"Colonel Forde is in the Deckan with a very fine detachment of men.
The news from thence you will receive much fresher by this conveyance
than I can possibly send you. If we receive any supplies from England
by the two latter ships, I will endeavour to reinforce him with one
hundred Europeans; and the whole shall have orders to proceed your
way, if we are successful there, and our squadron be arrived upon the
coast. The detachment of his Majesty's 64th regiment, which came on the
Warren, shall be sent you on the same ship, which will sail in a few
days. Remember, my dear Colonel, that if our squadron be superior to
that of the French, our enemies will have no resources. I think a body
of Mahratta horse, well employed, and supported by our troops, would
make such a man as Lally hang himself. You have my most ardent wishes
for success: I have contributed all in my power towards it."
A proportion of the recruits which had arrived by the ships of the
season were subsequently sent to Madras; and a judgment may be formed
of the small military force left in Bengal, from the fact that in the
month of February, on the province of Patna being invaded by the Shah
Zada (or heir-apparent of the Emperor of Delhi), Clive could only form
a force of three hundred European infantry, one hundred artillery, and
two thousand five hundred sepoys. With this small body of men, he not
only marched towards Patna, but while on that expedition directed that
Colonel Forde should proceed to Madras if required.
Clive was anxious for many reasons that Meer Jaffier should pay him a
visit at Calcutta. He considered that such an appearance of cordiality
would be most useful by the impressions it was likely to produce both
upon friends and enemies. This became the more necessary from the state
of affairs at Moorshedabad. A packet had been intercepted from the
French chief[224] at Masulipatam, by which it appeared that some of the
Nabob's generals had offered to join him. Cojah Wazeed was apparently
the principal person concerned in this intrigue. This man, who was
formerly the native agent of the French Company, had made himself
useful to the English during the confederacy against Suraj-u-Dowlah;
but disappointment in his expectations, or some other cause, had
alienated him from our interests.
During these intrigues the minister, Roy Dullub, was deprived of his
employment, and disgraced. The first step taken to lower him was the
appointment of another dewan to the Prince Meeran; and Roy Dullub was
commanded to make over to him the accounts of several of the countries
in his charge. Nundcomar, the governor of Hooghley, appears also to
have been accessory to the disgrace of a minister who had, by his
success and the wealth he had acquired, excited as great a spirit of
envy in his own tribe as of cupidity among the Mahommedans. Besides
being such an object for the rapacity of the Nabob and his son, Roy
Dullub's professed dependence upon the English was a crime not to be
forgiven.
Mr. Watts, who had been deputed to invite the Nabob to Calcutta,
succeeded in his mission. The few obstacles which interposed were
easily overcome, the proposed meeting being for the interest of
both parties. Besides, we are assured by one[225] who had a full
opportunity of knowing his most secret sentiments, that Meer Jaffier,
notwithstanding his jealousy and discontent with his condition, never
could divest himself of a sincere personal regard for Clive. The Nabob
probably thought, that his compliance with this request afforded a
good opportunity to rid himself of the obnoxious Roy Dullub; and he
had no sooner left Moorshedabad, than his son Meeran, no doubt on a
preconcerted plan, prepared to attack the minister's house. But the
resident, Mr. Scrafton, seeing matters come to an extremity, marched
a company of men to his assistance, and took him publicly under the
Company's protection. The accounts of these proceedings were sent to
Mr. Watts, then with the Nabob, who deemed it politic to disown the
proceedings of his son, and consequently could not refuse the request
of Mr. Watts to allow Roy Dullub to accompany them to Calcutta; the
resident having satisfied him that while the English were compelled, by
the obligations of good faith, to protect the life and honour of a man
to whom it was pledged, they had no desire to impose upon Meer Jaffier
the employment of a minister to whom he was adverse.
The Nabob was received at Calcutta with every mark of honour and
respect: great presents were given to him, and every thing done which
could afford him gratification. He appeared much pleased with his
treatment; and Clive expressed himself convinced, that, besides the
salutary impression in other quarters, the best effects had been
produced upon Meer Jaffier's mind by this visit.
Mr. Scrafton at this period left Moorshedabad, and Clive[226] nominated
Mr. Warren Hastings resident at the court of the Nabob; giving, in
the selection of this young[227] but promising civil servant, another
proof of that discernment which enabled him to promote his own fame,
and the interests of his country, by the employment of men adequate to
the task he assigned them. It is here, however, to be remarked, that
no consideration which he gave to those under him exempted them from
open, and often severe censure, when they deviated from what he deemed
their duty. His private letters, even when addressed to men in official
stations, though kind, have always the tone of the superior; but though
Clive evidently brooked no approach to equality in such persons, their
letters evince the greatest confidence in his temper and good feeling,
for they are often as full of long and fretful complaints of his own
conduct towards them as of their reliance on his friendship. We find
this in the correspondence of Mr. Watts, by whom he was greatly aided;
and it occurs more frequently in that of Mr. Scrafton, who, though
personally much attached to Clive, seems to have been, at different
times, very much dissatisfied with the situation in which he was placed.
The first affair in which Mr. Hastings became engaged was of a very
delicate nature. Roy Dullub's family were refused leave to follow
him to Calcutta, where he had remained after the Nabob left it. Mr.
Hastings had hesitated how to act on this occasion, conceiving that the
removal of his family, and their property, could not be effected with
the same just pretence for interference as that which had obtained for
Roy Dullub himself liberty to leave Moorshedabad.
Clive, in answer to this and other letters upon the same subject,
observes, "Your apprehension of matters coming to extremities in case a
guard be sent to bring away Roy Dullub's family is founded on reason.
I never intended you should use force, but merely furnish them with a
party of sepoys to escort them down to Calcutta. You are not acquainted
with the connections between Roy Dullub and the English, and that
they are bound not only to protect him but his family also. You may
remonstrate with decency, as often as opportunity offers, that it is
unjust to keep the mother and daughter from him. As for his brothers,
it is not worth interfering about them. In short, I would have you act
upon all occasions so as to avoid coming to extremities, and at the
same time show as much spirit and resolution as will convince the
durbar that we always have it in our power to make ourselves respected."
The determined conduct of Clive alarmed the Nabob into an abandonment
of the plunder of Roy Dullub's family, who were afterwards allowed to
join him; but Cajah Haddee and Cossim Ali Khan, two Mahommedan leaders,
who were supposed to be attached to the ex-minister, were dismissed,
and afterwards cut off. They were charged with real or pretended
plots against the Nabob's life[228]; and, in the hope of inducing
the English government to abandon the protection of Roy Dullub, Meer
Jaffier informed Mr. Hastings that Clive and that minister were both
said to have written to Cajah Haddee, to encourage him to the act of
assassination. He also stated, that he had intercepted a letter from
Roy Dullub to Cajah Haddee, to the following purport:--"That he had
sent him a lac of rupees by Meer Allee, to forward the design then
in hand; and advised him to take the present occasion to put it into
execution; that both Mr. Watts and Mr. Scrafton had consented to the
enterprise; and that he (Roy Dullub) had engaged to be responsible for
your tunkaws."[229]
Clive appears to have been little pleased with the degree of attention
paid by Mr. Hastings to this intrigue. "You have not yet[230]," he
observes in reply, "been long enough at the durbar to make yourself
acquainted with the dark designs of these Mussulmen. The moment I
perused your letter I could perceive a design in the Nabob, and those
about him, against Roy Dullub; and you may be sure what is alleged
against him, and of his letter to Cajah Haddee, is a forgery from
beginning to end. Roy Dullub is not such a fool as to give any thing
under his own hand; his cautious behaviour, previous to the affair of
Plassey, is a convincing proof of it. Besides, let his inclinations be
what they will, he knows my attachment to the Nabob to be so firmly
fixed, that he would never dare to intrigue against him, well knowing
his life and fortune are in my power. How easy is it to counterfeit
hands and seals in this country; and the Moors, in general, are
villains enough to undertake any thing which may benefit themselves at
another's expense. In short, the whole of the scheme is to exasperate
me so much against Roy Dullub that the Nabob may have the plucking of
all his money. The withdrawing of our protection from a man to whom it
has been once promised would entail disgrace and infamy on the English
nation.
"I cannot avoid entertaining the strongest resentment against the
Nabob, if what you write about Cajah Haddee be true. The man who
dared to accuse me of entering into schemes of assassination ought
to have been punished upon the spot. After the treatment he received
at Calcutta, he must have known that the English are endowed with
sentiments of conscience and honour, which the Moors are strangers
to; and I must desire you will inform him, that if he gives ear to
such things as these, there will soon be an end to all confidence and
friendship between us."
The future inquiries of Mr. Hastings left no doubt that the letter said
to be from Roy Dullub to Cajah Haddee was a fabrication[231] contrived
to injure that person with the English, and to afford a pretext for
plundering or destroying all at Moorshedabad who were connected with,
or attached to, the ex-minister.
The Nabob evinced the greatest anxiety to justify himself to Clive, for
his conduct on this occasion; and as the unwearied object of the latter
was to conciliate Meer Jaffier, and inspire him with confidence in the
alliance, his explanations were readily received.
Clive's correspondence, at this period, shows that he was most
solicitous to improve the efficacy of his small military force; but,
in effecting this object, he had much opposition to overcome. He had
recommended a plan, which was carried into execution, of incorporating
troops of the different settlements who had served under him into one
army; giving the officers and men, from Madras and Bombay, the option
of remaining, or of returning to their respective presidencies; those
that remained, enjoying, of course, their rank. This arrangement
was dictated by the exigencies of the service, and grounded upon
the justest principles; some of the captains of the Bengal troops
deemed it, however, in the instance of Captain Govin, of the Bombay
establishment, to be so injurious to their interests, that they not
only remonstrated against it as a supercession, but tendered the
resignation of their commissions unless the grievance was redressed.
This remonstrance was addressed to the Council at Calcutta, who
referred it to Clive, in his station of Commander of the army. His
opinion upon this case will be found in the following letter[232]:--
"The remonstrating captains," he observes, "have either wilfully,
or ignorantly, misrepresented the nature of superseding. An officer
cannot be said to be superseded, unless one of inferior rank, in the
same corps, be put over his head. Now, I can safely aver that I never,
during the whole of my command, have done so by any officer, except
in the case of Captain-Lieutenant Wagner, to whom I refused giving a
vacant company, as I did not think him deserving thereof.
"The incorporation of the troops having been determined on as a
necessary measure, the several officers of the three different
establishments being now united, were, of course, to take rank
according to the date of their respective commissions, in the same
manner as the officers of different corps in His Majesty's service,
when they happen to meet. Now, as Captain Govin had been ordered here
by the Presidency of Bombay, to take the command of their detachment,
without their knowing that such incorporation was to take place, it
is evident they could have no design of injuring the officers of this
establishment, as has been injuriously represented; and, therefore, to
have sent him back, after having been so formally ordered here, would
have been the highest indignity to the Council of Bombay, as well as to
the gentleman himself; and, as he remained here, he had an undoubted
right to maintain that rank which the seniority of the commission gave
him.
"The truth of the matter is, the most of the gentlemen who have been
so violent in their remonstrances were grown sufficiently rich in your
service to be desirous of any pretence for quitting it. They will
prove, however, no great loss, as no services can be expected from men
who have so little spirit and gratitude as to resign their commissions
at this critical time, and on ill-grounded pretences.
"I flatter myself it will be now obvious to every unprejudiced person,
that I have been unjustly charged by these gentlemen with having
superseded them, the doing of which, I readily agree, ought to be
practised as seldom as possible. Yet such is the nature of the service
in this country, that the preservation of your settlement may at times
depend upon the taking of such a step; and as, by the want of field
officers, your captains are often intrusted with the conducting of
expeditions of the utmost importance, in such case, if you be desirous
of insuring success you must have regard to the man only, and not the
rank."
No reasoning could be more clear, no opinions more correct, than those
contained in this letter. The principles inculcated, both as to general
rules and exceptions, are alike just. It breathes, also, that calm
but high spirit of command, and that firmness of purpose, which could
alone support discipline in an army so constituted and so situated.
It is often from such instances of conduct, more than from the most
brilliant achievements, that we are enabled to form a true estimate of
individual character. Clive, as appears from the correspondence in my
possession, was censured by many as hazarding the territories of Bengal
by the expedition under Colonel Forde; but all his private letters
show that he was very sanguine in his anticipation of that brilliant
success which was the result of this measure. After expressing to one
of the Directors[233] his hope of expelling, by the operations of this
detachment, the French from Golconda, and aiding the Presidency of Fort
St. George, he concludes his letter in the following words:--"Success
is in the hands of the Almighty; but I own I entertain the most
sanguine expectations from the late armament."
With respect to the safety of Bengal, he evidently trusted in a very
great degree to the influence of his own name and character. He was
perfectly acquainted with the natives of India; and he knew that,
with them, personal confidence, and a belief in the good fortune of
an individual, had an almost superstitious influence, and gave him a
strength which more than made amends for the inefficiency of his force.
In the beginning of the year 1759, intelligence was received that the
Shah Zada[234], Shah Alum (eldest son of the Emperor of Delhi), had
arrived at Benares, accompanied by a force of eight thousand men, and
that his purpose was to invade Bahar, to which it was reported he was
invited by Ram Narrain, the Governor of that province, whose fidelity
to his allegiance continued to be suspected by the Prince Meeran, and
by the Mahommedan nobles of Meer Jaffier's court.[235] Before we detail
the measures which the advance of the Prince led the Nabob and the
English to adopt, it will be useful to say a few words upon the actual
condition at this period of the imperial family of Delhi.
The power of the Emperors of Delhi, subsequent to the death of
Aurungzebe[236] had rapidly declined. That artful prince had struggled
through life to maintain the appearance of health in an empire which
was in a disordered and decaying state before he attained it; and by
his crooked policy accelerated that destruction which was completed by
the weakness of his successors.
Forty years after his decease, and after the murder or death of five
intermediate princes, Mahommed Shah ascended the throne, and reigned
twenty-seven years. The direction of the limited power he possessed
was, during the whole of that period, an object of violent contention
to the turbulent and ambitious nobles by whom he was surrounded;
and, while these were engaged in intrigues and hostile struggles
for the possession of the Emperor's person and his capital, others
took advantage of their divisions, and of the general confusion, to
usurp the fairest provinces of the empire, and to transmit them as an
inheritance to their descendants.
The Mahrattas, who had only fifty years before emerged from obscurity,
were so powerful in the reign of Mahommed Shah, that they plundered the
suburbs of Delhi; and that capital was, during the same unpropitious
period, taken and sacked by Nadir Shah, who, after his terrible
invasion, restored to the unhappy sovereign of India his degraded
throne and distracted dominions.
Mahommed Shah died in 1747. He was succeeded by Ahmed Shah, who reigned
but a few years, when he was dethroned, and had his eyes put out in
1753. He was succeeded by Alumgeer the Second, with whom perished
even that semblance of authority which his immediate predecessors had
preserved. Soon after his accession, he became a mere instrument in the
hands of his vizier (or minister) Ghazee-u-Deen[237], the grandson of
the celebrated Nizam-ul-Mûlk.
Shah Alum[238], the eldest son of the Emperor of Delhi, fled from
that capital. His first object was emancipation from that thraldom
in which his father and family were kept by the cruel and ambitious
Ghazee-u-Deen. When at a distance from court, he began to collect
followers. India, at this period, abounded with military adventurers;
and the high name of Shah Alum, and the reputation of his minister
Ali Murad Khan, brought many to his standard. He was kindly received
by some of the principal chiefs in Hindustan; but, according to the
reports at Moorshedabad, it was Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Vizier of Oude,
who directed his views to the invasion of Bahar. That prince, however,
artfully kept in the back-ground, until he saw the result of the
attempt upon Patna, the capital of that province.
The belief of the Shah Zada being connected with the Vizier, combined
with the report of his being joined by the French party under Law[239],
(added to the doubts entertained of Ram Narrain's fidelity), created
serious alarm to the Nabob, whose mind was agitated by other causes.
His son[240] continued to pursue a conduct calculated to give him very
serious uneasiness, while his troops mutinied, and refused to march
unless their arrears were paid. To add to these difficulties, Jugget
Seit and his brother, who have been often mentioned as the principal
soucars (or bankers) of the country, had obtained leave to proceed on
a pilgrimage to Pursnath[241], and had commenced their journey, when
information was received that they were in correspondence with the
Shah Zada, and had actually furnished him with the means of paying
his new levies. The Nabob, giving credit to this report, sent to stop
them; but they refused compliance with his orders, and proceeded under
the guard of the two thousand men which he had furnished for their
escort. These troops, on receiving a promise of the liquidation of
their arrears, readily transferred their allegiance from the Prince to
his bankers. The Nabob, if he had had the disposition, would probably
have found himself without the means of coercing these wealthy subjects
into obedience. The principal bankers of India command, through the
influence of their extensive credit, the respect of sovereigns, and
the support of their principal ministers and generals. Their property,
though often immense, is seldom in a tangible form. Their great profits
enable them to bear moderate exactions; and the prince who has recourse
to violence towards one of this class is not only likely to fail in
his immediate object of plunder, but is certain to destroy his future
resources, and to excite an impression of his character that must
greatly facilitate those attempts against his life and power to which
it is the lot of despots to be continually exposed.
Amid his difficulties and distresses, Meer Jaffier looked exclusively
to Clive, to whom he wrote every day; and Mr. Hastings's letters of
similar dates represent that not only that prince, but all classes
(even to the mutinous troops), confided in him, and in him alone.
Clive, before these occurrences, had been appointed by the Directors to
the station of Governor of Bengal; and his nomination was accompanied
with such marks of regard and esteem, as induced him to forego his
intention of going to England, and to determine to remain fourteen or
fifteen months longer, "by which time," he observes, in a letter[242]
to the Council at Fort William, "I persuade myself the treaty with the
Nabob will be fulfilled, the fortifications in a state of defence, and
such a force arrived from England as may secure to the Company their
valuable acquisitions. These three objects are what I have always had
much at heart; and if they can be completed, I flatter myself the
Court of Directors will think I have answered their expectations, and
will approve of my returning to Europe, to enjoy the fruits of war,
which has been carried on for upwards of seven years almost without
intermission."
Clive complains in this letter of the intention signified by several
of the members of Council to quit the service, and particularly calls
upon Mr. Manningham and Mr. Frankland to alter their resolution, and to
continue to him and to the public their valuable aid. He concludes this
despatch with a merited compliment to Mr. Watts[243], whom he considers
to have had just cause given him for resigning the service.
The moment the report of the Shah Zada's advance was confirmed, Clive
gave the Nabob every assurance of complete support. He wrote also to
Mr. Hastings[244], directing him to give confidence to the court of
Moorshedabad. "The dissensions," he states, "subsisting between the
Nabob and his people give me much more concern than the news of the
Shah Zada's motions, as there would be little to fear from the latter,
did the former take the proper measures to secure his being well
served."
Alluding to the mutinous commanders who had signified, through Golam
Shah[245], their willingness to march, and do their duty, if Clive
would give them his protection, he observes in the same letter, "I
don't think it would be right to enter into any engagements with Golam
Shah; but you may assure him from me, that, on my arrival in the city
(which I expect will be in five or six days), I will endeavour to
settle matters, that the jemidars shall have nothing to apprehend in
future."
Ram Narrain had with reason taken alarm at the Nabob's designs, and
communicated his fears through Mr. Amyatt[246], the chief of the
factory at Patna. Clive desired he might be assured of his constant
support and protection. "Should any movements," he wrote, "be made
with an ill design towards him, I will march myself in person to his
assistance."
When Clive found that the Shah Zada was advancing to Allahabad, and
had summoned Ram Narrain to obey his orders, he wrote to Meer Jaffier,
stating that he did not think there was much to be apprehended from
the Emperor's son. "I would not," he observes[247], "have you think
of coming to any terms with him, but proceed to take the necessary
measures to defend your city to the last. On Monday, the last of this
month, I shall take the field, and will have every thing in readiness
to march to your assistance if necessary. Rest assured that the English
are your stanch and firm friends, and that they never desert a cause in
which they have once taken a part."
Clive subsequently wrote[248] Meer Jaffier that, though he considered
the troops at Patna quite equal to repel the Shah Zada, the
apprehension entertained of the latter being joined or supported by
Sujah-u-Dowlah required that an army should march. In this letter he
entreats the Nabob to have confidence in Ram Narrain.
"He is not a great sepoy (soldier)," he observes, "but he is an honest
man."
A letter[249] from Ram Narrain to Clive, at this period, showed that
his allegiance depended exclusively upon the assurances of support he
received from the English Government.
"I have from time to time," he writes, "advised you of the Shah Zada's
coming this way; but Mr. Amyatt's letters will make you acquainted
with every circumstance; for I always acquaint him as soon as I have
any fresh intelligence. My dependance is solely upon you. Troubles are
very near at hand: this is the time for assisting me. I beg you will
without delay send me your orders in what manner I am to act. I am very
impatient for an answer to this letter."
"Since writing the above, I learn some wicked people have been
representing me in a bad light to the Nabob, and that he is very
angry with me. God knows, it is on your account that I am the Nabob's
servant. If at this time the Chuta Nabob[250] only should be sent with
forces to my assistance, it will raise doubts in many people's minds,
and I myself shall be suspicious. I have no dependance on any soul
living but yourself. Mr. Amyatt's letter will give you many particulars
about this city."
The suspicions which Ram Narrain entertained of the Nabob's hostile
disposition were well founded: many documents prove this fact. Mr.
Hastings, in a letter[251] to Clive, observes, "What the Nabob's
design is in sending Cassim Ali Khan to Patna, or in deferring his
own departure, I am not informed; but, as it is past a doubt that the
Nabob is no friend to Ram Narrain, and has almost openly accused him of
treachery in this late affair, there is but too much reason to suspect
that something is intended to Ram Narrain's prejudice."
The Court of Moorshedabad continued to pursue its favourite object--the
removing and plundering an able but rich Hindu, at a moment when the
safety or loss of Bahar depended upon his fidelity or defection.
Clive saw, and pitied this wretched policy, which he was successful
in counteracting, in a manner that gave confidence to the alarmed
Ram Narrain, without outraging the feelings, or bringing into public
disrepute the conduct, of Meer Jaffier. There is no transaction of his
life in which he more displayed that temper and consideration which
the character and circumstances of those with whom he was associated
required, or more calmly and firmly maintained that high reputation
for good faith on which the stability of the British power so much
depended.
The fears of Meer Jaffier were so great, that he proposed, as one
expedient, to purchase the retreat of the Shah Zada; but Clive, the
moment he heard of this intention, wrote to dissuade him from a
measure which could have no effect but that of inviting others to like
profitable inroads. "I have just heard," Clive writes to the Nabob, "a
piece of intelligence[252], which I can scarce give credit to; it is,
that your Excellency is going to offer a sum of money to the King's
son. If you do this, you will have Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Mahrattas, and
many more, come from all parts to the confines of your country, who
will bully you out of money, till you have none left in your treasury.
If your Excellency should pursue this method, it will be furnishing the
King's son with the means to raise forces, which, indeed, may endanger
the loss of your country. What will be said, if the great Jaffier Ali
Khan, Subah of this province, who commands an army of sixty thousand
men, should offer money to a boy who has scarce a soldier with him? I
beg your Excellency will rely on the fidelity of the English, and of
those troops which are attached to you."
To Ram Narrain Clive reiterated his assurances of aid and protection.
"It was," he states, in a letter[253] to that ruler, "on account of
your strictness for justice, your courage, and your fidelity, that I
got the Nabob to confirm you in the Subahship of Patna. It surprises me
much to hear that you suffer yourself to be under such apprehensions of
the King's son, who has not more than two thousand men. I would have
you march out of the city with your forces, and encamp at a distance.
Mr. Amyatt will accompany you. I have this day pitched my tent, and
(with the blessing of God), if it be necessary, I will come to your
assistance."
Clive received a very flowery and complimentary letter[254] from the
Shah Zada, and another from his minister Maddar-u-Dowlah. The purport
of both was to invite him to pay his personal respects; and a letter
from Fyaz Ali Khan, received at the same time, intimated that the
Prince had thoughts of doing great things by Clive's counsel, and in
conjunction with him."
Conceiving, no doubt, that a knowledge of this correspondence might
alarm Meer Jaffier, Clive sent him copies of all the letters. He also
informed him that some of the Shah Zada's agents had been with him.
"They made me," he observes, "offers of provinces upon provinces,
with whatever my heart could desire; but could he give, as well as
offer me, the whole empire of Hindustan, it would have no weight with
the English. I am well assured, too, that he wrote to every man of
consequence in these parts; which convinces me that he has designs
against these provinces. It is the custom of the English to treat the
persons of ambassadors as sacred, and I told the Shah Zada's agents as
much; but at the same time warned them never to come near me again,
for, if they did, I would take their heads for their pains."
Clive, having received a request from the Nabob, marched on the 25th
of February; and, after remaining a short time at Moorshedabad, he
proceeded, accompanied by the Nabob's son, towards Patna.
Though the Emperor of Delhi possessed, personally, no authority;
though his mandates were evaded or disregarded throughout the greater
part of his dominions, on the just ground of their being issued by
one notoriously not a free agent; still there existed the greatest
reverence for his name. He was, as yet, deemed the sole fountain
of honour; and every outward mark of respect, every profession of
allegiance, continued to be paid to the person who filled the throne
of the house of Timour. Until his sunnud (or commission) was received,
no possession, whether obtained by inheritance or usurpation, was
deemed valid, and no title of nobility was recognised as legitimate
unless conferred by him. In countries like India, where the community
is almost in a primitive state, usage has a power, of which it is
difficult to convey an idea to those accustomed only to a more
artificial and advanced state of society. At the period here treated
of, when the Emperor was known to be quite powerless, and to act under
personal restraint, such was the impression throughout India of the
nominal allegiance to which he was entitled, that no usurper, however
daring, could outrage the general feeling so far as to treat his name
with disrespect, or neglect forms to which consequence continued to be
attached long after all the substance of authority was fled from that
family for whose support they were instituted.
Clive appears to have been deeply impressed with the necessity of
attention to this popular feeling, and to have studiously established
an influence at the Court of Delhi. When Meer Jaffier obtained the
sunnud (or commission) and investiture as Nabob of Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa, Clive was honoured, at the same time, with a high title[256]
of nobility, and the grade of Munsubdar, or Commander in the Imperial
Army; distinctions to which he appears to have attached considerable
importance, and which were, no doubt, of value, as they increased his
consequence in the eyes of the natives.
I have elsewhere given my opinion very fully upon this subject, and
have expressed my sentiments as to the motives by which Clive was
governed in all his intercourse with the Court of Delhi. I have stated
"that, though general reasoners may deem such conduct a sacrifice to
prejudice, a reverence to a shadow; yet the fact cannot be denied,
that, by making that sacrifice, and by reverencing that shadow, Clive
went in unison with the feelings and opinions of millions of men.
Such inconsistencies as those which exist in our connection with the
fallen descendants of the house of Timour are frequent in political
communities, and particularly as they have existed from time immemorial
in India. They grow out of the habits, the sentiments, and sometimes
the superstition, of human beings; and wise statesmen, referring to
their source, will ever treat them with consideration and respect."[257]
Clive, when he dismissed the agents of Shah Alum, wrote to that prince
in a manner which left him without the slightest hope of success
in forming a connection with the English. The substance of this
letter[258] was as follows:--"I have had the honour to receive your
Highness's firman.[259] It gives me great concern to find that this
country must become a scene of troubles. I beg leave to inform you that
I have been favoured with a sunnud from the Emperor, appointing me a
Munsubdar of the rank of six thousand foot and five thousand horse,
which constitutes me a servant of his; and as I have not received any
orders, either from the Emperor or Vizier, acquainting me of your
coming down here, I cannot pay that due regard to your Highness's
orders which I would otherwise wish to do. I must further beg leave to
inform you, that I am under the strictest engagements with the present
Subadar of these provinces to assist him at all times; and it is not
the custom of the English nation to be guilty of insincerity."
This communication was expressed in terms which could not be
misunderstood; but it, at the same time, preserved that tone of
respect, and professed obedience to the Emperor, which it would have
been prejudicial to the interests of the English Government and its
ally to have neglected.
Clive, when he arrived at Moorshedabad, on his march to Patna, had a
long conference with the Nabob, the substance of which he details in
his letters to the Select Committee. He laid before him the causes of
the internal danger with which he was threatened from seditious nobles
and a mutinous army. His own conduct, he informed him, had produced
these effects; and his loss of the confidence of all classes of his
subjects had the natural consequence of inviting foreign invasion.
These truths, he appeared to hope, might make some impression; and
he further informed the Committee, that, though he had stated his
sentiments so frankly, he had, at the same time, complied with the
Nabob's solicitation to ride on the same elephant with him, and adopted
every measure that could support him in his administration.
In a letter, dated the 12th of March, to the Secret Committee of the
Court of Directors, Clive informs them of the cause of the expedition
to Patna, the strength of his force, and his expectations of the result.
"The Select Committee," he observes, "have already acquainted you that
we were threatened with a storm from the north, and that the Mogul's
son, who has for some time been in-arms against his father, or rather
the Vizier, his father's minister, had entered the frontiers of these
provinces in a hostile manner. As the Prince is daily advancing, though
but slowly, it was judged expedient that our forces should march to
the northward, in order, in conjunction with those of the Nabob, to
put a stop to his progress. As I flatter myself my presence will be of
service to the common cause (my former successes having gained me some
degree of influence in the country), I have put myself at the head of
the forces. They consist of about four hundred and fifty Europeans,
and two thousand five hundred sepoys; and with these, few as they
are, I trust we shall give a good account of the Shah Zada, though
his army is said to be thirty thousand strong, provided the Nabob's
people keep firm to him: and should even the contrary happen, and the
Subadar's troops desert him, we shall be able to make our party good,
and to maintain our own. Indeed, the only danger, in my opinion, to be
apprehended is from the dissatisfaction among the Nabob's principal
officers, occasioned by his treachery towards and ill-usage of them.
However, in the several conferences I have had with him, since my
arrival here, I have so strongly pointed out to him the danger of such
like behaviour, as cannot fail inducing him to a change of conduct
for the future; and the confidence which I know the jemidars have in
the English will, I hope, retain them in their allegiance to their
sovereign.
"We shall leave this to-morrow; and I propose marching with the
utmost expedition to the relief of Patna, which is in great danger
of being lost, as well as the whole province of Bahar, the Shah Zada
being actually arrived at the Caramnassa, the river which divides the
countries of Oude and Bahar. It is yet uncertain whether M. Law, with
his few fugitives, will join him, or not."
When the troops reached Shahabad, advices reached Meeran[260] that Ram
Narrain had actually gone over to the Shah Zada. This, however, proved
incorrect; the wary Hindu had only faltered in his allegiance until he
heard Clive was advancing.
His visit to the Shah Zada, which gave rise to the report of his
defection, was merely to gain time. It was now learnt from subsequent
accounts that he was defending the city, and had already repelled two
attacks. Clive, who was making very rapid marches to join him, directed
Ensign Mathews, who was in advance in command of a battalion of sepoys,
to hasten to Patna and co-operate with Ram Narrain; a service which
was effected by that young officer in a way which gave promise of the
eminence which he afterwards attained.
Confident from the efforts which were made to support him, and the near
approach of his friends, Ram Narrain made the most gallant exertions
to save the city. Every assault was repelled, and the enemy drew
back after they had possessed themselves of some of the bastions.
Discouraged at these defeats, and alarmed at the near approach of the
corps under Mathews[261], and Clive's rapid advance, the Shah Zada
broke up his camp, and retreated.
Clive, in a letter to Mr. Spencer of the Bombay establishment, thus
shortly describes the Shah Zada's advance and flight:--"The King's son,
who, about a year ago, escaped out of the Vizier's hands, has been ever
since fishing in troubled waters; he has been with the Rohillas, the
Jauts, the Mahrattas, and Patans; and, about three months ago, fled
for protection to Sujah-u-Dowlah, the Nabob of Oude, a mortal enemy
to the Vizier, and was received by him with great respect. He sent
his brother-in-law, Mahommed Kooli Khan, with five thousand horse,
into these parts, in hopes of effecting a revolution: and, indeed,
the name of the King's eldest son was so great, that, as soon as he
entered the province, he was joined from all parts; and, by the time
of his arrival before Patna, his army was forty thousand strong. The
ruler of this place being entirely in the English interest, what with
small presents and negotiation, delayed the attack of the city for some
time: but on the 23d of March the fighting began, and lasted till the
4th of April, when our advanced guard arrived within four coss of the
city, upon which the Shah Zada and his forces retired with the utmost
precipitation, and are now getting much faster out of the province
than they came in. We shall continue following them to the bank of the
Caramnassa. I hope to secure the peace of these provinces for one year
longer at least, by which time the whole of the Nabob's treaty will be
concluded.
"The enemy made several vigorous attacks upon the city, and were
once in possession of two bastions, but were driven off with great
slaughter: they have certainly lost a great many men. M. Law, with his
small party, joined the King's son on the day of their retreat, but
could not prevail upon him to make another attack."
While Clive was advancing towards Patna, a letter[262] from Meer
Jaffier informed him that he had received the command of the Emperor to
seize the person of the Shah Zada. The imperial edict was enclosed; its
contents were as follows:--"Know that you are under the shadow of my
favour. Some ill-designing people have turned the brain of my beloved
son Mahommed Ali Gohur[263], and are carrying him to the eastern part
of the empire, which must be the cause of much trouble and ruin to
my country. I therefore order you, who are my servant, to proceed
immediately to Patna, and secure the person of my son, and keep him
there. You are likewise to punish his attendants, that other people may
take warning thereby. In doing this you will gain my favour and have a
good name. Know this must be done."
The Vizier[264], Ghazee-u-Deen, addressed a letter of the same purport
to Clive, who, as well as the Nabob, appears to have considered it an
object to proclaim, that, in opposing the Shah Zada, they were acting
in conformity with the commands of his offended father.
The retreat of the Shah Zada was precipitate. He hastened to cross
the Caramnassa, a river which divides the territories of the Nabob of
Bengal from those of the Vizier of Oude; but the latter, who would
have been ready to support him had he been successful, now proclaimed
himself the enemy of that unhappy prince, who, abandoned by his
followers, and not knowing whither to fly, sought the protection of the
English Government.[265]
Clive communicates the overture which he made in a letter, under date
the 24th of April, to Mr. Manningham.
"The force of the Shah Zada," he observes, "is now entirely broken:
he has himself been obliged to repass the Caramnassa for fear of
Sujah-u-Dowlah, who sent a body of troops to prevent his entering
into his dominions. The Prince, reduced to no more than three hundred
followers, has again written to me; and, from the conversation I had
with the horseman who brought the letter, a person greatly in his
confidence, I find he wants, in his present distress, to throw himself
upon the English, from a conviction that there is none else in whom he
can trust. I have consulted with Ram Narrain, who is of opinion[266]
that the Nabob can never be safe, should a person of his high rank be
admitted into these provinces; and that his presence would expose the
country to continual commotions. I have therefore answered him, that
my connections with the Nabob were of so solemn a nature, as would not
allow of my affording him any protection; and on that account advised
him to keep out of the way, as I was now on the point of marching to
the Caramnassa. M. Law has passed the Great River[267], but, we are
informed, has only from twenty to thirty men with him: if so, a great
number must have deserted from him, and it is probable we shall soon
have some of them with us."
Notwithstanding the decided terms of this letter, the Shah Zada
continued to hope that he might yet prevail upon the generosity of
Clive to afford him the protection of the British Government. This,
however, would have been attended with more hazard to the peace of
the country than Clive thought himself justified in incurring; but,
while he was compelled by policy to refuse his request, he did so in
a manner calculated to add as little as possible to the distress and
difficulties with which he was surrounded.
"I have had," he observes in a letter[268] to Mr. Manningham,
"repeated letters from the Shah Zada, evidently intending to throw
himself upon us; but, for the reasons alleged in my last, have
absolutely determined against receiving him. I have indeed, (so great
is his distress), sent him a present of five hundred gold mohurs[269],
to enable him to get out of our country; and he has, in consequence
thereof, passed the Caramnassa, and is endeavouring to cross the Great
River, with intention, it is said, to take refuge in the Gazipoor
country."
Clive's letter to the Prince (of the 30th of April), though kind, is
at once decided and explicit. "The only letter," he observes, "I had
the honour to write you was by Fyaz Ali Khan's brother from Calcutta.
I therein acquainted your Highness that I was under the strictest
alliance with Meer Jaffier, and bound by oath to assist him. Since
that time I have received repeated orders from the Vizier, and even
from the King, not only to oppose your Highness, but even to lay
hold of your person. I am sorry to acquaint your Highness with these
disagreeable things, but I cannot help it. Were I to assist your
Highness in any respect, it would be attended with the ruin of this
country. It is better that one should suffer, however great, than that
so many thousands should be rendered unhappy. I have only to recommend
your Highness to the Almighty's protection. I wish to God it were in
my power to assist you, but it is not. I am now on my march to the
Caramnassa, and earnestly recommend it to you to withdraw before I
arrive there."
Clive, as already stated, had received several letters[270], written
by command of the Emperor, to urge him to act against the Shah Zada.
When all was settled, he addressed a letter[271] to the Vizier, in
which he states, that, "after putting an end to the troubles in Bahar,
agreeable to his Excellency's orders, he had set out for Bengal."
Clive had proceeded with the troops of the Nabob against the Rajpoot
and hill chiefs, who had invited and aided Shah Alum. These were soon
compelled by his operations to submit to terms; and this settlement
enabled him to return to Calcutta, leaving a small force to aid Ram
Narrain in his local administration.
Before Clive left Patna, the dangers which three months before
threatened Bengal were completely dispelled; and it is not too
much to aver, that the happy result of this unpromising expedition
was exclusively to be ascribed to his personal efforts, and to the
influence of his character. His prompt and open manner allayed, for
the moment, the jealousy of the Nabob and the violence of Meeran.
Their disaffected chiefs and mutinous soldiers were alone prevented
from defection or excess by his presence and exhortations. It was
exclusive confidence in Clive that preserved the fidelity and animated
the courage of Ram Narrain to those exertions which saved the city of
Patna from being plundered, and the rich province under his rule from
being laid waste; and, when the Shah Zada fled, the personal reliance
of the Rajpoot chiefs of Bahar on the British commander accelerated
the settlement of those districts which the advance of the Prince had
incited to rebellion.
We have stated how much Clive studied popular feeling throughout this
service, by acting in conformity with the wishes and commands of the
Court of Delhi. The information of the modern historian of India
appears here very defective, from the observations he has made upon
this part of Clive's conduct. In describing the invasion of Bahar,
Mr. Mill[273] states, that "the Prince (Shah Alum) having obtained
from the Emperor legal investiture as Subadar of Bengal, Bahar, and
Orissa, crossed the Caramnassa;" and, after detailing the result of
his enterprise, observes[274], "The hardihood of Clive was seldom
overcome by scruples. Yet the Emperor Alumgeer was legitimate sovereign
of Bengal, and had undoubted right to appoint his eldest son to be
his deputy in the government of that province: to oppose him, was
undisguised rebellion."
The facts of the case are directly opposed to the statement here given
by the historian. The Prince Shah Alum, who invaded Bahar, had fled
from Delhi, and was deemed to be in open rebellion against his father.
He might have been, before this period, titular Subah of Bengal, Bahar,
and Orissa, such rank being often given to princes of the imperial
family; but we have shown that, before he crossed the Caramnassa, even
that title was given to his younger brother, and Meer Jaffier appointed
his naib, being a confirmation of the sunnud (or patent) he had before
received from the Emperor, empowering him to rule over these provinces.
Further, the Emperor Alumgeer had called upon the Nabob by his
allegiance as his viceroy, and upon Clive by his duty as a commander
in the imperial army, to oppose his rebellious son in his unwarranted
invasion of Bahar, and urged them to seize and imprison his person, and
to attack and punish his seditious followers. The first commands of the
Court of Delhi upon the subject were written in February. They were
frequently repeated; and in a letter, dated 18th of June, 1759, from
the Prime Minister at Delhi to Clive, the commands of the Emperor were
conveyed in very strong language.
"The faithful services," the Vizier observes, "which you have
performed, and the pains which you have taken in the late affairs, have
given me great joy; nor can I sufficiently express your praises for
what you have done. Continue to behave with the same fidelity; seize
the rebel, and send him to court. By the will of God, this service
performed, the King will show you the greatest favour, and your
honours shall be increased."
The impression made at Alumgeer's court by Clive's conduct is further
proved by the invitation given in this letter to the English to
establish a factory in the city of Delhi.
"In the same manner," the Vizier adds, "as your factories are settled
at Calcutta, Azimabad, and Moorshedabad, send and establish a factory
at the royal city."
From these facts, of the correctness of which there cannot be the
slightest doubt, it must fully appear that the Nabob and Clive, so
far from being guilty of rebellion against the legitimate sovereign
of India, with which they are charged, were acting throughout in
conformity with the reiterated mandates of the imperial court, and were
congratulated and applauded by the Emperor and his minister upon the
successful results of their efforts.
Meer Jaffier remained in Bengal during the whole time Clive was in
Bahar. He appears to have continued his inveterate hatred to Roy
Dullub, and to have devised every means to obtain possession of his
person. Mr. Hastings at one time thought he would have recourse to
force for this purpose; and conjectured that a body of Mahrattas,
approaching from Cuttack, which the Nabob had first invited from dread
of his own troops, and the invasion of the Shah Zada, were meant to be
subsequently employed in seizing the person of Roy Dullub. He appears
to have given more attention to this affair than Clive thought it
merited; the latter being satisfied that Meer Jaffier, however he might
enter into intrigues, would never openly commit any act which could
place him in the light of an enemy to the British government, by whom
he had been raised to a throne, and whose friendship and support, he
must be sensible, were indispensable to enable him to preserve his
power.
Meer Jaffier appears, from the correspondence of the resident, to
have from the first looked to Clive as the only person who could save
him in this period of difficulty and alarm; and it is but justice to
his character to state that, when the danger was past, his sentiments
underwent no change. His gratitude was excessive: nor was it limited
to words. He conferred upon the man whom he now considered as the
preserver of that throne upon which he had established him, a jaghire
(or estate) of the reputed value of thirty lacs of rupees.
The first mention of his intention to bestow this gift on Clive is
in a letter[275] from Mr. Hastings, in which he observes, "He (the
Nabob) expresses the most grateful sense of the services which you have
performed for him, and declared to me his resolution to use every means
in his power to procure an order from the Court[276] for your jaghire,
being ashamed that you should do so much for him without the prospect
of reaping any advantage to yourself by it."
This letter was written immediately after the Nabob had received
full accounts of the flight of the Shah Zada, and the happy result
of the expedition to Patna. It was not surprising that he, knowing
the source to which he owed his safety on this occasion, should be
anxious to reward Clive; but we learn from Mr. Sykes, who, a few months
afterwards, was appointed to act for Mr. Hastings at Moorshedabad, that
Meer Jaffier was influenced by additional motives to this munificent
act.
In his evidence before the House of Commons, Mr. Sykes stated to the
Committee[277], that the Nabob, speaking to him of the expedition to
Patna, "mentioned the sense he entertained of Lord Clive's conduct
towards him, and likewise in reducing the Shah Zada to such necessity
as to apply to his Lordship to put him under the English protection; he
mentioned, also, that he owed his government to Colonel Clive before,
and this was the second time he was indebted to him for it; that he
had been a means of having honours conferred on Colonel Clive, in
creating him an Omrah of the Empire, but that he had given him nothing
to support these honours: he had frequently had it in his thoughts,
but never entered seriously upon it till now; that he had thoughts
of giving him a jaghire in the Patna province, but found it would be
attended with inconvenience to the officers of his government; and that
Jugget Seit had fallen upon a method of obviating these difficulties,
by giving him the quit-rent arising from the lands ceded to the Company
to the southward of Calcutta; that he thought it would interfere the
least with his government, and stood the clearest in relation to the
Company's affairs.
"Mr. S. said that, to the best of his remembrance, he mentioned to
the Nabob that he thought it was a large sum; but the Nabob told him
that it was very little adequate to the services he had received from
the Colonel, but more especially for his behaviour upon the capture
of Moorshedabad, when the whole inhabitants expected to be put under
contribution; and that none of them had experienced a conduct of
that kind, for that their persons, as well as their properties, were
entirely secured to them."
Mr. Sykes states, that the Nabob, having prepared the deeds, desired
him to be present at the delivery of them to Clive; which took place
when the Nabob went to meet and welcome him on his return from Patna.
The next mention of this subject is made in a letter[278] to Clive
from Mr. Hastings, after his return to Moorshedabad, in which he
observes, "The Nabob desired me to draw out the form of the letter to
be written to the Council about your jaghire." This letter was a few
days afterwards transmitted to Calcutta.
I shall have occasion, hereafter, to speak of this grant, which
gave rise to great discussion; but we must, nevertheless, make some
observations upon the subject in this place.
Though Clive appears to have thought that the high titles obtained
for him from Delhi should have been accompanied[279] by a jaghire,
there exists no evidence, amongst all the documents I have examined,
to show that he had any previous intimation of its amount, or that he,
in any shape, compromised either his personal honour, or his duty to
the government he served, by accepting of this grant. Conscious that
he had performed great services to the Nabob, he received this reward
as a recompence which that prince had a right to bestow, and which
was one conformable to the usage of the country, and rendered more
appropriate, according to that usage, from the high honour which the
Emperor of Delhi had, at the request of Meer Jaffier, conferred upon
him. Clive gave a complete proof of his anticipation of the approbation
of his superiors in England, and of his wish to give publicity to
this transaction, by accepting, as his jaghire, an assignment of the
quit-rent, or government share, of the lands farmed by the Company in
the vicinity of Calcutta. This arrangement, which placed his income
in the hands of the Company, though it presented the best possible
security, would never have been consented to by a person who had not
acted with a perfect consciousness that he was violating no duty, and
inflicting no injury on the interests either of individuals or the
public.
These were evidently Clive's sentiments; and the transaction, at the
time of its occurrence, appears to have been generally viewed in the
same light. If some argued (as they might with reason) that, though no
existing regulations forbade individuals from accepting such gifts,
when spontaneously made by the Princes of India, a person in Clive's
situation ought not to have received a reward of a nature so likely
to establish a precedent dangerous to the future integrity of the
service: it was probably answered, that this was no doubt correct as a
common rule; but that the circumstances in which he was placed were
altogether peculiar, and never likely to recur to any individual; that
he first saved from ruin, and afterwards established upon a firmer
and more extended basis, the British interests in India; that he had,
in his career, overcome the army of one prince whose hostility to the
English was unconquerable, and raised and preserved upon his throne
another, by whom the ruined inhabitants of Calcutta were restored to
affluence, and a defenceless factory and a precarious trade converted
into a strong government and a flourishing commerce. Was he, they
would ask,--the sole and acknowledged author of this almost miraculous
change,--to obtain no benefit except empty honour? Restricted by his
military occupation from trade,--denying himself, upon principle, every
advantage from a corrupt source,--inadequately paid by the government
he served, and without a hope of any remuneration from a fluctuating
body of Directors,--was he, when he compromised no duty, when he
offended no law, when he injured neither the interests of individuals
nor of the state, to reject ungraciously the munificent reward
spontaneously proffered to him by a prince, who, though he had already
enriched him with a liberal share of the treasures which he distributed
to the English government and its army when they placed him upon the
throne, now owed him an obligation of almost equal magnitude? For there
could be no doubt, the defenders of Clive would argue, that to him Meer
Jaffier was exclusively indebted for the successful issue of the late
campaign: and his merits and claims were enhanced from his having, by
his qualities of a soldier and a statesman, and by the influence of his
great name, reaped all the fruits of the most decided victory without
shedding one drop of blood.
Such were the arguments by which the great majority became satisfied
with Clive's conduct on this occasion. Their force cannot be denied;
nor can their validity be impugned on any ground unconnected with his
peculiar situation and extraordinary achievements. It is, assuredly,
a great injustice to his memory, to view his conduct on this and
similar points without the fullest reference, not only to the singular
circumstances in which he was placed, but to the usages of the service
to which he belonged, to those of Eastern governments, and to the
principles of action which, at that period, governed the Directors of
the East India Company. Besides, if, even with ourselves, there is not
a man who thinks the more meanly of Cornwallis or Wellesley for the
large pecuniary donations which they received from the Company, or of
our Marlborough and our Wellington for the splendid estates which they
received from the government of a grateful country; can it be deemed
honest or fair to apply a different rule to the similar testimony of
gratitude which Clive received from the prince (the sole representative
of the government) whom he had so eminently served? According to the
ideas of that country, the reward was not excessive: no native of the
East certainly deemed it so. And, if it be objected to as conferred by
a foreign potentate, Clive must be content to share, in his fortunes as
his fame, the fate of the Prince of Mindelheim, the Duke of Bronte, and
the Duke of Vittoria.