The events which have been so minutely detailed in the preceding
chapter are memorable from being connected with the foundation of our
Indian empire. They have a peculiar importance to us, as they affect
the fame and reputation of the individual by whom this rapid and
extraordinary change in the condition of the English in Bengal was
effected.
From the period of the capture of Chandernagore, till Meer Jaffier
was established upon the throne, Clive was unaided in the great and
difficult task he had undertaken. He rested solely upon his own
judgment, which in almost all cases was in opposition to that of the
persons with whom he was associated.
Admiral Watson, though he had withdrawn himself from any participation
in the enterprise, stated honestly and decidedly his doubts of its
success. The Select Committee of Calcutta threw off all responsibility.
Thus unaided and alone, Clive had to counteract treachery, to stimulate
timidity into action, and when the period arrived, openly and boldly
to confront danger. He was throughout this arduous labour supported
by the conviction, that the end he sought was indispensable to the
interests, and indeed to the safety, of the government he served, and
that the means he employed were the only ones by which it could be
accomplished. With this conviction he proceeded towards his object
with a caution and firmness that have seldom been equalled, and never
surpassed.
His success was great beyond all expectation; but it has been
erroneously attributed to the battle of Plassey. It was not the result
of that action, but of the whole series of his measures, and of the
operation of well laid plans carried into execution by the same wise
and firm mind by which they had been formed.
The moderation with which Clive exercised the great power which he
acquired will be shown hereafter. I shall confine myself in this
chapter to a detail of the immediate consequences of his success, and
to an examination of his conduct throughout the scenes which preceded
and followed the dethronement of Suraj-u-Dowlah; and endeavour to lay
all the facts before the reader, in such a manner as will enable him
to judge how far Clive has merited the reproaches which have been cast
upon his memory by those who have desired to find in the record of his
glory the means of destroying his reputation.
The great amount which Meer Jaffier had stipulated to pay by his first
treaty was increased by the addition of the sum of fifty lacs, as a
donation to the army and navy, besides a gift to[163] each of the
Members of the Secret Committee, and of Council. In addition to these
sums, Meer Jaffier was induced by gratitude and policy, as well as by
usage, to make liberal presents to those who had been the immediate
instruments of placing him on the throne. No exact account of the
latter presents exists on record, but that of Clive is stated by
himself to have amounted to sixteen lacs of rupees, or 160,000_l._
The treasures of Suraj-u-Dowlah had been greatly over estimated by
Mr. Watts, who states, in one letter[164], that they were computed to
amount to 40,000,000_l._ sterling, a sum so extravagantly beyond what
the revenues of the country could have enabled Aliverdi Khan, or his
successor, to amass, that it is quite extraordinary how such a belief
could have been entertained.
The city of Moorshedabad suffered in no degree from this change. Clive,
while he accepted on grounds that he deemed just the liberality of the
Prince he had placed upon the throne, so far from laying himself under
obligation to others, refused every present offered him by Roy Dullub,
Jugget Seit, and the wealthy inhabitants of the capital. This conduct
was alike necessary to support his character, and to give an example
to the army, with whom the large sum which it was settled they should
receive as prize or donation, (for it was indifferently called by both
names) had the usual effect of a sudden influx of money among such a
body of men.
Disputes arose of a very serious nature, as to the division of prize
money with the navy. In order that this, and various other points,
should be equitably settled, Clive assembled a council of war, to which
officers were deputed from every branch of the troops employed. It was
agreed, that every question should be decided by the majority; and so
selfish were the principles by which many of them were influenced,
that, contrary to the strong protest of Clive, a resolution was
carried, that the officers[165] and sailors belonging to the squadron,
which came with the army on this expedition, should not share the prize
money.
The majority of the Council of War came to a further vote, that the
money should be immediately divided; but this Clive thought so unjust
to the navy, whose agents were not present, that he immediately
over-ruled their votes, and broke up the council. His letter to Admiral
Watson of the 7th of July fully explains his conduct on this occasion.
"I took the first opportunity," he observes, "of a little spare time to
call a Council of War for the division of that share of the prize money
which belongs to the army. I am sorry to say, that several warm and
selfish debates arose; and I cannot help thinking, that the officers
belonging to the navy with the expedition have had injustice done them,
in not being allowed to share agreeable to the land division, which
was carried against them by a great majority.--Enclosed I send you
the proceedings of the Council of War. The last article, after having
been in a manner agreed to, was again brought upon the carpet; and
notwithstanding I represented to the gentlemen, in the strongest sense,
that the money could not be divided till it was shroffed, and the
agents of both parties present, without the greatest injustice to the
navy, they still persisted in giving their opinions for an immediate
division of the money; upon which I over-ruled their votes, and broke
up the Council of War.
"Yesterday I received the enclosed paper and protest, which you have
with my answer. I have put those officers who brought the paper in
arrest, and ordered Captain Armstrong, one of the ringleaders, down
to Calcutta this morning. The Major was deputed to me by the officers
to desire I would forget and forgive what was past, upon a proper
acknowledgment in writing: I promised to comply with his request, so
that I beg you will not make this public, till you hear further from
me."
The answer to the officers, of which Clive sent a copy to the Admiral,
is too remarkable a document to be omitted. It singularly exhibits
the openness and decision of his character. It is addressed to the
"Officers who sent the remonstrance and protest," and proceeds:----
"Gentlemen,
"I have received both your remonstrance and protest. Had you
consulted the dictates of your own reason, those of justice, or
the respect due to your commanding officer, I am persuaded such a
paper, so highly injurious to your own honour as officers, could
never have escaped you.
"You say you were assembled at a council to give your opinion about
a matter of property. Pray, Gentlemen, how comes it that a promise
of a sum of money from the Nabob, entirely negotiated by me, can be
deemed a matter of right and property? So very far from it, it is
now in my power to return to the Nabob the money already advanced,
and leave it to his option, whether he will perform his promise or
not. You have stormed no town, and found the money there; neither
did you find it in the plains of Plassey, after the defeat of
the Nabob. In short, Gentlemen, it pains me to remind you, that
what you are to receive is entirely owing to the care I took of
your interest. Had I not interfered greatly in it, you had been
left to the Company's generosity, who perhaps would have thought
you sufficiently rewarded, in receiving a present of six months'
pay; in return for which, I have been treated with the greatest
disrespect and ingratitude, and, what is still worse, you have
flown in the face of my authority, for over-ruling an opinion,
which, if passed, would have been highly injurious to your own
reputation, being attended with injustice to the navy, and been of
the worst consequences to the cause of the nation and the Company.
"I shall, therefore, send the money down to Calcutta, give
directions to the agents of both parties to have it shroffed; and
when the Nabob signifies his pleasure (on whom it solely depends)
that the money be paid you, you shall then receive it, and not
before.
"Your behaviour has been such, that you cannot expect I should
interest myself any further in your concerns. I therefore retract
the promise I made the other day, of negotiating either the rest of
the Nabob's promise, or the one third which was to be received in
the same manner as the rest of the public money, at three yearly
equal payments.
"I am, Gentlemen,
"Your most obedient, humble servant,
(Signed) "ROB^T. CLIVE.
"Moorshedabad,
5th July, 1757."
The officers to whom this letter was addressed sent an acknowledgment
of their error; to which Clive instantly replied in the following
terms:--
"Gentlemen,
"I have ever been desirous of the love and good opinion of my
officers, and have often pursued their interest in preference of my
own. What passed the other day is now forgotten, and I shall always
be glad of an opportunity of convincing you how much
"I am, Gentlemen,
"Your most obedient, humble servant,
(Signed) "ROB^T. CLIVE.
"Moorshedabad,
9th July, 1757."
On the 19th of July Clive wrote to Admiral Watson,--"Since my last
letter, the officers of the army, sensible of their error, have thought
proper to retract, and all is forgotten on my part."
Admiral Watson in his answer to Clive (of the same date) expressed
his gratitude for the part he had taken in favour of the navy; and we
find, in a letter from Captain Latham to Clive, dated the 3d of July,
an honest proof of Admiral Watson's approbation of his proceedings at
this period:--"The Admiral drinks every day," Captain Latham observes,
"a bumper to your health." The amount of the sums to be given, as
a donation to the members of the Committee, Council, and others,
had not been determined before Meer Jaffier was enthroned. When a
settlement was made, Admiral Watson put forth his claim, which was
opposed on the grounds of his never having sat in the Committee, or
taken any part or responsibility in the plans and operations by which
the revolution was effected. When this point was referred to Clive, he
denied that Admiral Watson had a specific right, but admitted his claim
from his association in the public service, and the zeal and talent
with which he had co-operated. On this ground, he proposed that the
Admiral's share should be made equal to the Governor's and his own,
by a deduction of ten per cent. from each portion of Meer Jaffier's
donation, and instantly remitted that deduction from what he had
received on this account. His example was followed by a considerable
number; but others were more tenacious of what they had obtained; nor
were the heirs of the Admiral successful in compelling them by law to
this act of liberal justice.
The conduct of the Select Committee before the battle of Plassey had
excited Clive's just indignation. "I have received[166]," he observes,
"a letter from Mr. Drake, in answer to my letter to the Committee,
which is very unusual on such important occasions; and I cannot help
thinking, that had the expedition miscarried, you would have laid the
whole blame on me."
A subsequent communication[167] called forth more severe
animadversions. "I have received" (he indignantly states) "your letter
of the 23d instant[168], the contents of which are so indefinite and
contradictory, that I can put no other construction upon it than an
intent to clear yourself at my expense, had the expedition miscarried.
It puts me in mind of the famous answer of the Delphic oracle to
Pyrrhus, 'Aio te, Æacide, Romanos vincere posse.'"
But all angry feelings were soon lost in those of joy and triumph.
Within a few months the European and native inhabitants of Calcutta
had experienced a transition from the most abject state of poverty and
misery to one of exaltation and abundance. The cruel author of their
wrongs had lost his fortune and his life. The French were, with the
exception of a small party, expelled from Bengal; and the Prince, who
was raised to the sovereignty of that country, owed his crown to the
British arms, and must trust to them for his support. For a period, all
eyes and all hearts turned with admiration and gratitude to him by whom
this great change had been chiefly effected.
But such sentiments are not enduring; and a few years only elapsed
before acts, which were approved and applauded at the moment of their
occurrence, were brought forward as accusations against the man, to
whom his country owed the establishment of her empire in India. It is
not, however, intended to anticipate an account of those events which
gave rise to this change of feeling in individuals, or public bodies:
but I have dwelt thus minutely upon the transactions of this remarkable
epoch of Clive's life, and of Indian history, for the purpose of
affording materials to determine how far those writers are correct, or
justified by facts, who, referring chiefly to documents furnished by
his accusers, have censured and condemned many parts of his conduct,
both military and political, during this short but memorable expedition.
It has already been shown, that throughout this eventful period
the military operations of Clive were subordinate to his political
negotiations. But independent of this fact, which placed his conduct as
a military officer beyond the common rules of judgment, I confess that
I have little faith in the correctness of that general criticism which
refers exclusively to the numbers and quality of the troops engaged,
and to the ground upon which the conflict was decided. Even in Europe,
where the character of the troops is known, and their fidelity to their
banners undoubted, it is much oftener the genius of the commander,
exercised during the changing moments of a battle, than the best
preconcerted plan, which decides the combat. The mere tactician rests
entirely on his plans; if they fail, he is lost: but the eye of an
able leader penetrates the mind of his own army and that of the enemy,
and by exciting valour to extraordinary efforts, or pressing upon
faltering opponents, he snatches a victory which is the more glorious
from having been gained contrary to all calculations of art. In India,
success in war depends far less upon plans and evolutions than on a
correct knowledge of the nature of the enemy's force. The character
and composition of the incongruous materials of which eastern armies
are formed have already been explained. From some part of this body
the most resolute resistance may be expected, from their attachment to
their chief. Others, probably from being lukewarm in the cause, and
discontented with their leader, require only a pretext to fly. No corps
places confidence in, or expects support from, that which is next to
it. The consequence is, that the mere suspicion of treachery, or any
misfortune or misconduct in the Prince under whom these bands are for
the moment united, dissolves the whole. These facts will account for
the frequent defeat of large armies in India by a few disciplined and
united men. Yet the armies thus discomfited contain thousands of the
same tribes and nations of whom a few hundreds (when attached to their
chiefs and loyal to the cause for which they fought) have been found
to resist, with the aid of very slight defences, all the efforts of a
large and highly disciplined European force.
I have already stated, in the course of this narrative, the successive
causes which combined to prevent Clive's return to Madras, after the
fall of Chandernagore, and have afforded the reader ample materials to
judge this question from the most authentic documents.
To deny to Clive the right of exercising his judgment amid the
exigencies of the public service in which he was placed would be to
deny him the means of consulting and promoting the interests and
honour of his country. When he acted, as he did upon this occasion,
against the positive and reiterated orders of the government of
Madras, he did so under a deep and alarming responsibility: but in
such extreme cases, the greater the hazard which an individual incurs
the greater his merit, if he can establish that the public interests
have been promoted by his conduct. The dangers which threatened the
English settlements on the coast of Coromandel were great, but they
were prospective, and the issue uncertain. The dangers at Bengal, had
Clive abandoned the scene, were immediate; and even if we suppose that
Calcutta had not been retaken by the resentful Suraj-u-Dowlah, aided by
the party of French[169] who still remained, it was certain that all
those impressions and advantages which had been gained by the combined
efforts of Admiral Watson and Clive would have been lost, and future
armaments required to restore the English in Bengal to that power from
which they had fallen, and which was henceforth indispensable to their
existence; for from the moment they had been compelled to undertake
offensive operations against the native sovereign of the country their
reverting to their former condition of merchants was impossible.
Such was the actual situation of affairs. The penetrating eye of
Clive saw, at this moment, the future importance of Bengal; and
though fully aware of the dangers that threatened Madras, rested,
with a confidence that was not disappointed, upon the able civil and
military officers[170] to whom its affairs were entrusted. He had no
such consolatory feelings when he looked to those[171] on whom the
chief authority must devolve at Calcutta; and the details which have
been given fully prove the correctness of that judgment which he early
formed upon a point so important in the decision of the question.
Orme ascribes Clive's disobedience to his "being convinced that the
Nabob would never fulfil the terms of the treaty." The situation of
this writer[172] gave him the completest means of forming a correct
judgment; and the events which we have detailed fully prove, that
from the day on which Chandernagore fell Clive could at no period
have quitted the scene of action without an abandonment of the public
interests. The facts already stated will also show that, as long as
a hope existed of its practicability, he laboured to effect such a
settlement as would enable him to return to Fort St. George.[173]
The next point on which the character and conduct of Clive have been
arraigned, is the treatment of Omichund. The charges which have been
brought against him on this ground are of a nature that require a clear
understanding of the subject, which I shall endeavour to convey to the
reader, that he may form his own opinion upon the whole question.
Omichund, who was a wealthy Hindu merchant, residing at Calcutta, was
employed for some period in providing the Company's investment, and at
the same time carried on large dealings on his own account; and was
much connected, not only with Hindu merchants, but with the ministers
of that religion at the court of Moorshedabad. The latter connection
led to his occasional employment by the heads of the English factory,
as a medium of communication with the ministry of the Nabob of Bengal.
The pre-eminence Omichund obtained, no doubt excited envy; and some of
the accusations brought against him might have been fabricated; but
a deterioration in the quality, and an increase of the price of the
articles furnished by him to the Company, gave sufficient grounds to
suspect some dishonest proceedings.
A new system[174] of providing the investment was adopted, and Omichund
lost the profitable employ he had hitherto monopolized. Though fond
of display, and maintaining a large establishment of followers, his
ruling passion was avarice. The loss he sustained by this change
rankled in his mind, and was believed to have rendered him personally
hostile to those entrusted with the Company's affairs at Calcutta. He
appears, as he withdrew from intercourse with them, to have laboured to
strengthen his connexion with the Nabob's court, and to have contracted
a particular intimacy with the Rajah Dullub, whose son Kishendass, when
he came to reside at Calcutta, was received and treated by Omichund
with kindness and hospitality.
Suraj-u-Dowlah had endeavoured to persuade his predecessor, Aliverdi
Khan, that the English were plotting against him, and giving protection
to his subjects. The moment he succeeded to the throne, he demanded
that Kishendass should be delivered up; but the extraordinary mode in
which this demand was made, through a man[175] who came clandestinely
to Calcutta, and went first to Omichund's house, gave rise to a belief
that this communication was part of an intrigue to re-establish the
importance of the latter person. With such impressions, and having
intercepted, after the commencement of hostilities, a letter from
Ram Bam Sing (the Nabob's head spy) to Omichund, advising him to
remove his effects from Calcutta, it is not surprising that the
Committee should have suspected their former contractor to be one
of the principal instigators of the attack with which the English
settlement was threatened. A conviction of this fact led to his being
seized, and imprisoned in the fort. His guest Kishendass, and his
brother-in-law[176] Hazarimul, were also made prisoners: the search
after the latter was attended with circumstances of violence, which led
to the death of several of Omichund's family.
When Calcutta was taken, Omichund and Kishendass were released, and
treated with civility by the Nabob; a circumstance which confirmed
some in the belief of their treachery: but, as the former lost money
and property to an amount of four lacs of rupees, it is sufficiently
obvious that, though he might have stimulated the Nabob's anger against
the English, he never could have desired results which involved his own
ruin. But it is a common fate of such intriguers to raise the storm
they cannot control, and by whose fury they themselves are overwhelmed.
The dismissal of Omichund from his employ as contractor for the
investment, his imprisonment, and the cruel fate of part of his family,
were circumstances calculated to have separated him for ever from any
connection with the English: but all feelings and passions in his mind
were absorbed by the desire of gain. To that object his abilities,
which were considerable, were invariably and unceasingly directed.
He had established himself, after Calcutta was taken, at the Nabob's
court; first ingratiating himself with the favourite of that prince,
Mohun Lal; and afterwards with Suraj-u-Dowlah himself. When Clive came
to Calcutta, Omichund was the ready medium to aid in promoting peace,
and had so far established himself in favour, that Mr. Watts, when he
went to Moorshedabad, was permitted to employ him in his negotiations.
The object of Omichund was to stand so well with both parties as
to make his profit of each, on the ground of his real or reputed
influence with the other. There can be no doubt, from his character
and the scenes in which he was employed, that he had recovered a great
part of his losses before he prevailed upon the Nabob to direct, not
only the restoration of his property, but the payment of four[177]
lacs of rupees that had been plundered from his house at Calcutta.
Suraj-u-Dowlah also gave him an order, commanding the Rajah of
Purneah[178] to pay him a debt he had long owed him of four lacs and
fifty thousand rupees.
Omichund, as has been shown, became an active agent in forming the
confederacy against Suraj-u-Dowlah; and when possessed of the secrets
of the different parties concerned, he threatened to reveal the whole
plot, unless an article was introduced into the treaty, stipulating
that he should receive thirty lacs of rupees on the enthronement of
Meer Jaffier.
The enormity of this demand, great as it was, appears to have been
viewed as a slight consideration in comparison to that of the time and
manner in which it was made. It was the companion of the road watching
his opportunity, and turning upon his fellow-traveller to threaten him
with instant destruction unless he complied with all his demands. Few
have endeavoured to excuse, or even to extenuate, the deep and daring
guilt of Omichund; but many have questioned the fitness of the mode
that was adopted to disappoint his avarice, and at the same time to
avert the consequences of his threatened treachery.
Deceitful professions, promises, and engagements, which are adopted
at a particular crisis to lull suspicion for the moment, can never
be defended but in those extreme cases where, after confidence has
been established, the violation of faith by one party enables him to
take such advantage of the other as gives the latter no alternative
except a counterplot, or submission to fraud and injustice. In such a
case, the most scrupulous would find an excuse for the retaliation of
deceit, provided it could be proved to be the only means of placing
the parties on the footing upon which they stood before the aggressor
broke faith, and, abusing the confidence placed in him, demanded terms
of unreasonable and extravagant advantage. This appears to be the exact
position in which Omichund stood. After vicissitudes of favour and
disgrace, he had been restored to confidential employment, from which
he had already derived great advantages. He must have been certain, had
he continued faithful and honest, not only of recovering his losses,
but of being liberally rewarded. Every consideration, however, of
duty and of interest, gave way before a prospect of acquiring, by one
well-timed and daring act of perfidy, great and sudden riches. "Secure
to me, under a sealed treaty, thirty lacs of rupees, or I will this
night inform the Nabob of your plot for his dethronement, and have
you all put to death," was the direct emphatic meaning, if not exact
words, of his speech to Mr. Watts. This is proved by three short
notes written by that gentleman on the day the communication was made;
by Clive's letters written the moment he learned what had passed; by
the evidence of Mr. Sykes; and by the expedient which it was thought
necessary to adopt, to disappoint his avarice and to guard against his
treachery. Orme, describing the conduct of Omichund on this occasion,
observes[179], "Grounded on his importance by knowing the secret, he
held out the terror of betraying it to secure his own advantages.
Whether he would have betrayed it is uncertain; for part of his fortune
was in the power of the English, and he had the utmost vengeance of
Jaffier and his confederates to fear. However, the experiment was
not to be tried." The same author adds, "But, on the other hand, as
his tales and artifices prevented Suraj-u-Dowlah from believing the
representations of his most trusty servants, who early suspected, and
at length were convinced, that the English were confederated with
Jaffier, the twenty lacs of rupees he expected should have been paid to
him, and he left to employ them in oblivion and contempt."
It was not twenty lacs of rupees, but thirty, that Omichund expected;
for he was promised five per cent. upon the whole amount, independent
of what was specified in the fictitious treaty. He had stipulated
with a sword, or rather a dagger, in his hand, that he should receive
this great sum, though his unpaid losses did not exceed two lacs. The
distinct ground upon which he demanded the remainder was, his power to
extort it: the very extent of the sum proved the extortion. If he had
succeeded in his object, this subordinate agent would have received
much more than double the amount of the sum fixed to be divided between
the Governor, Military Commander, Select Committee, and Members of
Council; and his share of the Nabob's donations would have been equal
to two thirds of what had been stipulated as the reward of the services
of the whole army and navy.
There is another view of this question to be taken, to which the
circumstances of the moment gave great importance. The recently
established influence and power of the English, compelled them
to confide their public, as well as private, concerns, to native
associates and agents: and, with reference to the ruling passions
of the Hindus, we may affirm, that an example more likely to be
detrimental to their future interests could not have occurred than a
successful issue of the treachery of Omichund.
These considerations, however, relate only to the policy or impolicy
of complying with his demand. We have now to examine the mode that
was adopted to defeat its object; and here, it must be admitted, that
of all modes by which his machinations could be defeated, a fictitious
treaty appears the most seriously objectionable; but the alternative
of complying with his demand, or of framing such a treaty, was forced
upon the Committee of Calcutta. Omichund demanded that document as the
condition of refraining from his threatened communication to the Nabob.
No verbal promise could satisfy a person who was conscious of having
broken every tie with those by whom he had been trusted. He demanded,
therefore, what he thought the most sacred of all pledges that could
be given; and it was obvious, that they must either comply with his
request, deceive him with a false treaty, or vitiate the real one by
the insertion of an article not meant to be performed.
It is here to be remarked, that Omichund was no party to the treaty.
That treaty was contracted between the Committee at Calcutta and Meer
Jaffier; and both these parties were agreeing to the fictitious treaty,
which was prepared for the sole purpose of being shown to Omichund, to
lull him into security till the hour of danger from his hostility was
past. This distinction is important: for, though it does not clear
the parties concerned of deliberate deceit towards an individual, it
removes all imputation of their having brought a stain on the good
faith of the State, by the substitution, to the party with whom they
treated, of a false for a real engagement.
Clive was the person who proposed the expedient of a fictitious treaty;
and his sentiments were unanimously adopted by the Committee.
Admiral Watson, it is stated, refused to sign this engagement; but it
is at the same time affirmed, and apparently on undoubted testimony,
that he offered no objection to the signature of his name[180] by
another person. The Admiral had withheld himself from taking any active
part in the scenes at Moorshedabad; and, in the proceeding towards
Omichund, he probably conceived that he was not called upon, by that
sense of necessity that influenced others, to lend his name to an act
which must have been repugnant to the feelings even of those who deemed
themselves compelled by duty to have recourse to such an artifice.
Orme, speaking of the difference which arose between Mr. Watts and
Omichund, after explaining the grounds upon which he supposes the
latter to have acted, observes, that if his demand had been realised,
it would have been 650,000_l._ "The audacity of the pretension," he
adds, "implied malignant art; but it is said he threatened to reveal
the conspiracy to the Nabob, if not complied with. If so, the boldest
iniquity could not have gone further."
I have already shown, that Omichund did threaten to inform the Nabob.
Indeed, nothing but a conviction of his resolution to take that step
unless his avarice was gratified, could possibly have called for the
extreme measure which was adopted. The author already quoted gives a
pathetic account of the effect which the communication of the deception
had upon Omichund. He was, Mr. Orme states, overwhelmed by it at the
moment, fainted on the spot, was carried home, evinced symptoms of
a disturbed reason[181], and subsequently went upon a pilgrimage to
a holy Hindu shrine near Maulda, whence he returned in a state of
idiotism, from which he never recovered.
The story of the termination of Omichund's life is affecting, and must
make an impression upon every well-constituted mind. We view with pity
the effects which the sudden dissolution of his golden dreams had upon
this wretched, though wealthy Hindu; but we cannot allow the feelings
in which we indulge to subdue our judgment. While we give a tear to
weak and suffering humanity, we must do justice to those who deemed
themselves compelled by circumstances, and by the situation in which
they were placed, to repress all private feeling, and even to incur
obloquy, in the performance of their public duty. With such sentiments
I cannot, like Mr. Mill[182], proclaim my sympathy and regret for
this martyr to avarice; and stamp, with the term of "consummate
treachery[183]," the expedient by which his exorbitant demands and
wicked designs were disappointed and frustrated; far less can I admit
the truth of the historian's remark, "That Clive was a person to whom
deception, when it suited his purpose, never gave a pang." This general
and sweeping assertion, far from being supported by any facts that
have come to my knowledge[184], is contradicted by every evidence we
possess, and is altogether contrary to the general character of his
open and manly, but sensitive mind. I do not pretend to look into the
hearts of men, and to pronounce dogmatically upon their inmost thoughts
and feelings; but, in admitting that Clive, in the extraordinary
situation in which he was placed, resisted art by art, and counteracted
the treachery of the enemies of the Government he served, by deceiving
them, I am satisfied, from all his own statements, as well as from
those of others, that he had recourse to such an expedient only because
he considered himself to be called upon to employ it, by the duty he
owed to his country. He may, like other men, have erred, both in his
objects and in the mode of their accomplishment; but I deem the whole
history of his life, and, above all, the unbounded confidence we find
placed in him, both by the natives of India and by his own countrymen,
to be altogether incompatible with the truth of the charge, that he
was a man "to whom deception, when it suited his purpose, never gave a
pang."
The wealth Clive acquired by the revolution which placed Meer Jaffier
upon the throne, excited envy at the moment, and became afterwards a
subject of reproach, and even of accusation; I shall, therefore, offer
a few observations upon the subject.
I have elsewhere[185] adverted to this point, and shown that Clive,
in accordance with the usages of the Company's service in India, at
that period, received presents, as Commander in Chief, to a very
large amount. His acceptance of this reward (as it was termed) of his
labours and success, was open and avowed; and, though subsequently
made the subject of a charge against him, we do not find that at the
time any one arraigned, either the amount of the donation, or the
principle of receiving it. The fact is, that at that epoch of our
Indian government, the public officers of the Company had very limited
salaries: their perquisites and advantages, when employed on civil,
military, or political stations, appear to have been such as had been
enjoyed by native functionaries, performing the duties to which they,
in times of conquest and revolution, had succeeded. These, on ordinary
occasions, were derived from a per centage on particular branches of
revenue, privileges of trade, or presents from inferiors, and were
always considerable; but when such events occurred as negotiating a
peace[186], or replacing a monarch upon a throne, the money, gifts,
and territorial grants to the chief instruments of such changes, were
limited only by the moderation of one party and the ability of the
other.
Public servants[187], in receiving, instead of a regulated salary,
the fees and profits which had been enjoyed by the natives to whose
offices they had succeeded in newly-acquired territories, only followed
the usage of the country; and they were sanctioned in it by their own
Government. It suited the character of the Indian administration in
England, and was altogether adapted to that of our first rule in India.
That it was loose, undefined, and liable to great abuses, is admitted.
The evils of such a system became manifest, and were remedied; but
assuredly, while it continued, the public servant, who drew his
emoluments from open and recognised sources, was no more blamable than
some of the first men in England, who hold offices that continue to be
paid by fees or fines, in the manner established by their ancestors.
Clive, independent of the share of the donation to the Select
Committee, of which he was a member, was offered a present of sixteen
lacs of rupees[188] by Meer Jaffier, after he had placed that prince
on the throne; and he took it, as a boon which he deemed himself fully
warranted in accepting. He acquired, on this occasion, as he stated,
great wealth; but its acquisition injured no interests either of
individuals or of the state he served; and did not, in the slightest
degree, compromise the obligations of public duty; for the gift was
unsolicited, free, and unconditional.
Of the sense Clive entertained of this transaction we have the best
proof, not only in his private, but in his official letters, in which
he announced this sudden and surprising influx of riches. In his
letter, under date the 20th of August, 1757, to Mr. Mabbot, one of
the principal Directors, after giving an account of the revolution
he had effected, he adds, "I have the pleasure to acquaint you, that
the greatest success at Golconda could not have equalled the present
one for advantages, either to the Company or myself."--"Indeed," he
concludes, "there is nothing but the good of the service can induce
me to stay in this unhealthy climate." In all his letters to his
attorneys, to his friends and relatives, we find the amount of this
donation represented as great; and he distinctly states in one letter,
that he had no desire whatever to conceal the Nabob's liberality,
which he thought was as honourable to that prince as to himself. There
is, however, no document which more fully establishes the character
of this donation, and the view that he took of it, than his letter to
Mr. Payne, of the 25th of December, 1757. After alluding to the envy
which his good fortune had excited, he observes, "The Nabob, of his
own free will, for the service rendered him, made me a present much
beyond my expectations; part of which I bestowed on those immediately
about me, and one or two of the principal officers. I never made the
least secret of this affair, but always thought the world ought to be
acquainted with the Nabob's generosity. If I had been disposed to grow
rich by receiving presents from any other hands but those of the Nabob,
surely no one had ever the like opportunity; but there is not that
man living, among the daily temptations which offered, who can accuse
me of receiving any thing of value but from the Nabob himself. I have
troubled you with these particulars," he concludes, "because among some
it may be considered as a crime my being rich. If it be a crime, you,
Sir, are truly acquainted with the nature of it."
The Court of Directors, in their letter to the Select Committee at
Bengal, dated the 8th of March, 1758, fully recognise the usage upon
which presents were at that period given and received by their public
servants. After stating their decision that the surplus of the sums
received, after the reimbursement of losses, should be deposited in
the Company's treasury, they add, "We do not intend, by this, to
break in upon any sums of money which have been given by the Nabob
to particular persons, by way of free gift, or in reward of their
services." In the subsequent changes in the Direction, a more hostile
spirit arose against Clive; and, among other accusations, one grounded
on his acquisition of wealth by this present, and by the subsequent
grant of a jaghire (or estate), was brought forward. To this charge
we find an animated reply in his well-known letter to the Court of
Proprietors. "The Nabob, then," Clive writes, "agreeable to the known
and usual custom of Eastern princes, made presents, both to those
of his own court, and to such of the English who, by their rank and
abilities, had been instrumental in the happy success of so hazardous
an enterprise, suitable to the rank and dignity of a great prince.
I was one, amongst the many, who benefited by his favour. I never
sought to conceal it; but declared publicly, in my letter to the
Secret Committee of the India Directors, that the Nabob's generosity
had made my fortune easy, and the Company's welfare was now my only
motive for staying in India. What injustice was this to the Company?
They could expect no more than what was stipulated in the treaty. Or,
what injunction was I under to refuse a present from him, who had the
power to make me one, as the reward of honourable services? I know
of none. I had surely, myself, a particular claim, by having devoted
myself to the Company's military service, and neglected all commercial
advantages. What reason can then be given, or what pretence could the
Company have to expect, that I, after having risked my life so often
in their service, should deny myself the only honourable opportunity
that ever offered of acquiring a fortune without prejudice to them,
who, it is evident, could not have had more for my having less? When
the Company had acquired 1,500,000_l._ sterling, and a revenue of
near 100,000_l._ per annum, from the success of their forces under my
command,--when ample restoration had been made to those whose fortunes
suffered by the calamity of Calcutta,--and when individuals had, in
consequence of that success, acquired large estates,--what would the
world have said, had I come home and rested upon the generosity of the
present Court of Directors? It is well known to every gentleman in
Bengal, that the honour of my country and the interest of the Company
were the principles that governed all my actions; and that had I only
taken the advantageous opportunities that presented themselves, by
my being Commander-in-chief, at the head of a victorious army, and
what by the custom of that country I was entitled to, the jaghire
itself, great as it is, would have been an object scarce worthy my
consideration. The city of Moorshedabad is as extensive, populous,
and rich as the city of London; with this difference, that there are
individuals in the first possessing infinitely greater property than
any in the last city. These, as well as every other man of property,
made me the greatest offers, (which, nevertheless, are usual upon
such occasions, and what they expected would have been required,)
and had I accepted these offers I might have been in possession of
millions, of which the present Court of Directors could not have
dispossessed me; but preferring the reputation of the English nation,
the interest of the Nabob, and the advantage of the Company, to all
pecuniary considerations, I refused all offers that were made me, not
only then, but to the last hour of my continuance in the Company's
service in Bengal; and do challenge friend or enemy to bring one single
instance of my being influenced by interested motives to the Company's
disadvantage; or to do any act that could reflect dishonour on my
country or the Company in any one action of my administration, either
as governor or commanding officer."
That Clive was far from being influenced by sordid motives was never
more clearly proved than during the period of which this chapter
treats. While it was yet thought a settlement might be effected with
Suraj-u-Dowlah, an offer had been made to pay the amount of 3500_l._,
which he had personally lost at the capture of Calcutta. His reply to
this communication was short, but conclusive: "Pray think no more of my
losses," he states in a letter to Mr. Scrafton; "I would not be thought
mercenary or selfish for the world."
His liberal behaviour toward Admiral Watson has been noticed. On this
occasion, and on several others[189], he chose rather to diminish the
amount of his own portion than allow further demands upon the Nabob. Of
his great generosity to his family and friends I shall speak hereafter.
Those who desire to detract from his title to praise for such conduct,
on the ground of his wealth, are little acquainted with the effect that
riches usually have upon men possessing less liberal minds; in whom
they oftener generate a spirit of cupidity than a desire, such as Clive
felt, to dispense to others the relief and blessings they can afford.
I have it in my power to add a remarkable testimony to show the
circumstances under which Clive acted upon the occasion to which I have
alluded.
A highly respectable gentleman, long resident in Suffolk, who had
filled official stations in India, a few years ago addressed a letter
to the present Lord Powis; in which, after stating facts that will be
hereafter noticed, he informs his Lordship that it being known he was
on personal grounds discontented with his father, he was summoned,
in 1773, as an evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons
who investigated the charges against him: "I of course attended," he
observes, "but was far from being inimically disposed to his Lordship;
and never can I forget what passed at the Committee on that day.
Governor Johnstone, after some deliberation, suddenly rose, and with
apparent exultation observed, 'It was now sufficiently proved on the
proceedings, that his Lordship had received upwards of 100,000_l._ soon
after the battle of Plassey;' when Lord Clive, rising from his seat,
calmly replied, that 'If any gentleman of the Committee had privately
asked him if that charge was true, he should have frankly acknowledged
to him that he had received a much larger sum;' adding, 'but when I
recollect entering the Nabob's treasury at Moorshedabad, with heaps of
gold and silver to the right and left, and these crowned with jewels,'
striking his hand violently on his head, 'by God, at this moment, do I
stand astonished at my own moderation.'"
A guilty mind seeks concealment. Such, evidently, was not the object of
Clive on this or any other occasion of his life; and those, even, who
condemn his actions, must acknowledge that they were grounded upon a
complete conviction in his own mind that they were not only defensible,
but consistent with his principles of honour as a gentleman, and with
those of his duty as a public servant.
I have, in this chapter, stated, with much freedom, my difference of
opinion from Mr. Mill, on some points connected with the revolution
at Moorshedabad; I have great pleasure, however, in referring to his
subsequent general remarks on this subject.
The chairman of the Select Committee of the House of Commons of
1773, when he brought up its report, made a motion, that the House
should inquire into the circumstances of the death and deposition of
Suraj-u-Dowlah, the fictitious treaty, and other matters which took
place on the elevation of Meer Jaffier. This was rejected, on the
plea of the reports of the Committee not being evidence. Mr. Mill
deems this ground of rejection a "subterfuge of the nature of a legal
shuffle:"--"but there were other considerations," he states, "to which
the House never adverted, which fairly recommended the rejection, or
at least a very great modification, of the penal proceeding; that the
punishment threatened was more grievous than the offence; that it was
punishment by an _ex-post-facto_ law, because, however contrary to
the principles of right government the presents received from Meer
Jaffier, and however odious to the moral sense the deception practised
upon Omichund, there was no law at the time which forbid them; that
the presents, how contrary soever to European morals and ideas, were
perfectly correspondent to those of the country in which they were
received, and to the expectations of the parties by whom they were
bestowed; that the treachery to Omichund was countenanced and palliated
by some of the principles and many of the admired incidents of
European diplomacy; that Clive, though never inattentive to his own
interests, was actuated by a sincere desire to promote the prosperity
of the Company, and appears not, in any instance, to have sacrificed
what he regarded as their interests to his own; and that it would have
required an extraordinary man, which no one ought to be punished for
not being, to have acted, in that most trying situation in which he was
placed, with greater disinterestedness than he displayed."[190]