Qualities which the perfect miner should possess and the arguments which
are urged for and against the arts of mining and metallurgy, as well as
the people occupied in the industry, I have sufficiently discussed in
the first Book. Now I have determined to give more ample information
concerning the miners.
In the first place, it is indispensable that they should worship God
with reverence, and that they understand the matters of which I am going
to speak, and that they take good care that each individual performs his
duties efficiently and diligently. It is decreed by Divine Providence
that those who know what they ought to do and then take care to do it
properly, for the most part meet with good fortune in all they
undertake; on the other hand, misfortune overtakes the indolent and
those who are careless in their work. No person indeed can, without
great and sustained effort and labour, store in his mind the knowledge
of every portion of the metallic arts which are involved in operating
mines. If a man has the means of paying the necessary expense, he hires
as many men as he needs, and sends them to the various works. Thus
formerly Sosias, the Thracian, sent into the silver mines a thousand
slaves whom he had hired from the Athenian Nicias, the son of
Niceratus[1]. But if a man cannot afford the expenditure he chooses of
the various kinds of mining that work which he himself can most easily
and efficiently do. Of these kinds, the two most important are the
making prospect trenches and the washing of the sands of rivers, for out
of these sands are often collected gold dust, or certain black stones
from which tin is smelted, or even gems are sometimes found in them; the
trenching occasionally lays bare at the grass-roots veins which are
found rich in metals. If therefore by skill or by luck, such sands or
veins shall fall into his hands, he will be able to establish his
fortune without expenditure, and from poverty rise to wealth. If on the
contrary, his hopes are not realized, then he can desist from washing or
digging.
When anyone, in an endeavour to increase his fortune, meets the
expenditure of a mine alone, it is of great importance that he should
attend to his works and personally superintend everything that he has
ordered to be done. For this reason, he should either have his dwelling
at the mine, where he may always be in sight of the workmen and always
take care that none neglect their duties, or else he should live in the
neighbourhood, so that he may frequently inspect his mining works. Then
he may send word by a messenger to the workmen that he is coming more
frequently than he really intends to come, and so either by his arrival
or by the intimation of it, he so frightens the workmen that none of
them perform their duties otherwise than diligently. When he inspects
the mines he should praise the diligent workmen and occasionally give
them rewards, that they and the others may become more zealous in their
duties; on the other hand, he should rebuke the idle and discharge some
of them from the mines and substitute industrious men in their places.
Indeed, the owner should frequently remain for days and nights in the
mine, which, in truth, is no habitation for the idle and luxurious; it
is important that the owner who is diligent in increasing his wealth,
should frequently himself descend into the mine, and devote some time to
the study of the nature of the veins and stringers, and should observe
and consider all the methods of working, both inside and outside the
mine. Nor is this all he ought to do, for sometimes he should undertake
actual labour, not thereby demeaning himself, but in order to encourage
his workmen by his own diligence, and to teach them their art; for that
mine is well conducted in which not only the foreman, but also the owner
himself, gives instruction as to what ought to be done. A certain
barbarian, according to Xenophon, rightly remarked to the King of Persia
that "the eye of the master feeds the horse,"[2] for the master's
watchfulness in all things is of the utmost importance.
When several share together the expenditure on a mine, it is convenient
and useful to elect from amongst their own number a mine captain, and
also a foreman. For, since men often look after their own interests but
neglect those of others, they cannot in this case take care of their own
without at the same time looking after the interests of the others,
neither can they neglect the interests of the others without neglecting
their own. But if no man amongst them be willing or able to undertake
and sustain the burdens of these offices, it will be to the common
interest to place them in the hands of most diligent men. Formerly
indeed, these things were looked after by the mining prefect[3], because
the owners were kings, as Priam, who owned the gold mines round Abydos,
or as Midas, who was the owner of those situated in Mount Bermius, or as
Gyges, or as Alyattes, or as Croesus, who was the owner of those mines
near a deserted town between Atarnea and Pergamum[4]; sometimes the
mines belonged to a Republic, as, for instance, the prosperous silver
mines in Spain which belonged to Carthage[5]; sometimes they were the
property of great and illustrious families, as were the Athenian mines
in Mount Laurion[6].
When a man owns mines but is ignorant of the art of mining, then it is
advisable that he should share in common with others the expenses, not
of one only, but of several mines. When one man alone meets the expense
for a long time of a whole mine, if good fortune bestows on him a vein
abundant in metals, or in other products, he becomes very wealthy; if,
on the contrary, the mine is poor and barren, in time he will lose
everything which he has expended on it. But the man who, in common with
others, has laid out his money on several mines in a region renowned for
its wealth of metals, rarely spends it in vain, for fortune usually
responds to his hopes in part. For when out of twelve veins in which he
has a joint interest one yields an abundance of metals, it not only
gives back to the owner the money he has spent, but also gives a profit
besides; certainly there will be for him rich and profitable mining, if
of the whole number, three, or four, or more veins should yield metal.
Very similar to this is the advice which Xenophon gave to the Athenians
when they wished to prospect for new veins of silver without suffering
loss. "There are," he said, "ten tribes of Athenians; if, therefore, the
State assigned an equal number of slaves to each tribe, and the tribes
participated equally in all the new veins, undoubtedly by this method,
if a rich vein of silver were found by one tribe, whatever profit were
made from it would assuredly be shared by the whole number. And if two,
three, or four tribes, or even half the whole number find veins, their
works would then become more profitable; and it is not probable that the
work of all the tribes will be disappointing."[7] Although this advice
of Xenophon is full of prudence, there is no opportunity for it except
in free and wealthy States; for those people who are under the authority
of kings and princes, or are kept in subjection by tyranny, do not dare,
without permission, to incur such expenditure; those who are endowed
with little wealth and resources cannot do so on account of insufficient
funds. Moreover, amongst our race it is not customary for Republics to
have slaves whom they can hire out for the benefit of the people[8];
but, instead, nowadays those who are in authority administer the funds
for mining in the name of the State, not unlike private individuals.
Some owners prefer to buy shares[9] in mines abounding in metals,
rather than to be troubled themselves to search for the veins; these men
employ an easier and less uncertain method of increasing their property.
Although their hopes in the shares of one or another mine may be
frustrated, the buyers of shares should not abandon the rest of the
mines, for all the money expended will be recovered with interest from
some other mine. They should not buy only high priced shares in those
mines producing metals, nor should they buy too many in neighbouring
mines where metal has not yet been found, lest, should fortune not
respond, they may be exhausted by their losses and have nothing with
which they may meet their expenses or buy other shares which may replace
their losses. This calamity overtakes those who wish to grow suddenly
rich from mines, and instead, they become very much poorer than before.
So then, in the buying of shares, as in other matters, there should be a
certain limit of expenditure which miners should set themselves, lest
blinded by the desire for excessive wealth, they throw all their money
away. Moreover, a prudent owner, before he buys shares, ought to go to
the mine and carefully examine the nature of the vein, for it is very
important that he should be on his guard lest fraudulent sellers of
shares should deceive him. Investors in shares may perhaps become less
wealthy, but they are more certain of some gain than those who mine for
metals at their own expense, as they are more cautious in trusting to
fortune. Neither ought miners to be altogether distrustful of fortune,
as we see some are, who as soon as the shares of any mine begin to go up
in value, sell them, on which account they seldom obtain even moderate
wealth. There are some people who wash over the dumps from exhausted and
abandoned mines, and those dumps which are derived from the drains of
tunnels; and others who smelt the old slags; from all of which they make
an ample return.
Now a miner, before he begins to mine the veins, must consider seven
things, namely:--the situation, the conditions, the water, the roads,
the climate, the right of ownership, and the neighbours. There are four
kinds of situations--mountain, hill, valley, and plain. Of these four,
the first two are the most easily mined, because in them tunnels can be
driven to drain off the water, which often makes mining operations very
laborious, if it does not stop them altogether. The last two kinds of
ground are more troublesome, especially because tunnels cannot be driven
in such places. Nevertheless, a prudent miner considers all these four
sorts of localities in the region in which he happens to be, and he
searches for veins in those places where some torrent or other agency
has removed and swept the soil away; yet he need not prospect
everywhere, but since there is a great variety, both in mountains and in
the three other kinds of localities, he always selects from them those
which will give him the best chance of obtaining wealth.
In the first place, mountains differ greatly in position, some being
situated in even and level plains, while others are found in broken and
elevated regions, and others again seem to be piled up, one mountain
upon another. The wise miner does not mine in mountains which are
situated on open plains, neither does he dig in those which are placed
on the summits of mountainous regions, unless by some chance the veins
in those mountains have been denuded of their surface covering, and
abounding in metals and other products, are exposed plainly to his
notice,--for with regard to what I have already said more than once, and
though I never repeat it again, I wish to emphasize this exception as to
the localities which should not be selected. All districts do not
possess a great number of mountains crowded together; some have but one,
others two, others three, or perhaps a few more. In some places there
are plains lying between them; in others the mountains are joined
together or separated only by narrow valleys. The miner should not dig
in those solitary mountains, dispersed through the plains and open
regions, but only in those which are connected and joined with others.
Then again, since mountains differ in size, some being very large,
others of medium height, and others more like hills than mountains, the
miner rarely digs in the largest or the smallest of them, but generally
only in those of medium size. Moreover, mountains have a great variety
of shapes; for with some the slopes rise gradually, while others, on the
contrary, are all precipitous; in some others the slopes are gradual on
one side, and on the other sides precipitous; some are drawn out in
length; some are gently curved; others assume different shapes. But the
miner may dig in all parts of them, except where there are precipices,
and he should not neglect even these latter if metallic veins are
exposed before his eyes. There are just as great differences in hills as
there are in mountains, yet the miner does not dig except in those
situated in mountainous districts, and even very rarely in those. It is
however very little to be wondered at that the hill in the Island of
Lemnos was excavated, for the whole is of a reddish-yellow colour, which
furnishes for the inhabitants that valuable clay so especially
beneficial to mankind[10]. In like manner, other hills are excavated if
chalk or other varieties of earth are exposed, but these are not
prospected for.
There are likewise many varieties of valleys and plains. One kind is
enclosed on the sides with its outlet and entrance open; another has
either its entrance or its outlet open and the rest of it is closed in;
both of these are properly called valleys. There is a third variety
which is surrounded on all sides by mountains, and these are called
_convalles_. Some valleys again, have recesses, and others have none;
one is wide, another narrow; one is long, another short; yet another
kind is not higher than the neighbouring plain, and others are lower
than the surrounding flat country. But the miner does not dig in those
surrounded on all sides by mountains, nor in those that are open, unless
there be a low plain close at hand, or unless a vein of metal descending
from the mountains should extend into the valley. Plains differ from one
another, one being situated at low elevation, and others higher, one
being level and another with a slight incline. The miner should never
excavate the low-lying plain, nor one which is perfectly level, unless
it be in some mountain, and rarely should he mine in the other kinds of
plains.
With regard to the conditions of the locality the miner should not
contemplate mining without considering whether the place be covered with
trees or is bare. If it be a wooded place, he who digs there has this
advantage, besides others, that there will be an abundant supply of wood
for his underground timbering, his machinery, buildings, smelting, and
other necessities. If there is no forest he should not mine there unless
there is a river near, by which he can carry down the timber. Yet
wherever there is a hope that pure gold or gems may be found, the ground
can be turned up, even though there is no forest, because the gems need
only to be polished and the gold to be purified. Therefore the
inhabitants of hot regions obtain these substances from rough and sandy
places, where sometimes there are not even shrubs, much less woods.
The miner should next consider the locality, as to whether it has a
perpetual supply of running water, or whether it is always devoid of
water except when a torrent supplied by rains flows down from the
summits of the mountains. The place that Nature has provided with a
river or stream can be made serviceable for many things; for water will
never be wanting and can be carried through wooden pipes to baths in
dwelling-houses; it may be carried to the works, where the metals are
smelted; and finally, if the conditions of the place will allow it, the
water can be diverted into the tunnels, so that it may turn the
underground machinery. Yet on the other hand, to convey a constant
supply of water by artificial means to mines where Nature has denied it
access, or to convey the ore to the stream, increases the expense
greatly, in proportion to the distance the mines are away from the
river.
The miner also should consider whether the roads from the neighbouring
regions to the mines are good or bad, short or long. For since a region
which is abundant in mining products very often yields no agricultural
produce, and the necessaries of life for the workmen and others must all
be imported, a bad and long road occasions much loss and trouble with
porters and carriers, and this increases the cost of goods brought in,
which, therefore, must be sold at high prices. This injures not so much
the workmen as the masters; since on account of the high price of goods,
the workmen are not content with the wages customary for their labour,
nor can they be, and they ask higher pay from the owners. And if the
owners refuse, the men will not work any longer in the mines but will go
elsewhere. Although districts which yield metals and other mineral
products are generally healthy, because, being often situated on high
and lofty ground, they are fanned by every wind, yet sometimes they are
unhealthy, as has been related in my other book, which is called "_De
Natura Eorum Quae Effluunt ex Terra_." Therefore, a wise miner does not
mine in such places, even if they are very productive, when he perceives
unmistakable signs of pestilence. For if a man mines in an unhealthy
region he may be alive one hour and dead the next.
Then, the miner should make careful and thorough investigation
concerning the lord of the locality, whether he be a just and good man
or a tyrant, for the latter oppresses men by force of his authority, and
seizes their possessions for himself; but the former governs justly and
lawfully and serves the common good. The miner should not start mining
operations in a district which is oppressed by a tyrant, but should
carefully consider if in the vicinity there is any other locality
suitable for mining and make up his mind if the overlord there be
friendly or inimical. If he be inimical the mine will be rendered unsafe
through hostile attacks, in one of which all of the gold or silver, or
other mineral products, laboriously collected with much cost, will be
taken away from the owner and his workmen will be struck with terror;
overcome by fear, they will hastily fly, to free themselves from the
danger to which they are exposed. In this case, not only are the
fortunes of the miner in the greatest peril but his very life is in
jeopardy, for which reason he should not mine in such places.
Since several miners usually come to mine the veins in one locality, a
settlement generally springs up, for the miner who began first cannot
keep it exclusively for himself. The _Bergmeister_ gives permits to some
to mine the superior and some the inferior parts of the veins; to some
he gives the cross veins, to others the inclined veins. If the man who
first starts work finds the vein to be metal-bearing or yielding other
mining products, it will not be to his advantage to cease work because
the neighbourhood may be evil, but he will guard and defend his rights
both by arms and by the law. When the _Bergmeister_[11] delimits the
boundaries of each owner, it is the duty of a good miner to keep within
his bounds, and of a prudent one to repel encroachments of his
neighbours by the help of the law. But this is enough about the
neighbourhood.
The miner should try to obtain a mine, to which access is not difficult,
in a mountainous region, gently sloping, wooded, healthy, safe, and not
far distant from a river or stream by means of which he may convey his
mining products to be washed and smelted. This indeed, is the best
position. As for the others, the nearer they approximate to this
position the better they are; the further removed, the worse.
Now I will discuss that kind of minerals for which it is not necessary
to dig, because the force of water carries them out of the veins. Of
these there are two kinds, minerals--and their fragments[12]--and
juices. When there are springs at the outcrop of the veins from which,
as I have already said, the above-mentioned products are emitted, the
miner should consider these first, to see whether there are metals or
gems mixed with the sand, or whether the waters discharged are filled
with juices. In case metals or gems have settled in the pool of the
spring, not only should the sand from it be washed, but also that from
the streams which flow from these springs, and even from the river
itself into which they again discharge. If the springs discharge water
containing some juice, this also should be collected; the further such a
stream has flowed from the source, the more it receives plain water and
the more diluted does it become, and so much the more deficient in
strength. If the stream receives no water of another kind, or scarcely
any, not only the rivers, but likewise the lakes which receive these
waters, are of the same nature as the springs, and serve the same uses;
of this kind is the lake which the Hebrews call the Dead Sea, and which
is quite full of bituminous fluids[13]. But I must return to the subject
of the sands.
Springs may discharge their waters into a sea, a lake, a marsh, a river,
or a stream; but the sand of the sea-shore is rarely washed, for
although the water flowing down from the springs into the sea carries
some metals or gems with it, yet these substances can scarcely ever be
reclaimed, because they are dispersed through the immense body of waters
and mixed up with other sand, and scattered far and wide in different
directions, or they sink down into the depths of the sea. For the same
reasons, the sands of lakes can very rarely be washed successfully, even
though the streams rising from the mountains pour their whole volume of
water into them. The particles of metals and gems from the springs are
very rarely carried into the marshes, which are generally in level and
open places. Therefore, the miner, in the first place, washes the sand
of the spring, then of the stream which flows from it, then finally,
that of the river into which the stream discharges. It is not worth the
trouble to wash the sands of a large river which is on a level plain at
a distance from the mountains. Where several springs carrying metals
discharge their waters into one river, there is more hope of productive
results from washing. The miner does not neglect even the sands of the
streams in which excavated ores have been washed.
The waters of springs taste according to the juice they contain, and
they differ greatly in this respect. There are six kinds of these tastes
which the worker[14] especially observes and examines; there is the
salty kind, which shows that salt may be obtained by evaporation; the
nitrous, which indicates soda; the aluminous kind, which indicates alum;
the vitrioline, which indicates vitriol; the sulphurous kind, which
indicates sulphur; and as for the bituminous juice, out of which bitumen
is melted down, the colour itself proclaims it to the worker who is
evaporating it. The sea-water however, is similar to that of salt
springs, and may be drawn into low-lying pits, and, evaporated by the
heat of the sun, changes of itself into salt; similarly the water of
some salt-lakes turns to salt when dried by the heat of summer.
Therefore an industrious and diligent man observes and makes use of
these things and thus contributes something to the common welfare.
The strength of the sea condenses the liquid bitumen which flows into it
from hidden springs, into amber and jet, as I have described already in
my books "_De Subterraneorum Ortu et Causis_"[15]. The sea, with certain
directions of the wind, throws both these substances on shore, and for
this reason the search for amber demands as much care as does that for
coral.
Moreover, it is necessary that those who wash the sand or evaporate the
water from the springs, should be careful to learn the nature of the
locality, its roads, its salubrity, its overlord, and the neighbours,
lest on account of difficulties in the conduct of their business they
become either impoverished by exhaustive expenditure, or their goods and
lives are imperilled. But enough about this.
The miner, after he has selected out of many places one particular spot
adapted by Nature for mining, bestows much labour and attention on the
veins. These have either been stripped bare of their covering by chance
and thus lie exposed to our view, or lying deeply hidden and concealed
they are found after close search; the latter is more usual, the former
more rarely happens, and both of these occurrences must be explained.
There is more than one force which can lay bare the veins unaided by the
industry or toil of man; since either a torrent might strip off the
surface, which happened in the case of the silver mines of Freiberg
(concerning which I have written in Book I. of my work "_De Veteribus
et Novis Metallis_")[16]; or they may be exposed through the force of
the wind, when it uproots and destroys the trees which have grown over
the veins; or by the breaking away of the rocks; or by long-continued
heavy rains tearing away the mountain; or by an earthquake; or by a
lightning flash; or by a snowslide; or by the violence of the winds: "Of
such a nature are the rocks hurled down from the mountains by the force
of the winds aided by the ravages of time." Or the plough may uncover
the veins, for Justin relates in his history that nuggets of gold had
been turned up in Galicia by the plough; or this may occur through a
fire in the forest, as Diodorus Siculus tells us happened in the silver
mines in Spain; and that saying of Posidonius is appropriate enough:
"The earth violently moved by the fires consuming the forest sends forth
new products, namely, gold and silver."[17] And indeed, Lucretius has
explained the same thing more fully in the following lines: "Copper and
gold and iron were discovered, and at the same time weighty silver and
the substance of lead, when fire had burned up vast forests on the great
hills, either by a discharge of heaven's lightning, or else because,
when men were waging war with one another, forest fires had carried fire
among the enemy in order to strike terror to them, or because, attracted
by the goodness of the soil, they wished to clear rich fields and bring
the country into pasture, or else to destroy wild beasts and enrich
themselves with the game; for hunting with pitfalls and with fire came
into use before the practice of enclosing the wood with toils and
rousing the game with dogs. Whatever the fact is, from whatever cause
the heat of flame had swallowed up the forests with a frightful
crackling from their very roots, and had thoroughly baked the earth with
fire, there would run from the boiling veins and collect into the
hollows of the grounds a stream of silver and gold, as well as of copper
and lead."[18] But yet the poet considers that the veins are not laid
bare in the first instance so much by this kind of fire, but rather that
all mining had its origin in this. And lastly, some other force may by
chance disclose the veins, for a horse, if this tale can be believed,
disclosed the lead veins at Goslar by a blow from his hoof[19]. By such
methods as these does fortune disclose the veins to us.
But by skill we can also investigate hidden and concealed veins, by
observing in the first place the bubbling waters of springs, which
cannot be very far distant from the veins because the source of the
water is from them; secondly, by examining the fragments of the veins
which the torrents break off from the earth, for after a long time some
of these fragments are again buried in the ground. Fragments of this
kind lying about on the ground, if they are rubbed smooth, are a long
distance from the veins, because the torrent, which broke them from the
vein, polished them while it rolled them a long distance; but if they
are fixed in the ground, or if they are rough, they are nearer to the
veins. The soil also should be considered, for this is often the cause
of veins being buried more or less deeply under the earth; in this case
the fragments protrude more or less widely apart, and miners are wont to
call the veins discovered in this manner "_fragmenta_."[20]
Further, we search for the veins by observing the hoar-frosts, which
whiten all herbage except that growing over the veins, because the veins
emit a warm and dry exhalation which hinders the freezing of the
moisture, for which reason such plants appear rather wet than whitened
by the frost. This may be observed in all cold places before the grass
has grown to its full size, as in the months of April and May; or when
the late crop of hay, which is called the _cordum_, is cut with scythes
in the month of September. Therefore in places where the grass has a
dampness that is not congealed into frost, there is a vein beneath; also
if the exhalation be excessively hot, the soil will produce only small
and pale-coloured plants. Lastly, there are trees whose foliage in
spring-time has a bluish or leaden tint, the upper branches more
especially being tinged with black or with any other unnatural colour,
the trunks cleft in two, and the branches black or discoloured. These
phenomena are caused by the intensely hot and dry exhalations which do
not spare even the roots, but scorching them, render the trees sickly;
wherefore the wind will more frequently uproot trees of this kind than
any others. Verily the veins do emit this exhalation. Therefore, in a
place where there is a multitude of trees, if a long row of them at an
unusual time lose their verdure and become black or discoloured, and
frequently fall by the violence of the wind, beneath this spot there is
a vein. Likewise along a course where a vein extends, there grows a
certain herb or fungus which is absent from the adjacent space, or
sometimes even from the neighbourhood of the veins. By these signs of
Nature a vein can be discovered.
There are many great contentions between miners concerning the forked
twig[21], for some say that it is of the greatest use in discovering
veins, and others deny it. Some of those who manipulate and use the
twig, first cut a fork from a hazel bush with a knife, for this bush
they consider more efficacious than any other for revealing the veins,
especially if the hazel bush grows above a vein. Others use a different
kind of twig for each metal, when they are seeking to discover the
veins, for they employ hazel twigs for veins of silver; ash twigs for
copper; pitch pine for lead and especially tin, and rods made of iron
and steel for gold. All alike grasp the forks of the twig with their
hands, clenching their fists, it being necessary that the clenched
fingers should be held toward the sky in order that the twig should be
raised at that end where the two branches meet. Then they wander hither
and thither at random through mountainous regions. It is said that the
moment they place their feet on a vein the twig immediately turns and
twists, and so by its action discloses the vein; when they move their
feet again and go away from that spot the twig becomes once more
immobile.
The truth is, they assert, the movement of the twig is caused by the
power of the veins, and sometimes this is so great that the branches of
trees growing near a vein are deflected toward it. On the other hand,
those who say that the twig is of no use to good and serious men, also
deny that the motion is due to the power of the veins, because the twigs
will not move for everybody, but only for those who employ incantations
and craft. Moreover, they deny the power of a vein to draw to itself the
branches of trees, but they say that the warm and dry exhalations cause
these contortions. Those who advocate the use of the twig make this
reply to these objections: when one of the miners or some other person
holds the twig in his hands, and it is not turned by the force of a
vein, this is due to some peculiarity of the individual, which hinders
and impedes the power of the vein, for since the power of the vein in
turning and twisting the twig may be not unlike that of a magnet
attracting and drawing iron toward itself, this hidden quality of a man
weakens and breaks the force, just the same as garlic weakens and
overcomes the strength of a magnet. For a magnet smeared with garlic
juice cannot attract iron; nor does it attract the latter when rusty.
Further, concerning the handling of the twig, they warn us that we
should not press the fingers together too lightly, nor clench them too
firmly, for if the twig is held lightly they say that it will fall
before the force of the vein can turn it; if however, it is grasped too
firmly the force of the hands resists the force of the veins and
counteracts it. Therefore, they consider that five things are necessary
to insure that the twig shall serve its purpose: of these the first is
the size of the twig, for the force of the veins cannot turn too large a
stick; secondly, there is the shape of the twig, which must be forked or
the vein cannot turn it; thirdly, the power of the vein which has the
nature to turn it; fourthly, the manipulation of the twig; fifthly, the
absence of impeding peculiarities. These advocates of the twig sum up
their conclusions as follows: if the rod does not move for everybody, it
is due to unskilled manipulation or to the impeding peculiarities of the
man which oppose and resist the force of the veins, as we said above,
and those who search for veins by means of the twig need not necessarily
make incantations, but it is sufficient that they handle it suitably and
are devoid of impeding power; therefore, the twig may be of use to good
and serious men in discovering veins. With regard to deflection of
branches of trees they say nothing and adhere to their opinion.
[Illustration 40 (Divining Rod): A--Twig. B--Trench.]
Since this matter remains in dispute and causes much dissention amongst
miners, I consider it ought to be examined on its own merits. The
wizards, who also make use of rings, mirrors and crystals, seek for
veins with a divining rod shaped like a fork; but its shape makes no
difference in the matter,--it might be straight or of some other
form--for it is not the form of the twig that matters, but the wizard's
incantations which it would not become me to repeat, neither do I wish
to do so. The Ancients, by means of the divining rod, not only procured
those things necessary for a livelihood or for luxury, but they were
also able to alter the forms of things by it; as when the magicians
changed the rods of the Egyptians into serpents, as the writings of the
Hebrews relate[22]; and as in Homer, Minerva with a divining rod turned
the aged Ulysses suddenly into a youth, and then restored him back again
to old age; Circe also changed Ulysses' companions into beasts, but
afterward gave them back again their human form[23]; moreover by his
rod, which was called "Caduceus," Mercury gave sleep to watchmen and
awoke slumberers[24]. Therefore it seems that the divining rod passed to
the mines from its impure origin with the magicians. Then when good men
shrank with horror from the incantations and rejected them, the twig was
retained by the unsophisticated common miners, and in searching for new
veins some traces of these ancient usages remain.
But since truly the twigs of the miners do move, albeit they do not
generally use incantations, some say this movement is caused by the
power of the veins, others say that it depends on the manipulation, and
still others think that the movement is due to both these causes. But,
in truth, all those objects which are endowed with the power of
attraction do not twist things in circles, but attract them directly to
themselves; for instance, the magnet does not turn the iron, but draws
it directly to itself, and amber rubbed until it is warm does not bend
straws about, but simply draws them to itself. If the power of the veins
were of a similar nature to that of the magnet and the amber, the twig
would not so much twist as move once only, in a semi-circle, and be
drawn directly to the vein, and unless the strength of the man who holds
the twig were to resist and oppose the force of the vein, the twig would
be brought to the ground; wherefore, since this is not the case, it must
necessarily follow that the manipulation is the cause of the twig's
twisting motion. It is a conspicuous fact that these cunning
manipulators do not use a straight twig, but a forked one cut from a
hazel bush, or from some other wood equally flexible, so that if it be
held in the hands, as they are accustomed to hold it, it turns in a
circle for any man wherever he stands. Nor is it strange that the twig
does not turn when held by the inexperienced, because they either grasp
the forks of the twig too tightly or hold them too loosely.
Nevertheless, these things give rise to the faith among common miners
that veins are discovered by the use of twigs, because whilst using
these they do accidentally discover some; but it more often happens that
they lose their labour, and although they might discover a vein, they
become none the less exhausted in digging useless trenches than do the
miners who prospect in an unfortunate locality. Therefore a miner, since
we think he ought to be a good and serious man, should not make use of
an enchanted twig, because if he is prudent and skilled in the natural
signs, he understands that a forked stick is of no use to him, for as I
have said before, there are the natural indications of the veins which
he can see for himself without the help of twigs. So if Nature or chance
should indicate a locality suitable for mining, the miner should dig his
trenches there; if no vein appears he must dig numerous trenches until
he discovers an outcrop of a vein.
A _vena dilatata_ is rarely discovered by men's labour, but usually some
force or other reveals it, or sometimes it is discovered by a shaft or a
tunnel on a _vena profunda_[25].
The veins after they have been discovered, and likewise the shafts and
tunnels, have names given them, either from their discoverers, as in the
case at Annaberg of the vein called "Koelergang," because a charcoal
burner discovered it; or from their owners, as the Geyer, in
Joachimsthal, because part of the same belonged to Geyer; or from their
products, as the "Pleygang" from lead, or the "Bissmutisch" at
Schneeberg from bismuth[26]; or from some other circumstances, such as
the rich alluvials from the torrent by which they were laid bare in the
valley of Joachim. More often the first discoverers give the names
either of persons, as those of German Kaiser, Apollo, Janus; or the name
of an animal, as that of lion, bear, ram, or cow; or of things
inanimate, as "silver chest" or "ox stalls"; or of something ridiculous,
as "glutton's nightshade"; or finally, for the sake of a good omen, they
call it after the Deity. In ancient times they followed the same custom
and gave names to the veins, shafts and tunnels, as we read in Pliny:
"It is wonderful that the shafts begun by Hannibal in Spain are still
worked, their names being derived from their discoverers. One of these
at the present day, called Baebelo, furnished Hannibal with three
hundred pounds weight (of silver) per day."[27]
END OF BOOK II.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Xenophon. Essay on the Revenues of Athens, IV., 14.
"But we cannot but feel surprised that the State, when it sees many
private individuals enriching themselves from its resources, does not
imitate their proceedings; for we heard long ago, indeed, at least such
of us as attended to these matters, that Nicias the son of Niceratus
kept a thousand men employed in the silver mines, whom he let on hire to
Sosias of Thrace on condition that he should give him for each an obolus
a day, free of all charges; and this number he always supplied
undiminished." (See also Note 6). An obolus a day each, would be about
23 oz. Troy of silver per day for the whole number. In modern value this
would, of course, be but about 50s. per day, but in purchasing power the
value would probably be 100 to 1 (see Note on p. 28). Nicias was
estimated to have a fortune of 100 talents--about 83,700 Troy ounces of
silver, and was one of the wealthiest of the Athenians. (Plutarch, Life
of Nicias).
[2] Xenophon. _Oeconomicus_ XII., 20. "'I approve,' said Ischomachus,
'of the barbarian's answer to the King who found a good horse, and,
wishing to fatten it as soon as possible, asked a man with a good
reputation for horsemanship what would do it?' The man's reply was: 'Its
master's eye.'"
[3] _Praefectus Metallorum._ In Saxony this official was styled the
_Berghauptmann_. For further information see page 94 and note on page
78.
[4] This statement is either based upon Apollodorus, whom Agricola does
not mention among his authorities, or on Strabo, whom he does so
include. The former in his work on Mythology makes such a statement, for
which Strabo (XIV., 5, 28) takes him to task as follows: "With this vain
intention they collected the stories related by the Scepsian
(Demetrius), and taken from Callisthenes and other writers, who did not
clear them from false notions respecting the Halizones; for example,
that the wealth of Tantalus and of the Pelopidae was derived, it is
said, from the mines about Phrygia and Sipylus; that of Cadmus from the
mines of Thrace and Mount Pangaeum; that of Priam from the gold mines of
Astyra, near Abydos (of which at present there are small remains, yet
there is a large quantity of matter ejected, and the excavations are
proofs of former workings); that of Midas from the mines about Mount
Bermium; that of Gyges, Alyattes, and Croesus, from the mines in Lydia
and the small deserted city between Atarneus and Pergamum, where are the
sites of exhausted mines." (Hamilton's Trans., Vol. III., p. 66).
In adopting this view, Agricola apparently applied a wonderful realism
to some Greek mythology--for instance, in the legend of Midas, which
tells of that king being rewarded by the god Dionysus, who granted his
request that all he touched might turn to gold; but the inconvenience of
the gift drove him to pray for relief, which he obtained by bathing in
the Pactolus, the sands of which thereupon became highly auriferous.
Priam was, of course, King of Troy, but Homer does not exhibit him as a
mine-owner. Gyges, Alyattes, and Croesus were successively Kings of
Lydia, from 687 to 546 B.C., and were no doubt possessed of great
treasure in gold. Some few years ago we had occasion to inquire into
extensive old workings locally reputed to be Croesus' mines, at a place
some distance north of Smyrna, which would correspond very closely to
the locality here mentioned.
[5] There can be no doubt that the Carthaginians worked the mines of
Spain on an extensive scale for a very long period anterior to their
conquest by the Romans, but whether the mines were worked by the
Government or not we are unable to find any evidence.
[6] The silver mines of Mt. Laurion formed the economic mainstay of
Athens for the three centuries during which the State had the ascendency
in Greece, and there can be no doubt that the dominance of Athens and
its position as a sea-power were directly due to the revenues from the
mines. The first working of the mines is shrouded in mystery. The
scarcity of silver in the time of Solon (638-598 B.C.) would not
indicate any very considerable output at that time. According to
Xenophon (Essay on Revenue of Athens, IV., 2), written about 355 B.C.,
"they were wrought in very ancient times." The first definite discussion
of the mines in Greek record begins about 500 B.C., for about that time
the royalties began to figure in the Athenian Budget (Aristotle,
Constitution of Athens, 47). There can be no doubt that the mines
reached great prosperity prior to the Persian invasion. In the year 484
B.C. the mines returned 100 Talents (about 83,700 oz. Troy) to the
Treasury, and this, on the advice of Themistocles, was devoted to the
construction of the fleet which conquered the Persians at Salamis (480
B.C.). The mines were much interfered with by the Spartan invasions from
431 to 425 B.C., and again by their occupation in 413 B.C.; and by 355
B.C., when Xenophon wrote the "Revenues," exploitation had fallen to a
low ebb, for which he proposes the remedies noted by Agricola on p. 28.
By the end of the 4th Century, B.C., the mines had again reached
considerable prosperity, as is evidenced by Demosthenes' orations
against Pantaenetus and against Phaenippus, and by Lycurgus' prosecution
of Diphilos for robbing the supporting pillars. The domination of the
Macedonians under Philip and Alexander at the end of the 4th and
beginning of the 3rd Centuries B.C., however, so flooded Greece with
money from the mines of Thrace, that this probably interfered with
Laurion, at this time, in any event, began the decadence of these mines.
Synchronous also was the decadence of Athens, and, but for fitful
displays, the State was not able to maintain even its own independence,
not to mention its position as a dominant State. Finally, Strabo,
writing about 30 B.C. gives the epitaph of every mining
district--reworking the dumps. He says (IX., 1, 23): "The silver mines
in Attica were at first of importance, but are now exhausted. The
workmen, when the mines yielded a bad return to their labour, committed
to the furnace the old refuse and scoria, and hence obtained very pure
silver, for the former workmen had carried on the process in the furnace
unskilfully."
Since 1860, the mines have been worked with some success by a French
Company, thus carrying the mining history of this district over a period
of twenty-seven centuries. The most excellent of many memoirs upon the
mines at Laurion, not only for its critical, historical, and
archaeological value, but also because of its author's great insight into
mining and metallurgy, is that of Edouard Ardaillon (_Les Mines du
Laurion dans l'Antiquite_, Paris, 1897). We have relied considerably
upon this careful study for the following notes, and would refer others
to it for a short bibliography on the subject. We would mention in
passing that Augustus Boeckh's "Silver Mines of Laurion," which is
incorporated with his "Public Economy of Athens" (English Translation by
Lewis, London, 1842) has been too much relied upon by English students.
It is no doubt the product of one acquainted with written history, but
without any special knowledge of the industry and it is based on no
antiquarian research. The Mt. Laurion mining district is located near
the southern end of the Attic Peninsula. The deposits are silver-lead,
and they occur along the contact between approximately horizontal
limestones and slates. There are two principal beds of each, thus
forming three principal contacts. The most metalliferous of these
contacts are those at the base of the slates, the lowest contact of the
series being the richest. The ore-bodies were most irregular, varying
greatly in size, from a thin seam between schist planes, to very large
bodies containing as much as 200,000 cubic metres. The ores are
argentiferous galena, accompanied by considerable amounts of blende and
pyrites, all oxidized near the surface. The ores worked by the Ancients
appear to have been fairly rich in lead, for the discards worked in
recent years by the French Company, and the pillars left behind, ran 8%
to 10% lead. The ratio of silver was from 40 to 90 ounces per ton of
lead. The upper contacts were exposed by erosion and could be entered by
tunnels, but the lowest and most prolific contact line was only to be
reached by shafts. The shafts were ordinarily from four to six feet
square, and were undoubtedly cut by hammer and chisel; they were as much
as 380 feet deep. In some cases long inclines for travelling roads join
the vertical shafts in depth. The drives, whether tunnels or from
shafts, were not level, but followed every caprice of the sinuous
contact. They were from two to two and a half feet wide, often driven in
parallels with cross-cuts between, in order to exploit every corner of
the contact. The stoping of ore-bodies discovered was undertaken quite
systematically, the methods depending in the main on the shape of the
ore-body. If the body was large, its dimensions were first determined by
drives, crosscuts, rises, and winzes, as the case might require. If the
ore was mainly overhead it was overhand-stoped, and the stopes filled as
work progressed, inclined winzes being occasionally driven from the
stopes to the original entry drives. If the ore was mainly below, it was
underhand-stoped, pillars being left if necessary--such pillars in some
cases being thirty feet high. They also employed timber and artificial
pillars. The mines were practically dry. There is little evidence of
breaking by fire. The ore was hand-sorted underground and carried out by
the slaves, and in some cases apparently the windlass was used. It was
treated by grinding in mills and concentrating upon a sort of buddle.
These concentrates--mostly galena--were smelted in low furnaces and the
lead was subsequently cupelled. Further details of metallurgical methods
will be found in Notes on p. 391 and p. 465, on metallurgical subjects.
The mines were worked by slaves. Even the overseers were at times
apparently slaves, for we find (Xenophon, _Memorabilia_, II., 5) that
Nicias paid a whole talent for a good overseer. A talent would be about
837 Troy ounces of silver. As wages of skilled labour were about two and
one half pennyweights of silver per diem, and a family income of 100
ounces of silver per annum was affluence, the ratio of purchasing power
of Attic coinage to modern would be about 100 to 1. Therefore this mine
manager was worth in modern value roughly L8,000. The mines were the
property of the State. The areas were defined by vertical boundaries,
and were let on lease for definite periods for a fixed annual rent. More
ample discussion of the law will be found on p. 83.
[7] Xenophon. (Essay on The Revenues, IV., 30). "I think, however, that
I am able to give some advice with regard to this difficulty also (the
risk of opening new mines), and to show how new operations may be
conducted with the greatest safety. There are ten tribes at Athens, and
if to each of these the State should assign an equal number of slaves,
and the tribes should all make new cuttings, sharing their fortunes in
common, then if but one tribe should make any useful discovery it would
point out something profitable to the whole; but if two, three, or four,
or half the number should make some discovery, it is plain that the
works would be more profitable in proportion, and that they should all
fail is contrary to all experience in past times." (Watson's Trans. p.
258).
[8] Agricola here refers to the proposal of Xenophon for the State to
collect slaves and hire them to work the mines of Laurion. There is no
evidence that this recommendation was ever carried out.
[9] _Partes._ Agricola, p. 89-91, describes in detail the organization
and management of these share companies. See Note 8, p. 90.
[10] This island in the northern AEgean Sea has produced this "earth"
from before Theophrastus' time (372-287 B.C.) down to the present day.
According to Dana (System of Mineralogy 689), it is cimolite, a hydrous
silicate of aluminium. The Ancients distinguished two kinds,--one sort
used as a pigment, and the other for medicinal purposes. This latter was
dug with great ceremony at a certain time of the year, moulded into
cubes, and stamped with a goat,--the symbol of Diana. It thus became
known as _terra sigillata_, and was an article of apothecary commerce
down to the last century. It is described by Galen (XII., 12),
Dioscorides (V., 63), and Pliny (XXXV., 14), as a remedy for ulcers and
snake bites.
[11] _Magister Metallorum_. See Note 1, p. 78, for the reasons of the
adoption of the term _Bergmeister_ and page 95 for details of his
duties.
[12] _Ramenta_. "Particles." The author uses this term indifferently for
fragments, particles of mineral, concentrates, gold dust, black tin,
etc., in all cases the result of either natural or artificial
concentration. As in technical English we have no general term for both
natural and artificial "concentrates," we have rendered it as the
context seemed to demand.
[13] A certain amount of bitumen does float ashore in the Dead Sea; the
origin of it is, however, uncertain. Strabo (XVI., 2, 42), Pliny (V., 15
and 16), and Josephus (IV., 8), all mention this fact. The lake for this
reason is often referred to by the ancient writers by the name
_Asphaltites_.
[14] _Excoctor_,--literally, "Smelter" or "Metallurgist."
[15] This reference should be to the _De Natura Fossilium_ (p. 230),
although there is a short reference to the matter in _De Ortu et Causis_
(p. 59). Agricola maintained that not only were jet and amber varieties
of bitumen, but also coal and camphor and obsidian. As jet (_gagates_)
is but a compact variety of coal, the ancient knowledge of this
substance has more interest than would otherwise attach to the gem,
especially as some materials described in this connection were no doubt
coal. The Greeks often refer to a series of substances which burned,
contained earth, and which no doubt comprised coal. Such substances are
mentioned by Aristotle (_De Mirabilibus_. 33, 41, 125), Nicander
(_Theriaca_. 37), and others, previous to the 2nd Century B.C., but the
most ample description is that of Theophrastus (23-28): "Some of the
more brittle stones there also are, which become as it were burning
coals when put into a fire, and continue so a long time; of this kind
are those about Bena, found in mines and washed down by the torrents,
for they will take fire on burning coals being thrown on them, and will
continue burning as long as anyone blows them; afterward they will
deaden, and may after that be made to burn again. They are therefore of
long continuance, but their smell is troublesome and disagreeable. That
also which is called the _spinus_, is found in mines. This stone, cut in
pieces and thrown together in a heap, exposed to the sun, burns; and
that the more, if it be moistened or sprinkled with water (a
pyritiferous shale?). But the _Lipara_ stone empties itself, as it were,
in burning, and becomes like the _pumice_, changing at once both its
colour and density; for before burning it is black, smooth, and compact.
This stone is found in the Pumices, separately in different places, as
it were, in cells, nowhere continuous to the matter of them. It is said
that in Melos the pumice is produced in this manner in some other stone,
as this is on the contrary in it; but the stone which the pumice is
found in is not at all like the _Lipara_ stone which is found in it.
Certain stones there are about Tetras, in Sicily, which is over against
Lipara, which empty themselves in the same manner in the fire. And in
the promontory called Erineas, there is a great quantity of stone like
that found about Bena, which, when burnt, emits a bituminous smell, and
leaves a matter resembling calcined earth. Those fossil substances that
are called coals, and are broken for use, are earthy; they kindle,
however, and burn like wood coals. These are found in Liguria, where
there also is amber, and in Elis, on the way to Olympia over the
mountains. These are used by smiths." (Based on Hill's Trans.).
Dioscorides and Pliny add nothing of value to this description.
Agricola (_De Nat. Fos._, p. 229-230) not only gives various localities
of jet, but also records its relation to coal. As to the latter, he
describes several occurrences, and describes the deposits as _vena
dilatata_. Coal had come into considerable use all over Europe,
particularly in England, long before Agricola's time; the oft-mentioned
charter to mine sea-coal given to the Monks of Newbottle Abbey, near
Preston, was dated 1210.
Amber was known to the Greeks by the name _electrum_, but whether the
alloy of the same name took its name from the colour of amber or _vice
versa_ is uncertain. The gum is supposed to be referred to by Homer (Od.
XV. 460), and Thales of Miletus (640-546 B.C.) is supposed to have first
described its power of attraction. It is mentioned by many other Greek
authors, AEschylus, Euripides, Aristotle, and others. The latter (_De
Mirabilibus_, 81) records of the amber islands in the Adriatic, that the
inhabitants tell the story that on these islands amber falls from poplar
trees. "This, they say, resembles gum and hardens like stone, the story
of the poets being that after Phaeton was struck by lightning his
sisters turned to poplar trees and shed tears of amber." Theophrastus
(53) says: "Amber is also a stone; it is dug out of the earth in Liguria
and has, like the before-mentioned (lodestone), a power of attraction."
Pliny (XXXVII., 11) gives a long account of both the substance,
literature, and mythology on the subject. His view of its origin was:
"Certainly amber is obtained from the islands of the Northern Ocean, and
is called by the Germans _glaesum_. For this reason the Romans, when
Germanicus Caesar commanded in those parts, called one of them
_Glaesaria_, which was known to the barbarians as _Austeravia_. Amber
originates from gum discharged by a kind of pine tree, like gum from
cherry and resin from the ordinary pine. It is liquid at first, and
issues abundantly and hardens in time by cold, or by the sea when the
rising tides carry off the fragments from the shores of those islands.
Certainly it is thrown on the coasts, and is so light that it appears to
roll in the water. Our forefathers believed that it was the juice of a
tree, for they called it _succinum_. And that it belongs to a kind of
pine tree is proved by the odour of the pine tree which it gives when
rubbed, and that it burns when ignited like a pitch pine torch." The
term amber is of Arabic origin--from _Ambar_--and this term was adopted
by the Greeks after the Christian era. Agricola uses the Latin term
_succinum_ and (_De Nat. Fos._, p. 231-5) disputes the origin from tree
gum, and contends for submarine bitumen springs.
[16] The statement in _De Veteribus et Novis Metallis_ (p. 394) is as
follows:--
"It came about by chance and accident that the silver mines were
discovered at Freiberg in Meissen. By the river Sala, which is not
unknown to Strabo, is Hala, which was once country, but is now a large
town; the site, at any rate, even from Roman times was famous and
renowned for its salt springs, for the possession of which the
Hermunduri fought with the Chatti. When people carried the salt thence
in wagons, as they now do straight through Meissen (Saxony) into
Bohemia--which is lacking in that seasoning to-day no less than
formerly--they saw galena in the wheel tracks, which had been uncovered
by the torrents. This lead ore, since it was similar to that of Goslar,
they put into their carts and carried to Goslar, for the same carriers
were accustomed to carry lead from that city. And since much more silver
was smelted from this galena than from that of Goslar, certain miners
betook themselves to that part of Meissen in which is now situated
Freiberg, a great and wealthy town; and we are told by consistent
stories and general report that they grew rich out of the mines."
Agricola places the discovery of the mines at Freiberg at about 1170.
See Note 11, p. 5.
[17] Diodorus Siculus (V., 35). "These places being covered with woods,
it is said that in ancient times these mountains were set on fire by
shepherds, and continued burning for many days, and parched the earth,
so that an abundance of silver ore was melted, and the metal flowed in
streams of pure silver like a river." Aristotle, nearly three centuries
before Diodorus, mentions this same story (_De Mirabilibus_, 87): "They
say that in Ibernia the woods were set on fire by certain shepherds, and
the earth thus heated, the country visibly flowed silver; and when some
time later there were earthquakes, and the earth burst asunder at
different places, a large amount of silver was collected." As the works
of Posidonius are lost, it is probable that Agricola was quoting from
Strabo (III., 2, 9), who says, in describing Spain: "Posidonius, in
praising the amount and excellence of the metals, cannot refrain from
his accustomed rhetoric, and becomes quite enthusiastic in exaggeration.
He tells us we are not to disbelieve the fable that formerly the forests
having been set on fire, the earth, which was loaded with silver and
gold, melted and threw up these metals to the surface, for inasmuch as
every mountain and wooded hill seemed to be heaped up with money by a
lavish fortune." (Hamilton's Trans. I., p. 220). Or he may have been
quoting from the _Deipnosophistae_ of Athenaeus (VI.), where Posidonius
is quoted: "And the mountains ... when once the woods upon them had
caught fire, spontaneously ran with liquid silver."
[18] Lucretius, _De Rerum Natura_ V. 1241.
[19] Agricola's account of this event in _De Veteribus et Novis
Metallis_ is as follows (p. 393): "Now veins are not always first
disclosed by the hand and labour of man, nor has art always demonstrated
them; sometimes they have been disclosed rather by chance or by good
fortune. I will explain briefly what has been written upon this matter
in history, what miners tell us, and what has occurred in our times.
Thus the mines at Goslar are said to have been found in the following
way. A certain noble, whose name is not recorded, tied his horse, which
was named Ramelus, to the branch of a tree which grew on the mountain.
This horse, pawing the earth with its hoofs, which were iron shod, and
thus turning it over, uncovered a hidden vein of lead, not unlike the
winged Pegasus, who in the legend of the poets opened a spring when he
beat the rock with his hoof. So just as that spring is named Hippocrene
after that horse, so our ancestors named the mountain Rammelsberg.
Whereas the perennial water spring of the poets would long ago have
dried up, the vein even to-day exists, and supplies an abundant amount
of excellent lead. That a horse can have opened a vein will seem
credible to anyone who reflects in how many ways the signs of veins are
shown by chance, all of which are explained in my work _De Re
Metallica_. Therefore, here we will believe the story, both because it
may happen that a horse may disclose a vein, and because the name of the
mountain agrees with the story." Agricola places the discovery of Goslar
in the Hartz at prior to 936. See Note 11, p. 5.
[20] _Fragmenta_. The glossary gives "_Geschube_." This term is defined
in the _Bergwerks' Lexicon_ (Chemnitz, 1743, p. 250) as the pieces of
stone, especially tin-stone, broken from the vein and washed out by the
water--the croppings.
[21] So far as we are able to discover, this is the first published
description of the divining rod as applied to minerals or water. Like
Agricola, many authors have sought to find its origin among the
Ancients. The magic rods of Moses and Homer, especially the rod with
which the former struck the rock at Horeb, the rod described by Ctesias
(died 398 B.C.) which attracted gold and silver, and the _virgula
divina_ of the Romans have all been called up for proof. It is true that
the Romans are responsible for the name _virgula divina_, "divining
rod," but this rod was used for taking auguries by casting bits of wood
(Cicero, _De Divinatione_). Despite all this, while the ancient
naturalists all give detailed directions for finding water, none mention
anything akin to the divining rod of the Middle Ages. It is also worth
noting that the Monk Theophilus in the 12th Century also gives a
detailed description of how to find water, but makes no mention of the
rod. There are two authorities sometimes cited as prior to Agricola, the
first being Basil Valentine in his "Last Will and Testament"
(XXIV-VIII.), and while there may be some reason (see Appendix) for
accepting the authenticity of the "Triumphal Chariot of Antimony" by
this author, as dating about 1500, there can be little doubt that the
"Last Will and Testament" was spurious and dated about 50 years after
Agricola. Paracelsus (_De Natura Rerum_ IX.), says: "These (divinations)
are vain and misleading, and among the first of them are divining rods,
which have deceived many miners. If they once point rightly they deceive
ten or twenty times." In his _De Origine Morborum Invisibilium_ (Book
I.) he adds that the "faith turns the rod." These works were no doubt
written prior to _De Re Metallica_--Paracelsus died in 1541--but they
were not published until some time afterward. Those interested in the
strange persistence of this superstition down to the present day--and
the files of the patent offices of the world are full of it--will find
the subject exhaustively discussed in M. E. Chevreul's "_De la Baguette
Divinatoire_," Paris, 1845; L. Figuier, "_Histoire du Merveilleux dans
les temps moderne II._", Paris, 1860; W. F. Barrett, Proceedings of the
Society of Psychical Research, part 32, 1897, and 38, 1900; R. W.
Raymond, American Inst. of Mining Engineers, 1883, p. 411. Of the
descriptions by those who believed in it there is none better than that
of William Pryce (_Mineralogia Cornubiensis_, London, 1778, pp.
113-123), who devotes much pains to a refutation of Agricola. When we
consider that a century later than Agricola such an advanced mind as
Robert Boyle (1626-1691), the founder of the Royal Society, was
convinced of the genuineness of the divining rod, one is more impressed
with the clarity of Agricola's vision. In fact, there were few indeed,
down to the 19th Century, who did not believe implicitly in the
effectiveness of this instrument, and while science has long since
abandoned it, not a year passes but some new manifestation of its hold
on the popular mind breaks out.
[22] Exodus VII., 10, 11, 12.
[23] Odyssey XVI., 172, and X., 238.
[24] Odyssey XXIV., 1, etc. The _Caduceus_ of Hermes had also the power
of turning things to gold, and it is interesting to note that in its
oldest form, as the insignia of heralds and of ambassadors, it had two
prongs.
[25] In a general way _venae profundae_ were fissure veins and _venae
dilatatae_ were sheeted deposits. For description see Book III.
[26] These mines are in the Erzgebirge. We have adopted the names given
in the German translation.
[27] The quotation from Pliny (XXXIII., 31) as a whole reads as
follows:--
"Silver is found in nearly all the provinces, but the finest of all in
Spain; where it is found in the barren lands, and in the mountains.
Wherever one vein of silver has been found, another is sure to be found
not far away. This is the case of nearly all the metals, whence it
appears that the Greeks derived _metalla_. It is wonderful that the
shafts begun by Hannibal in Spain still remain, their names being
derived from their makers. One of these at the present day called
Baebelo, furnished Hannibal with three hundred pounds' weight (of
silver) per day. This mountain is excavated for a distance of fifteen
hundred paces; and for this distance there are waterbearers lighted by
torches standing night and day baling out the water in turns, thus
making quite a river." Hannibal dates 247-183 B.C. and was therefore
dead 206 years when Pliny was born. According to a footnote in Bostock
and Riley's translation of Pliny, these workings were supposed to be in
the neighbourhood of Castulo, now Cazlona, near Linares. It was at
Castulo that Hannibal married his rich wife Himilce; and in the hills
north of Linares there are ancient silver mines still known as Los Pozos
de Anibal.