed not more than twenty yards
away. I saw both of the mounted officers fall at the first fire,
Lieutenant Parker being killed and the other wounded. One of the
horses dropped, while the other rushed madly through our ranks.
I do not know whether it was by word of command or by instinct that we
halted and instantly began firing instead of rushing on with the
bayonet. I dropped on one knee and commenced firing as fast as I
could; I aimed at their colors which were almost opposite ours. We
were so close together that for a few minutes I could plainly
distinguish the features and color of clothing of our opponents until
the smoke obscured them. Suddenly their fire slackened and then ceased
altogether; they seemed to have melted away down their side of the
hill, and we could see only their dead and wounded on the ground where
they had been in line. Why we did not pursue the retreating enemy
puzzled me, for I thought we now had a chance to give them a good
thrashing.
I stood up and looked around on a sight still vividly impressed on my
memory. We were on high ground overlooking a considerable part of the
fields on which the battle now raged; the sun was setting and with its
almost horizontal rays lit up a magnificent panorama such as I have
never seen since. I could see masses of infantry engaged in deadly
struggle, the flashing of the artillery, and I heard the terrific
roar; but what fascinated me was the figure of a Rebel officer,
mounted on a horse reared up until he seemed to stand almost straight
on his hind legs. I could see the officer waving his sword over his
head, apparently urging his command forward. At this moment the horse
and rider, illuminated by the parting rays of the sun, appeared
gigantic and towered above all else. It was a picture for an artist. I
took all this in, it seemed to me, in a few seconds, when I heard a
command given and dropped back into my place. The enemy had been so
close to us, and I had been so busy loading and firing, that I had
looked neither to the right nor to the left, but now I observed that
we had suffered severely and that two corporals of the color guard had
been wounded.
Suddenly we heard the Rebel yell and saw a mass of Rebel infantry
rushing toward us. We began firing at them as soon as we saw their
heads appear above the crest of the hill. They halted, short of their
former line it seemed to me, and delivered their fire as we had done
when we had rushed at them. Later on, when I had time to think it
over, it seemed to me that these tactics were not in accordance with
what I had supposed a charge to be. In this case both sides, finding
that the party attacked was not inclined to run, halted and peppered
away at each other rather than become engaged at close quarters.
Our condition now was rather serious. Our ammunition was running very
low and I suppose there were no reinforcements close at hand. A German
battery posted on some high ground behind us tried to aid by firing at
the Rebels, but unfortunately their aim was bad and they did us more
harm than they did to the enemy; a few of our men on the right being
killed and some wounded in the back by the firing of this battery.
I had not fired many shots in the second encounter on the hill and was
in the act of ramming a cartridge, when a command or shout caused me
to look to the right and I saw that our right wing had broken and were
running down the hill helter-skelter, and that we were being fired at
from that direction, as well as from the front. I understood that we
had been out-flanked and that we would be taken prisoners. I yelled to
my comrades of the color guard and started to run with them, not
taking time to withdraw the ramrod from the barrel of my gun. There
was a friendly piece of woods a hundred yards or more ahead of us to
our right--a shelter we were all striving for, but which many did not
reach for the enemy kept up a hot fire all the way. Twice I had to
jump over men who had been hit and rolled over in my path. The enemy
kept on firing volleys into the woods for a time but made no attempt
to follow us. I got behind a tree and, like many others, fired off
half a dozen cartridges in the enemy's direction, retaining but two
out of the sixty I had during the day. Darkness was coming on. For us
the Battle of Gaines's Mill was over, but it still raged on other
parts of the field as long as it was light, and I think it was nine
o'clock before all firing ceased. I learned later that our last attack
had been made on Turkey Hill, not very far from the position we had
held at noon before the battle began. Therefore we had lost little
ground.
Efforts were now made by our officers to reform our command which had
become scattered throughout the woods; and with difficulty the
remnants were gathered together and we made our way out of the woods
to the road by which we had approached in the forenoon. Here we
reformed ranks and took up our march in retreat.
We soon came to a place where the road was skirted by thick woods on
the left and a high bank on the right with a free space between the
bank and the road on which were piled hundreds of boxes of infantry
and artillery ammunition. As we passed, a young and very indiscreet
officer made frantic appeals to some of us to stop and help him set
fire to the ammunition to prevent it from falling into the hands of
the enemy. No attention was paid to him further than calling him a
fool, for the road was crowded with retreating troops and wounded men
making their way painfully to the rear. An explosion of the ammunition
would have made sad havoc among them.
After a while we arrived at the point of the road where we had
deposited our knapsacks. Here we were halted and told to pick them out
in a hurry. It was dark by this time and the piles of knapsacks seemed
to be mixed up in hopeless confusion. Very few of the soldiers got
their own; I could not find mine nor even one belonging to my company.
I had to grab one and rejoin the ranks.
We resumed our march in the direction of Woodbury's Bridge, and when
we neared it, we were ordered to bivouac in a piece of woods on the
left side of the road. I sought my company to bivouac with them, but
could find only a few men. The first sergeant had a prisoner in
charge, a Rebel lieutenant whom he turned over to me as I was the only
non-commissioned officer of the company present besides himself. He
told me to have him guarded during the night, but I resolved to guard
him myself for a time and then turn him over to someone else. I talked
with him for a while and gave him a couple of my crackers, and
fortunately, he had a canteen of his own with some water in it, of
which I was very glad, as I had but a swallow or two left in mine,
having been unable to replenish it during the day. He lay down on the
ground, after telling me that he was slightly wounded in the leg and
apparently went to sleep. I tried hard to keep awake and for a while
listened to our army marching on the road to the bridge; but I was so
tired and exhausted by the trials of the day that, in spite of my
resolution, I dropped to the ground and to sleep; and I think the
heaviest cannonading could not have awakened me before daybreak. When,
in the morning, someone shook me and I looked about, I found that my
prisoner had escaped during the night. Nothing was said or done about
it, and I was thankful that the prisoner had not harmed me, helpless
as I was from fatigue.
On the morning of the twenty-eighth of June most of our stragglers and
men who had lost their way in the woods the evening before rejoined
us. The greater part of the army had crossed to the south side of the
Chickahominy during the night, and it was left to Sykes's division of
regulars to form the rear guard and destroy the bridges, which we did
about an hour after daylight, unmolested by the enemy at the Woodbury
Bridge where my brigade crossed. When we reached the other side we
marched half a mile or more until we reached some higher ground, where
we stacked arms and rested among some shrubbery beside the road.
Here for the first time in two days, I was able to boil some coffee
which greatly cheered and refreshed me. I then opened the knapsack
which I had picked up the night before and found therein the usual
soldier's kit, and in addition thereto a neat and well-kept diary, in
which the writer described how he had left his home in England and had
come to Canada, where after a time he was employed on the estate of a
gentleman as a horse-trainer; and how he got into some trouble with
the female members of the family and was discharged, when he made his
way into the United States and finally drifted into the army. Up to
this point the diary was very complete and full of details; but of his
army life there were only a few straggling entries made at odd times.
No name appeared, neither was his company mentioned, but I found some
initials on his clothing by means of which, after many inquiries, I
found the company to which he belonged, but he had not been seen since
our last fight with the enemy on Turkey Hill, where he was supposed to
have been killed or taken prisoner. I left the diary with the first
sergeant of his company to be returned to him if he ever came back. I
made inquiries in regard to my own knapsack but could find no trace of
it. The only things I regretted losing were a few letters and
keepsakes.
Many of our wounded were transported to, or had gone on to Savage's
Station, where there were thousands of them, but there were still a
number of slightly wounded with us who kept our surgeon and hospital
steward, assisted by a detail from the band, busy all the morning
dressing their wounds. First sergeants of companies called the roll
during the morning and, when they came to a name to which there was no
response, those who had seen the man fall, killed or wounded stated it
and the sergeant made note of it; of others, no one knew anything.
Some of them may have been taken prisoners at Turkey Hill. In this way
we learned approximately of our losses in this battle, which amounted
to more than one-third of my regiment--a larger amount in proportion
to our small number, only six companies, than any other regiment in
our brigade. Our losses could not be computed accurately until
sometime later. General George Sykes, in his report of the Battle of
Gaines's Mill, mentions the Second and Sixth United States Infantry of
our brigade, the Twelfth and Fourteenth of the First Brigade, and the
"Duryee Zouaves" of the Third Brigade as especially conspicuous during
the action.
All of the Army of the Potomac was now united on the south side of the
Chickahominy nearer to Richmond than the greater part of the Rebel
Army which was now divided by a river as we had been--Jackson's,
Longstreet's and Hill's divisions under General Lee being on the north
bank with many of the bridges destroyed by the Federal troops in their
retreat. Even the rank and file knew this and we fully expected to be
led on to Richmond with every chance of success in our favor; and when
in the afternoon we heard some heavy firing on our side of the river,
we thought our opportunity had arrived, but, as we learned later, it
was only a minor engagement between a part of General Magruder's
troops and General Smith's division of our Sixth Army Corps at
Golding's Farm and was repulsed with small loss on our side.
We lay around in the hot sun all day, getting but little shade from
some low bushes, were awaiting orders, but none came until evening.
Ammunition was issued to us and one day's rations. Our supply trains
to the number of about five thousand wagons, together with the reserve
artillery, were on the way to the James river, where General McClellan
had decided to establish a new base of supplies. Well on towards
evening we received orders to "fall in," and marched off not knowing
where we were going; but about dusk we arrived at Savage's Station on
the Richmond and York River Railroad. Here many troops were in bivouac
and thousands of wounded were gathered in hospital tents by the
roadside, but the greater part of them lay around in the fields or
woods without shelter of any kind. It was a sad sight for us to
witness. There were not ambulances enough to transport the unfortunate
victims and more than twenty-five hundred of them were abandoned and
taken prisoners next day. We were halted here for sometime and noticed
great fires burning up supplies and military stores of all kinds which
left no doubt in our minds that we were retreating from Richmond.
We started on again and soon entered some dark and gloomy woods,
through which the road led toward the White Oak Swamp. It was so dark
in these woods that we could not distinguish anything half a dozen
files in front of us. At a few places where the roads crossed, fires
were lighted and guards were stationed to indicate the way. Owing to
the darkness, mainly, and some rain, our progress was very slow and we
had many halts of long and short duration, at some of these tired out,
I dropped to the ground and fell asleep as soon as I touched it.
During one of these short rests in the night, I was suddenly awakened
by hearing shots fired close by me. I jumped up and in my confusion
imagined that we were being attacked. I hid behind a tree on one side
of the road, like many others, cocked my gun and listened. There was a
noise which sounded like cavalry and a chatter like sabre scabbards,
it seemed to us in our half-awake condition. Scattering shots
continued to be fired, until it was discovered that the alarm was
caused by an officer's pack-mule, that had escaped from his keeper and
was running down the road among the sleeping soldiers, rattling the
kettles and pans which were a part of his load. A number of shots were
fired at him, but the mule bore a charmed life and was unharmed.
Soon after daylight on June twenty-ninth, we crossed the White Oak
Swamp at what was known as Brackett's Ford, halting a short distance
beyond, where we stopped to boil coffee and eat breakfast. The only
water to be had was that of the swamp which was dark and stagnant.
After breakfast we took up a position a little further on and remained
in line of battle for hours, listening to the heavy firing behind us
at Savage's Station, where General Sumner kept the enemy at bay until
dark and then retreated during the night across White Oak Swamp.
The country we were in was a wilderness of woods, bush and swamps, and
for two days we hardly saw a clearing, or a cabin. The enemy had
repaired some of the bridges across the Chickahominy and we were in
danger of flank attacks from both sides, the more so on our right,
between us and the James river where the enemy followed us on a
parallel road. Several times during the day in these woods, where the
heat was almost insupportable and not a breath of air was stirring, we
thought we were about to be attacked, and, with our rifles at full
cock, kneeled on the ground peering into the thicket and silently
awaited the foe. At different periods of the day some of our own
troops marched along the road in the direction of Malvern Hill, but we
remained until dark, only changing our position slightly a few times.
After dark we resumed our march and put in another distressing night;
the more so, as the guide for Sykes's division lost the road, causing
us to countermarch for a long distance, so that we did not reach
Malvern Hill where we were due in the early morning hours of June
thirtieth until nearly noon next day. On this day a severe battle was
fought at Glendale, which lay between the White Oak Swamp and Malvern
Hill, by Generals McCall and Kearney against Generals Longstreet and
Hill of the Confederates. This battle resulted in a repulse for the
enemy and enabled our troops to retire to Malvern Hill during the
night, where by daylight on July first the entire Army of the Potomac
was assembled in a strong position selected by General McClellan.
Sykes's division, upon its arrival during the forenoon of June
thirtieth was posted on the western edge of the large Malvern plateau,
from the Malvern house toward the Crew house, except General Warren's
brigade which formed the extreme left down on the river road in the
bottom lands. Half a dozen batteries, including Tyler's battery of ten
siege guns, were stationed at the edge of the plateau overlooking the
steep slope and the fields in front, which ended with some woods about
a thousand yards away. The regiments of Sykes's division were placed
between the batteries for their support. My own was very close to the
Malvern house, an old Colonial mansion built of bricks brought from
Holland. General Fitz-John Porter made this house his headquarters. It
was also used as a hospital during the battle and as a signal station,
for it overlooked much of the country and the James river, where
several gunboats armed with heavy guns were anchored. My regiment and
another were placed between the siege-gun battery and a regular
battery of six Napoleon guns.
The position occupied by the Fifth Corps was a commanding one and we
hoped the enemy would attempt to assault it. We lay down in the hot
sun, thoroughly tired out after our night's marching. There was water
at the foot of the plateau and by details we replenished our empty
canteens but were forbidden to build any fires to make coffee--besides
there was no wood to be had near our position. Shortly after our
arrival at Malvern Hill a gill of whiskey was served to each man who
wished to take it, also three pieces of hard-tack. I suppose these
were a part of commissary stores left behind, for our wagon-train was
by this time well on its way to Harrison's Landing on the James river.
We rested and slept during the afternoon, until rudely awakened by our
batteries beginning to fire on the enemy down in the low ground in our
front and near Warren's brigade. A sergeant of the Fourteenth
Infantry, who had probably had a little more than his gill and was
confused when tardily aroused by the firing, cried out, "Is it
possible I'm in the hands of the enemy? I'm a British subject!"
The Rebels advanced some artillery from the woods to a position within
eight hundred yards of us and opened fire, some of their shells
passing over us, some dropping among Warren's men. By standing up, I
could plainly see their batteries out in the field, as well as a large
body of infantry at the edge of the woods supporting them. In a few
minutes some three dozen of our guns on the plateau were firing at
them, making a tremendous uproar, above which we could distinguish the
sound of the large guns from the gunboats on the river and the
explosion of their enormous shells among the enemy in the woods, the
effect of which must have been terrifying. The position of the Rebel
batteries and their infantry was invisible to the gunboats owing to
intervening woods, so that their fire was directed by signals. The
signal corps had built a platform at one of the chimneys on the steep
roof of the Malvern House, from which I noticed two men making
signals. Whenever one of the great two-hundred-pound shells, fired at
great height, rushed through the air, it sounded like a train of cars
in motion at high speed and the explosion shook the earth. Some of
these shells fell short in the fields in our front; all did not
explode--some spun around, threw up dirt and dug holes in which it
seemed a horse could have been buried. The well-directed fire of our
guns on the edge of the plateau destroyed the Rebel batteries in less
than a half hour. Several caissons were blown up, the soldiers
abandoned their guns in wild flight, and the infantry disappeared,
making no further attempt to molest Warren's brigade on the river road
that day.
After a short engagement, in which there were only a few casualties on
our side, it remained fairly quiet on the left wing during the evening
and throughout the night, and for the first time since leaving our
camp at Gaines's Mill we had a night of unbroken rest, wrapped in our
blankets. I was so weary that even the certainty of a battle the next
day could not keep me awake, and I slept soundly until awakened at
daylight.
The morning of July first broke bright and clear, and gave promise of
a hot day. The Union Army seemed in excellent spirits; bands could be
heard playing patriotic airs in the early morning on various parts of
our line; our own band played for a time with a most cheering effect.
Our gigantic and genial Drum-Major Lovell whirled his baton joyously
and showed no disappointment because his daily prayer to the Lord to
send him a million dollars remained unanswered. He hoped, as he
explained to us, that some day He would get tired and say, "Let the
poor devil have it and not bother me any longer." Later on the Lord
was good to him, for he became one of the color sergeants of the
regiment and remained in that capacity for eighteen months until the
close of the war, without receiving a scratch; and he was the only
color bearer in my regiment who served that length of time without
death or injury. He remained in the army for many years after the war;
but, alas! ended his days in the Soldiers' Home in Washington.
The enemy were massing under cover of the woods all the morning; we
caught glimpses of them through some of the clearings. After ten
o'clock in the morning they advanced a battery occasionally, feeling
different parts of our line, but were always quickly silenced by a
concentrated fire from our artillery. Some one of the batteries which
we supported kept throwing shells into the woods where the Rebels were
supposed to be massing, and the gunboats also fired an occasional
shell. This artillery duel went on until about one o'clock in the
afternoon, when heavy infantry firing took place toward the center of
our line. This went on for some hours, spreading toward the right;
then for a time it slackened, only to recommence with renewed vigor
after five o'clock when the most desperate efforts were made to break
our line, but without success.
During this time all the batteries in our vicinity kept up a
tremendous fire, as did Tyler's siege-guns and the gunboats. It was
estimated that at times, when nearly all the artillery on both sides
were engaged, over two hundred guns were in action. The earth trembled
and the roar of the many guns so close to us was deafening. I think it
was the heaviest firing which I heard during the war. Again we were in
a passive state, in a position prone to the ground to escape the
shells from the enemy, unable to fire a shot, as the Rebel infantry
made no attack on our part of the line; they deemed our position too
strong to be assaulted and did not have artillery enough to make any
serious impression.
During this great artillery duel two of the immense shells from the
gunboats dropped short and landed among the siege-guns beside us. One
of the shells exploded, killing and wounding several men. The gunboat
fire was stopped for a time by signal, then recommenced in a different
direction. The batteries in our vicinity suffered little loss and in
my regiment only two men were wounded during all this firing. About
sundown the heavy volleys at the center and right of our line ceased,
the attacks of the enemy in masses had been repulsed and they had
withdrawn with great loss, without penetrating our line at any point.
The batteries we supported ceased firing, but a heavy, desultory
infantry fire with occasional cannon shots warned us that the battle
was not yet over.
Suddenly we received orders to form ranks and my regiment marched off
by the Quaker Road in the direction of the Crew House, near the center
of our line and about a mile away. Our band, led by the drum-major,
was at the head and, by orders of Captain Poland, began playing. It
was the first and the only time during the war that I heard a band
play, while a battle was on. We marched as if on parade; the music was
inspiring and drew cheers from the troops among which we passed. This
was kept up until we turned off the road and some spent balls began to
drop among us, when the band ceased playing and fell in behind.
We marched on toward the place we were to occupy and, when near it, we
passed a curious little battery which was stationed alongside of a
barn. They were busy firing. I had remarked this battery a few times
when it passed us on the road, while we were marching up the
peninsula. It consisted of a small gun-carriage and limber drawn by
two horses; on the gun-carriage was mounted a single steel barrel,
somewhat longer and heavier than an ordinary gun-barrel, but of about
the same calibre; there was a cranked handle to turn and a hopper to
receive cartridges. The soldiers named it the "coffee-mill battery."
It really looked like a large coffee-mill mounted on wheels, except
for the barrel. It required the services of three men to fire the
gun--one to feed cartridges into the hopper, another to raise or
depress the barrel and swing it right or left in a quarter-circle and
to take aim, while the third man turned the crank which caused the
explosion of the charges. I think there were six of these guns, and
their pop-pop-pop was quite rapid and continuous as we passed by them.
They were the elementary production of the later inventions--the
mitrailleuse and gatling guns. They disappeared soon after that from
the Army of the Potomac and I never saw them in action again.
When we reached our position along a wide and deep ravine, it was
almost dark and objects at some distance could only be distinguished
with difficulty. An irresolute fire was opened upon us from the
opposite side of the ravine, to which we immediately replied, although
all we could see of the foe were the flashes of their guns, which
stopped in about ten minutes after which we received the command to
cease firing. Half a dozen were wounded in this short engagement, but
none killed. We remained silent in our position, awaiting a possible
attack, hearing very plainly some of the commands given by the Rebel
officers on the opposite side of the dark ravine. From the ravine
itself, we heard groans and cries of wounded men who were evidently
Rebels, for one among them, probably an officer, in his delirium
sometimes cried out, "Charge, Ninth Georgia!"
The firing on other parts of the line of battle did not cease entirely
for an hour or more, and then the enemy seemed to have retired,
leaving us completely victorious. I think it must have been much later
than ten o'clock, when the word was quietly passed along the ranks to
quit our position and creep back as silently as possible. I did this a
part of the way, then went the rest of the distance in a crouching
position, until we were halted and re-formed our line. Then we marched
a little farther, halted again, and sat on the ground, resting and
wondering what these movements meant.
Later, the first sergeant of my company called me and conducted me to
the adjutant, who ordered me to make my way to the Malvern house,
where one of our lieutenants and a company of our men had been left as
a guard at the general hospital, and to inform the officer to hold
himself and his men in readiness to rejoin the regiment when it passed
during the night or morning. Since we were in the field I had been
selected several times for special duties, but I did not like this one
in the least. I knew the general direction of the Malvern house,
whence we had come, and if I could gain the Quaker Road the rest would
be easy. But to reach this road it was necessary to cross some fields
and a piece of woods, and it struck me I had a good chance of being
shot by some picket, or getting lost and being taken prisoner.
The sky was overcast and the night dark. I made my way cautiously
towards the woods and just before reaching them passed over an
elevated piece of ground, where evidently one of our batteries had
been stationed during the day. I inferred this from a number of dead
horses, some with their stiffened legs up in the air, and among them a
few dark forms which I knew but too well were the bodies of
artillerists. I hurried over this place and gained the edge of the
woods--which I dreaded the most on account of pickets, but was not
challenged. I halted a moment and listened, thinking I heard the
clatter of accoutrements and the heavy tramp of marching men. I knew
that this could only be some of our army and felt much relieved.
Presently I was among them on the Quaker Road, for the woods proved to
be shallow. These soldiers belonged to another corps and were
retreating very reluctantly toward the James river. There was much
grumbling among them; they wondered why, after a victory and with a
retiring enemy, they were ordered to leave a strong position. We
learned later that some of the corps commanders had importuned General
McClellan to hold Malvern Hill, but the General ruled against it,
giving as his reason the difficulty of supplying the army in that
location.
I reached the Malvern house a little before midnight and found a
sentinel who directed me to the lieutenant in charge. He was fast
asleep. I awakened him and repeated the adjutant's orders. He ordered
some of the men to watch the road near the corner of the house and
notify him when the regiment appeared. On looking around I saw that
the house was brightly lighted and there was much commotion caused by
officers and orderlies rushing in and out of General Porter's
headquarters; it was also the principal hospital, and in the
out-buildings and some tents I could see surgeons attending the
wounded and performing amputations by candle-light, while the ground
back of the house was covered with wounded soldiers.
I did not tarry long to look at this heart-rending scene, but made my
way along the front of the house and the out-houses. I was hungry and
was looking around to find something to eat. My haversack was almost
empty; and I knew the necessity of saving something for the morrow, as
we were not likely to get any rations until we came to our supply
trains. As we had not been able to make coffee for some days, I had
plenty of that and sugar, but I had no meat and only a few crackers,
so I prowled around until I observed a half dozen soldiers near the
corner of a fence where there was a heap of boxes and barrels, which
proved to be commissary stores left unguarded and probably forgotten.
I joined the group and found them dipping their tin cups into a
barrel, of which they had knocked in the head, and filling their
canteens with what I knew from the odor to be whiskey. This seemed a
heaven-sent opportunity and one not to be neglected. I emptied my
canteen of water and filled it with whiskey. Some boxes of hard-tack
had been opened, from which I filled my haversack. There were still
some barrels of whiskey, also barrels of pork, which the group decided
it would be unsafe to break open on account of the noise it would
make. I dipped my quart cup into the barrel once more and hurried away
with it in my hand, returning to the guard with whom I shared its
contents. I kept silent regarding my canteen, however. I did not dare
tell my comrades where I got the liquor, for fear some of them would
become intoxicated; so I was forced to invent a tale of having
received it from one of the hospital stewards, who was a friend of
mine. I took especial care to guard my canteen with its precious
contents, then wrapped myself in my blanket and went to sleep among my
comrades.
I was awakened at daylight when our brigade approached. We hurried to
the road and waited until the regiment came along, then joined its
ranks. Sykes's division was again covering the retreat of the army.
The First Brigade, under Colonel Buchannan, formed the rear guard
while our brigade immediately preceded them. It was storming, as it
generally did after a battle, and the rain soon came down in torrents,
wetting us to the skin in a few minutes. It was a cold, chilly rain
which lasted all day.
The army had been retreating from a defeated enemy on this road all
night, again leaving many of our wounded behind. By the time we
reached Haxall's and the bottom-lands, we found the road in a
frightful condition. Cut up as it had been by thousands of wagons and
artillery, it was now a liquid quagmire from the torrential rain. We
tore down fences and crossed fields to avoid some impassable places.
We waded through many ditches and small streams, often knee-deep, and
had many halts and interruptions, often coming to a halt in a part of
the road where it was impossible to sit down for a much-needed rest,
unless we should sit in mud nearly a foot deep. My shoes were soon
filled with gritty liquid mud which chafed the skin and made marching
very painful and distressing. At one time I just saved myself from
falling, while crossing a stream, and my rifle slipped from my grasp
and was submerged in the muddy water. I doubt if I could have
discharged it if I had needed to do so.
I cannot describe our misery and suffering on this day, the seventh of
the retreat, and by far the worst of all. We had reached the limit of
endurance, weakened as we were by battles, marching and want of food.
We had become callous and cared little what became of those who
dropped out from exhaustion or of small squads of wounded men who were
limping painfully along the road, sometimes being knocked down and
crying out in anguish for help. The rule of self-preservation had a
deplorable demonstration on this awful day.
Several times we formed line of battle in the fields, ready to repel
the enemy who pursued and harassed the rear guard just behind us.
Stuart's Rebel cavalry and a light battery of artillery followed us
all day and occasionally sent a few shells into our ranks. We also had
cavalry with the rear guard who skirmished with the enemy, and a
battery of regular artillery which more than once took up a commanding
position beside the road and with our cavalry kept the enemy in check.
During the forenoon, while at a long halt, I gave Lieutenant
McLoughlin, who now commanded my company (and the only company officer
present at this time, Lieutenant Kidd having been wounded) a drink of
whiskey from my canteen and he declared I had saved his life. He
laughed when I explained how I had got it, but remarked that I was
lucky not to have been caught. I took a big drink myself which cheered
me, wet and shivering as I was; the remainder I doled out to my
comrades, as far as it would go, and for that day at least I was the
most popular member of the company.
We reached Harrison's Landing while it was still daylight. Although
the distance was not more than about eight miles, it had taken us
twelve hours to make it owing to the state of the roads, the frequent
halts and the forming of line of battle several times during the day.
We halted at the edge of an immense wheat field which I think must
have been a mile square. Only a small part of this field had been cut
and stacked in sheaves. It still rained hard. My bunkie and I decided
to put up our shelter tent for the first time in seven days. We
gathered a thick layer of the wet sheaves and lay down in our wet
clothing, sleeping soundly all night. We could not make any coffee,
but were surprised and cheered by an issue of hard-tack and a gill of
whiskey during the evening and the promise of some meat on the morrow;
which was a great comfort to us in our despondent condition.
Next morning, July third, directly after reveille, a Rebel battery
commenced throwing shells into our camp from a hill which overlooked
it. We formed line of battle, advanced a short distance and remained
under arms until the firing ceased in a short time, the battery being
driven away and the hill occupied by a Maine regiment. This was the
finish of the seven days' retreat, or "change of base," as General
McClellan preferred to name it. No large body of the Rebel Army had
followed us from Malvern Hill, where they had received such a crushing
blow that they retired within the fortifications of Richmond to
recuperate, leaving only small reconnoitering parties to observe us.
After the firing had ceased and while we were still standing in ranks,
a private of my company stepped into the bushes just behind us and
presently we heard a shot; and he came running out, holding up a
bleeding hand and crying, "I am wounded. Take me to the hospital!" But
he ran so fast, it would have been hard to catch him. We found his
rifle in the bushes, apparently just discharged, which left no doubt
that this was a case of self-mutilation, fortunately of rare
occurrence, so far as I knew; but I heard of a few cases where the
mutilation took place during battle. This soldier never rejoined his
company, which was well for him. The fear of the contempt of his
comrades is even more powerful a factor than discipline in keeping a
timid or nerveless soldier in the ranks during battle.
As we looked at each other while in ranks, we were amazed at the
shocking appearance both officers and rank and file presented after
the strenuous week we had passed through. Our clothing was torn and
shapeless and coated with sticky mud from head to foot; our faces and
hands were grimy with powder and dirt, for few had had opportunity to
wash themselves for a week. Several who were slightly wounded wore
bandages. Our guns were rusty but serviceable. Some had lost their
knapsacks and some a part of their accoutrements, and upon all the
faces there was a gaunt and weary look which plainly told the story of
our endurance. Of the great field of wheat which I had seen the
evening before, scarcely any remained that had not been trampled down
during the night by soldiers and horses.
The rain had ceased, but the sky was still clouded and the day
cheerless. During the forenoon we marched to a point within about a
mile and a half of Harrison's Landing and the brigade encamped on low
ground on the border of a sluggish and boggy creek, where we were
destined to remain for many weeks sweltering under the great heat of
the summer.
The first advance upon Richmond had failed, as did also the second
under General Grant two years later, when he operated on substantially
the same ground against the same enemy reduced in number and
resources. Military writers and historians have accused General
McClellan of grave errors in the Peninsula Campaign; but some of them
accuse the Administration at Washington, together with the Joint
Committee of Congress on the conduct of the war, of graver errors and
blame them as being the real cause for the unsuccessful termination of
this campaign. That the Army of the Potomac, made up of as fine and
intelligent soldiers as ever took the field, remained as true and
loyal to its commander after this campaign as it had been before,
proved beyond question that it had not lost confidence in him.
The "retreat" to the James river was not a retreat in the usual sense
of the word; we kept our formation, all our movements were directed by
General McClellan and there never was a rout. We fought daily battles
in all of which, except that of Gaines's Mill, we were successful in
checking the enemy and keeping them at bay until a new position was
gained. We lost none of our artillery, except in battle, and we saved
all of our heavy siege guns and our immense wagon-train preceded the
army. All this was done in an unknown, swampy country with few roads
upon which a great army could march and make any rapid progress, even
if unpursued by a determined enemy. The enemy's losses in the seven
days' battles were greater than ours by nearly four thousand men,
according to authorities.
The battle of Gaines's Mill, although not ranking as one of the great
battles of the war, was remarkable, being the one with the greatest
disparity in numbers. When the battle commenced General Porter had
only the Fifth Army Corps, consisting of less than twenty thousand
men, to oppose double their number, and it was not until late in the
afternoon that Slocum's division of seven thousand reinforced him. For
four hours the powerful enemy tried in vain to break our lines and it
was not until near sundown that, reinforced by General Jackson's
troops, augmenting their numbers to more than sixty-five thousand,
against our less than thirty thousand actually engaged, they succeeded
in breaking our line in the center; and when darkness ended the battle
they had only advanced as far as the ground previously occupied by our
reserves. The losses of the Fifth Army Corps during the seven days
were about seventy-six hundred, of whom forty-eight hundred were
killed and wounded and twenty-eight hundred captured or missing. My
battalion, consisting of six companies of the Second United States
Infantry, about three hundred and fifty present for duty, lost two
officers who were killed and four wounded; fourteen soldiers killed,
one hundred and three wounded, and sixteen captured or missing--total,
one hundred and thirty-nine, more than one-third of our number.
I had no clear idea at the time of the distance the army had covered
during the seven days' retreat and I was astonished when twenty years
later I made the trip with a friend from Richmond to Haxall's,
following the route of the army in a single day, and had sufficient
time to take a number of photographs. We had a carriage and a pair of
good horses. The coachman was black, but his name was White. We
remained on Malvern Hill until dark, when we went to Haxall's to spend
the night, much to the relief of Charlie White, who showed great
terror as we passed through the dark and gloomy woods on our route
which he said were full of ghosts. He declared that "sodjer ghosts"
marched on this road until daylight.
In my narration of events which occurred during McClellan's Peninsular
Campaign I have tried to describe in detail a soldier's experience in
camp, on the march, in battle and when retreating before a pursuing
foe, as accurately as my memory permits after an interval of more than
fifty years. I consider that campaign unsurpassed in hardship,
suffering and endurance by any subsequent campaign while I was in the
Army of the Potomac, unless perhaps it be the battle of Fredericksburg
and General Burnside's "Mud-March," both of which occurred in winter
time. I therefore deem it superfluous to burden the remainder of my
narrative with similar details.