mainly because it will save the public school system from
destruction. In the preservation of that system both races
are interested. It can only be preserved by keeping the races
separate in the schools. If the blacks were to demand mixed
schools and were to attempt to secure them through the ballot
box, the whites would at once oppose appropriations for
schools, and the common school system would be ruined. There
are two colored institutions in Atlanta in which white children
are now taught. Co-education in these two schools will soon be
made the excuse for mixed common schools. The agitation will
be productive of much bad feeling and cannot help injuring the
common schools by arousing public sentiment against them. The
sentiment of the State is clearly against mixing the races in
any way, and the Glenn Bill is in harmony with that sentiment.
THE MACON (GA.) TELEGRAPH.
The Glenn Bill, now pending in the Georgia Legislature, is
intended to carry out a clause of the State constitution.
That the people of the State indorse this clause is shown in
the large vote by which the constitution was adopted nearly
a decade since. The framers of that instrument declared that
there should be no mixed schools in Georgia.
This clause has been openly and flagrantly violated by the
teachers of Atlanta University. In that institution social
equality has been notoriously taught and practiced, and in that
institution colored teachers are prepared for places in the
public school system of the State. It would matter but little
if only the white children of the professors of the Atlanta
University were thus taught and trained, but the example is
pernicious and is becoming pervasive. Georgia cannot and will
not permit the natural line of demarcation between blacks
and whites to be broken down. She will countenance nothing
now looking to the mixture of the races in the future, to the
misery and possible destruction of both.
The school system of the State provides equal facilities to
blacks and whites, and the Glenn Bill does not impair or
threaten any right or privilege of the Negro. He is being
educated now, by the taxes of white men, to better advantage
than these same white men were educated years ago. It is the
policy, the interest and the safety of Georgia to keep the line
of demarcation between white and black as distinctly marked
as is the Gulf Stream in the waters of the Atlantic. The most
intelligent negroes favor separate schools and teachers of
their own race. Everything is satisfactory, except to certain
fanatical philanthropists and mischievous politicians, and the
present attempt at intimidation will soon fail.
THE ATLANTA (GA.) CONSTITUTION.
It is understood on every hand that public education at the
south would be overthrown in a moment if mixed schools were to
be ordered now. This is a fact with which every one here is
familiar. This being the case, how is it that the professors
of the Atlanta University, who have presumably been among us
for some time, do not understand the situation? For all we know
they may be trying to make martyrs of themselves, but we tell
them plainly that they have struck a blow at Negro education in
the South from which it will not recover in the next quarter
of a century. If they are really the friends of the Negro they
would have waited for time to do its perfect work, but in
jumping ahead of time they are responsible for sending back the
clock. Thus the matter stands.
THE NASHVILLE CUMBERLAND PRESBYTERIAN.
The bill seems to be aimed at the Atlanta University, where
there are a few white children—mostly those of the teachers—who
have gone there as missionaries to the colored people. A
similar state of things exists in the colored schools of this
State, and particularly in this city. No harm has ever come of
this practice. No white person has ever married a Negro, and
there is not the remotest probability that such a thing will
ever occur. We think it is far better in the South at least
that the two races should be educated in separate schools,
and that they should worship in separate churches. But when
it comes to making it a crime for missionaries to teach
their own children in the schools which they are sustaining
with a self-denial that is really sublime, we enter a most
emphatic protest in the name of the Christian religion which
those people are seeking to propagate among the ignorant and
degraded blacks of the South. The author of this bill in the
Georgia Legislature attempts to justify it on the ground of
his interest in the colored people. He also says that he fears
amalgamation. When assured that no such a result is at all
probable he explains that he fears intellectual amalgamation
even more than physical. This is not even respectable nonsense.
If the contact of an inferior with a superior mind produces an
intellectual hybrid, then we are all in danger. In denouncing
this Georgia bill we do not advocate the co-education of the
two races, nor do we believe there is any sensible man in this
part of the world who does. If the Georgia legislator’s view
is to become the law of the land, then let the Church of God
recall its missionaries from heathen lands and acknowledge
Christianity a failure. The men and women, all over this land,
who have gone among the poor, unfortunate Negroes and taught
them knowledge and the way of salvation deserve special honor
and thanks at our hands. Every consideration of religion and
patriotism ought to make the friends of the Glenn Bill in the
Georgia Legislature ashamed of themselves. There is no nobler
work in this world than helping the lowly. There is no danger
that anybody will be hurt by trying to redeem the negro from
ignorance and sin.
* * * * *
GEORGIA’S NEED OF TEACHERS.
B. M. ZETTLER, Supt. of Public Schools, Macon, Ga., expresses
himself in favor of the Blair Bill, in the following, which we take
from the _Atlanta Constitution_. It should be remembered that the
colored teachers to whom Mr. Zettler refers come largely from the
A. M. A. schools, and especially from the Atlanta University:
“For fifteen years Georgia has been struggling with her public
school system, and owing to lack of means but little progress
has been made towards efficiency and thoroughness. Outside of
our principal cities and towns the people are literally without
school-houses, and the State ought to spend not less than a hundred
thousand dollars annually for five years in providing suitable
school-houses. But with a school fund not sufficient to keep the
schools open three months in the year it is utterly useless to talk
about appropriating a dime for such a purpose.
“Then, too, we need at least a dozen well-equipped normal or
training schools for teachers in different sections of the State,
or, perhaps, which would suit our immediate needs better, fifty
summer institutes to introduce modern methods of teaching, and
prepare persons to teach in the schools. It is a fact, sir, to-day
in Georgia, that most of the white public schools of our rural
districts are taught (?) by broken-down preachers, doctors and
lawyers, men who not only know little about teaching, but who are
‘worn out’ and are physically unequal to the work of teaching. And
just here let me call your attention to the difference in the white
and the colored schools in this respect. The latter are, almost
without exception, in the hands of young men and women as teachers,
and these bring to their work the enthusiasm and freshness of
youth. Scores of them come, too, from the training schools, not
only instructed in modern methods, but overflowing with zeal in
the cause of popular education. They become, in every sense of the
word, ‘missionaries of education’ to their people, and when their
State association convenes in annual session they come up by the
hundred to report results and compare ideas, not forgetting to send
words of greeting to the score or two of white teachers assembled
in the same capacity. Is the contrast a pleasant one for the white
people of our State? I think not.
“But I need not go beyond the borders of our own county to prove
that we need the aid offered by the Blair Bill. Right here in Bibb
we ought to spend ten thousand dollars a year for five years in
building and equipping school-houses. We need, right now, thirty
additional school-houses in the country districts, and at least two
more in the city, and with the addition to our school fund of the
eight to twelve thousand dollars a year for eight years that would
fall to our share under the provisions of the Blair Bill, as it
passed the Senate, we could afford to spend at least five thousand
dollars a year of our county appropriation in these greatly needed
school buildings.”
* * * * *
LE MOYNE INSTITUTE.
I know some readers of THE AMERICAN MISSIONARY, as they follow the
work of the various institutions from year to year in the accounts
sent from the field, wonder how each year in succession can
possibly be reported “the very best in the history of the school,”
and ask rather dubiously if at such a rate perfection is not near.
It is a fact, however, in the history of all our well-established
schools, barring accidents of unusual nature that could not be
foreseen or controlled, that each year does show gratifying
advancement in many respects. Beginning eighteen to twenty or more
years ago with nothing but our hands and plenty of exceedingly raw
material to work upon, it would be strange if room were not found
for improvement and growth, and while thankful for what has been
gained we see abundance of room for yet further advancement. When
this ceases to be the general report from the South it may be taken
as a sign that our presence is no longer needed there. Le Moyne
School can again, as often heretofore, report “the best year in its
whole history.” We have had trials and cares and annoyances, but
most of them have, we trust, but strengthened our work and given
assurance of future triumphs.
Our total enrollment during this year has been larger than ever
before. The average attendance has been much better, more students
remaining in school steadily through the year, and we are certain
that we see a steady growth in stability of mind and character
among our young people. A truer conception of what life is and the
best preparation possible to meet its requirements, we try to keep
constantly in mind as the aim and end of all our work.
The complete equipment of our Manual Training Department and its
complete destruction by fire in April, marks both a triumph and a
trial to us, and its reconstruction and re-equipment before the
middle of May, in every respect more complete and thorough than
before, makes it easy for us to forget the loss and doubly to
rejoice over the doubly won success.
This department adds greatly to the strength of our work and
influence. We feel its reaction for good in every class and
exercise of the school.
The closing exercises of the year were of unusual interest. The
annual sermon was preached by Prof. Austin, a recent graduate of
Fisk University. His sermon, plain and full of applications to life
and personal conduct, showed, with his general bearing, that his
own training had not been in vain, and as coming from one of their
own number who had gained his education and his success by his own
effort, it was received with perhaps better effect than might have
been an abler sermon by one out of their sphere of life.
The Children’s Exhibition and that of the Junior Classes of the
Normal Department were well attended, and of course a source of
great enjoyment and delight to the pupils and their friends,
while the proceeds of admission have given us a handsome sum to
be expended in new books for our growing and most useful library,
containing now over 1,600 volumes, gathered during the past twelve
years by such efforts. The exercises of graduation were attended
by a great throng of people, numbering from two to three thousand,
filling to overflowing the largest church in the city, the African
M. E.
Five students were graduated from the full Normal course, with
the usual accompaniments of flowers and enthusiasm on the part of
admiring friends. It would be difficult to state the meaning of
such occasions to these people. I leave it to be imagined. The
address this year was given by Judge Greer of the city, a most able
and estimable man. He spoke of the advancement of the child over
the parent, showing the vast progress made in the world in the past
century, and hoping for yet better things for generations of youth
coming on and yet to come.
The Alumni meeting brought together nearly thirty of the graduates
of the school, most of the classes being represented. Only the
graduates, the faculty and a few invited guests enjoy this the last
and best exercise of the year.
The addresses then given, some impromptu and some after careful
preparation, brought in themselves, and with the company of
self-respecting young people present, ample reward for the years of
toil and sacrifice that have led to such results. A. J. STEELE.
* * * * *
THE CHINESE.
CALIFORNIA AS A MISSIONARY FIELD.
In the deeply interesting paper of Secretary Barrows, presented
at the last Anniversary of the A. H. M. S., the expectation is
expressed that California, and several other States, “will soon
take upon themselves the whole burden of their own support and, not
only so, will assist the mother society.” I venture to make this
expectation my text for this month’s article in the MISSIONARY,
because it represents a view of California very prevalent among our
Eastern friends, and to one who looks at us through the newspapers
and from a distance of from 2,000 to 4,000 miles, apparently well
founded. It is not impertinent, I think, for me to remark upon
this expectation; I even feel it _necessary_ that I should do so;
because it suggests inevitably the query whether California—if the
responsibility were thrown upon her—could not at once take care of
all needed missionary work among the Chinese.
I think I may safely claim that but _one_ of my brethren is better
acquainted with the condition of our churches in California than I
am, and to him I have submitted the statement I am about to make.
I refer to our veteran Home Missionary Superintendent, Rev. Dr.
Warren. His reply is in these words: “Have read your note carefully
twice; every word is true.”
There is great and rapidly increasing wealth in California; wealth,
if it were held consecrate to Christ, far more than sufficient
to sustain all needed religious institutions; but it is safe to
say that forty-nine fiftieths (and I wrote at first, not without
careful thought, ninety-nine one-hundredths,) of it is in hands
of men who will not consider appeals for missionary contributions
and evince no interest in any church work. There are also some
strong churches in California, in connection with all the leading
denominations, and we, Congregationalists, have perhaps our share
of them. These churches have wealthy men in their congregations,
and a few of these men are professors of religion. But what I wish
noted is that _all_ such churches, so far as our own denomination
is concerned, could be counted on the fingers of one hand. I
name them: The First and Plymouth of San Francisco, the First in
Oakland, and the First in Los Angeles.
Of course, when we speak of churches as strong or weak, we speak
relatively. I have in mind what might be called the New England
standard, and I say that only these four among all our churches
would, if set down in Massachusetts or Connecticut, be accounted
strong. The churches in Berkeley and in Sacramento would rank next
to these, though in both of them the home work involves a constant
struggle. There are certain other points, as Ferndale, Lockeford,
Woodland, South San Juan, and especially Grass Valley, where single
individuals of considerable wealth are connected more or less
closely with our churches, but when I have spoken of these I have
exhausted the list of those who _could_ give largely, however well
disposed.
We have (say) 120 Congregational churches in the State, with (say)
8,000 members. (The last statistics, now nearly a year old, give
114 churches and 7,308 members.) More than three-eighths of this
aggregate membership are to be found in five churches, leaving
to the remaining 115 churches an average membership of about 40.
Among these remaining churches are 15 that have an aggregate
membership now of about 2,500; so that we have 100 churches with an
average membership not exceeding 25. These churches are scattered
over a territory nearly three times as large as all New England.
A line drawn diagonally across California in either direction
would reach from the northeastern point of Maine to the centre
of North Carolina! It is a State of boundless possibilities,
inviting and now welcoming a tremendous immigration. Opportunities
abound. The demands for Christian work, in order to improve these
opportunities, are imperious and almost oppressive. What might
be possible if California Christians were all ideal Christians,
I do not know; but taking Christian people as they average the
country over, taking churches as we find them in this world and
at this particular stage in the development of Christianity, it
is chimerical to suppose that for a _long time_ to come the Home
Missionary work that ought to be done in connection with our
denomination in California will be sustained by contributions made
upon the ground. Still more chimerical it would be to expect that
this missionary work among the Chinese, to which we are summoned by
every instinct of our faith and by a special call of Providence,
but which _here_ is called to encounter special prejudices and
pull a laboring oar unceasingly against both wind and tide,
could be maintained without assistance from abroad. The fact is
that but for the generous assistance of the American Missionary
Association there would not be enough left of our Chinese mission
to stir any interest or induce any giving at all in California.
It is because the Association started us, and because it, and it
alone, enables us to give to the work such extent as it has, and
develop it into such present usefulness and gather about it such
promise of larger good; it is thus, and thus only, that we have
gained our vantage-ground for successful appeal. As it is, the
amount contributed in California for this cause must be to every
one acquainted with all the facts a grateful surprise. It reached
last year a total of $2,654.05. I trust the amount will be no
smaller this year. But should the Association stand aside, it would
in another year be reduced almost to nothing. When effort becomes
hopeless, enthusiasm dies.
* * * * *
GRADUATING ADDRESS OF YAN PHOU LEE, AT YALE COLLEGE.
THE OTHER SIDE OF THE CHINESE QUESTION.
The torrents of hatred and abuse which have periodically swept
over the Chinese industrial class in America had their sources in
the early California days. They grew gradually in strength, and,
uniting in one mighty stream, at last broke the barriers with which
justice, humanity and the Constitution of the Republic had until
then restrained their fury.
The catastrophe was too terrible, and has made too deep an
impression to be easily forgotten. Even if Americans are disposed
to forget, the Chinese will not fail to keep the sad record of
faith unkept, of persecution permitted by an enlightened people,
of rights violated without redress in a land where all are equal
before the law.
Sad it is that in a Christian community only a feeble voice here
and there has been raised against this public wrong; while the
enemies of the Chinese laborer may be counted by the million. Yet
these men, having everything their own way, are still dissatisfied
and cannot rest secure until all the Chinese laborers have been
driven out or killed off with the connivance of a perverted public
opinion. Is it not high time for good men to —— themselves and
say to the enemy of industry and order, “Halt! thus far shalt thou
go, and no farther”? For be assured that after the Chinese have
all departed, those men who are determined to get high wages for
doing nothing will turn against other peaceful sons of toil; and
who would venture to say that there will be absolute safety for the
native American? Mob-rule knows no respect for persons; the Chinese
were attacked first simply because they were the weakest. I do not
deny that the anti-Chinese agitation has some _show_ of reason. But
its strength rests on three erroneous assumptions, by proving the
groundlessness of which the whole superstructure of fallacy and
falsehood can be made to totter.
First, it is assumed that the work to be done and the fund for
labor’s remuneration are fixed quantities, and that if the Chinese
are employed so much will be taken from other laborers. It is
sufficient to reply that no economist holds that view.
Secondly, it is assumed that the Pekin authorities are anxious to
get rid of its redundant population. Nothing can be more absurd.
They have been always, and are still, averse to the emigration
of their subjects; so much so that they yielded only to the
inducements and concessions offered by this Government, which are
embodied in the Burlingame Treaty. Another proof is the readiness
with which they consented to the limitation of Chinese immigration
when the Angell Treaty was negotiated.
Thirdly, it is assumed that China’s four hundred millions are
only waiting for an opening to “inundate” this country. This is
soberly asserted and has the effect of the Gorgon-head; for who is
not stunned at the bare mention of this appalling and impending
disaster? It would be terrible if it were possible—if it could be
true.
But there is no cause for apprehension. The immigration of my
compatriots has been exclusively from Canton and the region around
it within a radius of a hundred miles. The population of this
district is estimated at 5,000,000. Not a single immigrant has
hailed from any other part of the Empire. The Mongolization of
America, therefore, is an event as far off as the Millennium. For
after twenty-five years of unrestricted immigration, your patriotic
agitators could muster up only 200,000 Chinese laborers in all the
States and Territories. Now place this figure side by side with the
3,000,000 of immigrant princes from the “English Poland,” which has
never had more than 8,000,000 inhabitants at any one time, and you
will be struck with the contrast.
What reason can we give why so few comparatively come from China?
The Chinese are by nature and from habit gregarious, but not
migratory. They dislike to cut adrift from the ties of kindred,
the associations of home, the traditions of fatherland. The belief
that their welfare in the future life depends on the proper burial
of their remains in home-soil, followed by sorrowing children and
tearful widow, curbs their desire to go abroad, even with the hope
of bettering their condition. But as only the poorest are tempted
to lead a life of adventure, and as the good Emperor does not
pay their passage money, the number that _can_ leave their native
land is very small. Thus you will find that Chinese immigrants are
usually poor on landing, for they bring no votes in their pockets
which can immediately be turned into money, and so they must rely
upon their countrymen who have preceded them for assistance. This
is afforded by the Six Companies, who accordingly have a lien on
their prospective wages. From this practice of advancing money
arises the terrible accusation that Chinese labor is contract
labor—is slave labor. We know with what reluctance they first
made their way to this country. Oftentimes they had to be drugged
and kidnapped. It was thought necessary, for labor in those days
was in great demand; the Western country was wild; its resources
wanted development. Laborers were welcome irrespective of race or
nationality.