Clive's health was completely broken by the fatigues he had undergone;
and, as there appeared no prospect of immediate service, he determined
to visit England, where the fame of his military achievements had
preceded him. His father, Mr. Richard Clive, in a letter dated December
15. 1752, observes, "I was at Sir Philip Chetwood's, our neighbour in
the country, when I received your welcome letter, which gave me joy
not to be expressed. Since then, now I am come to London, the pleasure
is repeated by the applause every one gives to your gallant actions
and behaviour, and the success that hath attended you; and you are
compared to no less than some of those brave generals who are gone, but
left their names upon record to their glory and honour. The directors
of the Company you have so faithfully served, I hear, at a public
entertainment drank your health by the name of General Clive, and are
pleased to say they are under great obligations to you. I waited on
the three principal directors last week, in order to find out, if I
could, what they proposed for you, but perceive they are desirous to
have the account the next ships bring, before they give me any positive
answer, other than a general one, that they are very desirous to do
you any service in their power. Your friends, among which is one of
the principal directors, and my intimate acquaintance, advise that you
should not leave Madras before you know how the directors propose to
reward you: but this will be for your own determination, who can best
judge, in the situation we are in, what is most proper to be done. You
may be sure your mother and myself shall think the time long till we
see you."
From his mother, Clive received at the same time one of those letters
which are so precious to him who unites a disposition to cherish family
ties with a devotion to his country. It would be injustice to this
high-minded lady to omit a word of the sentiments she expressed on this
occasion, and which showed her to be every way worthy of her son. I
therefore transcribe the whole letter:--
"Dear Son,
"I cannot express the joy yours to your father gave to me. Your
brave conduct, and success which Providence has blessed you
with, is the talk and wonder of the public, the great joy and
satisfaction of your friends; but more particularly so to me, as
it gives me hopes of seeing you much sooner than I could possibly
have expected. I find some of your friends wish your longer stay
in India; but I earnestly entreat you will let no motive induce
you, except your honour and the peace of the country require it.
Your relations are all well: four of your sisters are with me; the
youngest and your two brothers are at school: your cousin Ben has
no employ; he is only on half-pay as a lieutenant, lives with his
father, and, I believe, wishes himself with you. We are removed
to a large house in Swithin's Lane, near the post house, and hope
to see you in it. May a kind Providence attend and bless you, and
bring you safe to your native country, is the most sincere wish and
prayer of
"Your ever affectionate mother,
(Signed) "REB. CLIVE."
"London, 16th Dec., 1752."
The state of Clive's health having compelled him to return to England,
he embarked at Madras in February, 1753, immediately after his marriage
to Miss Margaret Maskelyne; a marriage to which he owed much of the
comfort and happiness of his future life. This lady, the daughter of
Edmund Maskelyne, Esq., of Purton in Wiltshire, and sister of his
friend Edmund Maskelyne, and of the celebrated Dr. Nevil Maskelyne,
afterwards Astronomer Royal, was possessed of both beauty and
accomplishments. His attachment to her appears from many letters to
have been very great. She continued throughout his life to enjoy his
affection and regard, and survived him many years.
In the course of the same year he landed in England, after an absence
of about ten years. His reception was most flattering. He was warmly
welcomed by his parents and many near relations: the Court of Directors
voted him a sword set with diamonds of the value of five hundred
pounds, "as a token of their esteem, and of their sense of his singular
services to the Company on the coast of Coromandel[69];" and in society
he was honoured with those elevating marks of regard, which always
attend a fortunate soldier. Though but a short time in his native
country, he appears to have imbibed, or rather renewed, an attachment
to it, and to have formed friendships and connections, which left him
without any tie in India, but the fulfilment of the public duties he
had to perform in that country, and the acquirement of sufficient
fortune to maintain himself and family.
He had not enjoyed himself two years in England, when the state of
affairs in India made the Court of Directors anxious for his presence
in that country. He was appointed Governor of Fort St. David, with a
provisional commission to succeed to the government of Madras; and
the appointment was accompanied with the expression of their anxious
desire that he should return as soon as possible to a country in which
they deemed his services of the greatest importance. To obviate the
quarrels about rank between the King's and Company's officers, which
had often been attended with much obstruction to the service, the
Directors applied to His Majesty's government, and obtained for him the
commission of Lieutenant-Colonel in the British army; a very honourable
distinction, as he was then but a young man, and only a Captain in
their service.
He left England in 1755; but, instead of sailing direct to his new
government, he proceeded to Bombay, where he landed on the 27th of
November, with three companies of Royal Artillery and three hundred
infantry, destined to form, in conjunction with the Mahrattas, part
of a force for the attack of the French and their allies in the
Deckan. When the project was first formed, it had been intended that
he should command this force; and he was at the time the only man in
the service from whose knowledge and experience success in such a
scheme could reasonably have been anticipated. But we have on this
occasion an early instance of the character of that interference of the
King's government, which, when dictated by narrow considerations of
patronage, must defeat every measure it proposes to promote. Colonel
Scott, who had sailed for India the preceding year, in the quality of
Engineer-General, was, at the powerful recommendation of the Duke of
Cumberland, nominated to the command of this expedition. Nevertheless,
the Directors wished Clive to proceed to Bombay, in the hope that some
event might occur to defeat an appointment in which they had found
themselves compelled to concur. It so happened, that Colonel Scott died
before the troops arrived: but a provisional treaty had been entered
into[70] between Mr. Saunders, the Governor of Madras, and Mr. Godeheu,
the Governor of Pondicherry, by which, among other articles, it had
been agreed, that neither the French nor English companies should take
part in any differences arising between the princes of the country. In
consequence of this convention, the government of Bombay refused to
adopt any proceeding that could disturb the general peace of India; so
that Clive lost the opportunity of opposing the celebrated Bussy on the
plains of the Deckan.
Admiral Watson was lying at Bombay when Clive arrived; and the
opportunity was thought excellent for employing the means which
accident had left disposable, to punish the pirate Angria by the attack
of Gheriah[71], one of his strongholds, which lies a little more than
two degrees south of Bombay, and which derived its strength from the
reputed courage of its defenders, and from its site upon a rocky
promontory almost surrounded by the sea.
The expedition against Gheriah was undertaken in concert with the
Mahrattas; but suspicions being entertained that the latter were in
communication with Angria, operations were precipitated so as to
preclude them from all share in the enterprise. The Admiral having
attacked and burnt the fleet of the pirate, Clive interposed his
force on the land side between the fort and the Mahratta general,
who had hastened to co-operate. The place soon fell[72], and the
booty (about ten lacs of rupees) was divided by the British forces,
without admitting their allies to any participation. This had been
settled before the expedition left Bombay, as well as the respective
shares of prize-money to the officers and men. It is remarkable what
attention was given at this time in India, even before operations were
commenced, to adjust the relative claims to eventual booty. Councils
of war were held, at which very junior officers aided, and arguments
were entered into by the respective parties. The causes of this were
various. Besides that spirit of plunder, and that passion for the
rapid accumulation of wealth, which actuated all ranks, the undefined
relations of the King's and Company's officers made such previous
arrangements indispensable, to prevent those disputes, which, but for
such precautions, must subsequently have occurred.
It is pleasing on this occasion to record the conduct of both the
naval and military commanders. The naval officers, who formed the
majority, had decreed that Lieutenant-Colonel Clive, though he
commanded the land force, should only share in his army rank with
a post-captain in the navy. The officers of the troops claimed for
their commander an equal share with Rear-Admiral Pocock, the second in
command in the navy. This pretension was stated by Clive to Admiral
Watson. The latter, as jealous a defender of what he deemed the rights
of the service to which he belonged, as he was careless of his own
personal interest, rejected the claim, but told Clive he would make
up from his own share the difference between the colonel's and that
of Admiral Pocock. Nor was this mere profession. When the prize-money
was paid, he sent the difference he had promised, but it was declined.
Clive said his sole object had been to satisfy the troops that he had
supported the rights of their commander: they had been pleased with the
admiral's conduct, and he would "never enrich himself with money taken
from Mr. Watson's personal share of the capture."[73]
As nothing further remained to be done on the western coast, Clive
proceeded to Fort St. David[74], of which he took charge on the 20th
June, 1756, the very day, by a remarkable coincidence, on which
the Nabob of Bengal took Calcutta. Intelligence of that event was
not received at Madras till the 16th of August; and on the 18th a
despatch was sent to require the presence of Colonel Clive, it being
in contemplation, in consequence of the state of General Lawrence's
health, that he should proceed in command of the expedition destined to
recover Calcutta, and re-establish the Company's affairs in Bengal.
Accordingly, having been relieved at Fort St. David by Mr. A. Wynch,
Colonel Clive proceeded to Madras, which he reached on the 24th of
August, and assumed the command of the land forces of the expedition,
the strength of which was seriously diminished by the unseasonable
pretensions of Colonel Adlercron, who commanded one of His Majesty's
regiments at Madras, but who was not employed on this occasion, from
being deemed inexperienced in Indian warfare, and from having refused
to engage to return to Madras when requested, or to surrender, for the
reimbursement of the Company's losses, any part of the booty which the
force under him might take. Adlercron, irritated at the appointment of
Clive, stated, in reply to the requisition of the government for men,
that they should have whatever number of His Majesty's troops they
chose sent aboard the fleet: but added[75], "As I cannot answer to
the King my master, nor to my own character, to remain cooped up in a
garrison in a state of inaction, while any part of the forces under my
command are upon actual service, I think it my duty to go along with
them; and should I be of a contrary opinion, my Lieutenant-Colonel
would have just cause of complaint against me, were I not to make
him the first offer. The detachment of His Majesty's artillery is
particularly allotted to attend my regiment, and I cannot consent
to their being employed any where but with a part thereof; unless,
therefore, we are to have the honour of assisting in this expedition, I
do hereby, in the name of the King my master, demand that His Majesty's
artillery, with all the stores thereto belonging, be immediately
disembarked. I am sorry, gentlemen, to be obliged to observe, that I
think it very extraordinary, that, after writing to me two letters,
requesting me to undertake this service with the whole of His Majesty's
troops, and pressing me to give the necessary orders accordingly, you
should now be for putting me off upon such slight pretences."
The resolutions taken in council on the receipt of this letter were as
follow:--
"Colonel Adlercron's avowal, in his letter of the 20th instant, that
he could not engage to return hither upon our request, and that the
Company should not have any part of the plunder that may be taken,
towards the reimbursement of the immense loss they have sustained,
appear to us to be reasons of the greatest importance against his going
on the command; and we flatter ourselves that His Majesty will not be
of opinion with Colonel Adlercron, that they are slight pretences, or
that it will reflect dishonour on Colonel Adlercron to stay for the
defence of a colony of so much consequence as Madras, where, besides,
by much the largest force will remain, and above two thirds of his own
regiment.
"The committee are entirely of opinion, that it is necessary, for the
good of the Company, that the command should be vested in an officer
of the Company's, subject to our orders, and do therefore abide by
the resolution of the council, that Colonel Clive proceed in that
quality; but, as it will cause some delay to land His Majesty's train
of artillery, which is already embarked, it is agreed to write again
to Colonel Adlercron, to represent to him the bad consequences of
such delay: resolving, nevertheless, that it will be disembarked if
he continues to insist on it, but to protest against him for all the
damage which may be caused to the Company by such delay."
The reasonings of the governor and his council were not convincing
to the mind of Colonel Adlercron. He wrote a long letter in reply,
mentioning all his grievances and opinions, and positively refusing to
permit the train, or any part of His Majesty's forces, to proceed on
the expedition.
"The dangerous situation," he observes, "in which you represent things
to be here, rather confirms me in my resolution not to part with His
Majesty's train; but I have already given a full answer in the letter
I wrote this morning to the general council, to which I beg leave to
refer you, as you have offered nothing which can induce me to alter my
sentiments. Surely, gentlemen, you are not so unreasonable as to expect
that I will send away part of His Majesty's train or regiment (who are
so immediately under my direction), and leave to you the nomination of
the person who shall command them."
In consequence of this letter, not only the royal artillery, but
His Majesty's guns and stores were disembarked; and the expedition,
deprived of this strength, consisted of about two thousand four hundred
men. Reinforcements, however, were promised both from Madras and Bombay.
These proceedings are not recorded with any desire to reflect on the
memory of the actors in the scenes here described. A relation of such
facts, however, is indispensable, to convey an idea of the difficulties
which were to be overcome, and of the firmness and temper required in
the situation in which Clive was now placed: but he was animated to
exertion by the obstacles which presented themselves in the way of his
success; and the sanguine hopes he entertained of being the instrument
to avenge the cruel wrongs which his countrymen had sustained, and to
redeem the state he served from the disgrace and ruin brought upon it
by a barbarous enemy, are strongly expressed in the following letter
to the Court of Directors, written before he sailed from Madras:--
"Honourable Gentlemen,
"From many hands you will hear of the capture of Calcutta by the
Moors, and the chain of misfortunes and losses which have happened
to the Company in particular, and to the nation in general: every
breast here seems filled with grief, horror, and resentment:
indeed, it is too sad a tale to unfold, and I must beg leave to
refer you to the general letters, consultations, and committees,
which will give you a full account of this catastrophe.
"Upon this melancholy occasion, the Governor and council thought
proper to summon me to this place. As soon as an expedition was
resolved upon, I offered my service, which was at last accepted,
and I am now upon the point of embarking on board His Majesty's
squadron, with a fine body of Europeans, full of spirit and
resentment for the insults and barbarities inflicted on so many
British subjects.
"I flatter myself that this expedition will not end with the taking
of Calcutta only; and that the Company's estate in those parts
will be settled in a better and more lasting condition than ever.
There is less reason to apprehend a check from the Nabob's forces,
than from the nature of the climate and country. The news of a
war[76] may likewise interfere with the success of this expedition:
however, should that happen, and hostilities be committed in India,
I hope we shall be able to dispossess the French of Chandernagore,
and leave Calcutta in a state of defence.
"I have a true sense of my duty to my country and the Company; and
I beg leave to assure you, that nothing shall be wanting, on my
part, to answer the ends of an undertaking on which so very much
depends. Success on this occasion will fill the measure of my joy,
as it will fix me in the esteem of those to whom I have the honour
to subscribe myself, with great respect,
(Signed) "R. CLIVE."
"Fort St. George, 11th Oct., 1756."
In several private communications from Clive to his friends in England,
we find the same sentiments expressed, in language which denotes the
calm and determined spirit with which he went to the performance of his
duty on this important occasion. Writing to Mr. Mabbot, he observes,
"Providence, who is the disposer of all events, has thought proper
to inflict the greatest calamity that ever happened to the English
nation in these parts; I mean the loss of Calcutta, attended with the
greatest mortifications to the Company, and the most barbarous and
cruel circumstances to the poor inhabitants. This unhappy news has
called me to the presidency; and the gentlemen thereof have thought
proper to put me at the head of the expedition for the recovery of
Calcutta, the Company's losses, rights, and privileges. I have that
sense of duty to my country, and of my obligations to the Company (be
the event what it will), there is no hardship or risk, consistent with
common prudence, I will not undergo to obtain the wished-for success.
I am not so apprehensive of the Nabob of Bengal's forces, as of being
recalled by the news of a war, or checked in our progress by the woods
and swampiness of the country, which is represented as being almost
impassable for a train of artillery."
In a letter to Mr. Roger Drake, a gentleman then high in the Court
of Directors, Clive writes, "A few weeks ago I was happily seated at
St. David's, pleased with the thoughts of obtaining your confidence
and esteem, by my application to the civil branch of the Company's
affairs, and of improving and increasing the investment; but the fatal
blow given to the Company's estate at Bengal has superseded all other
considerations, and I am now at this presidency upon the point of
embarking on board His Majesty's squadron, with a very considerable
body of troops, to attempt the recovery of Calcutta, and to gain
satisfaction from the Nabob for the losses which the Company have
sustained in those parts. The re-capture of Calcutta appears no very
difficult task, but our further progress for reducing the Nabob to
such terms as the gentlemen of Calcutta may think satisfactory, is
precarious and doubtful, from the prospect of a war, which may not
allow time for such an undertaking. You may be assured I never will
turn my back upon Bengal, if not ordered from thence, without trying my
utmost efforts toward obtaining the desired success."
Before proceeding to the narration of the important events which took
place after Clive's arrival in Bengal, it will be useful to take a
short view of the situation of the affairs of the Company at this
period.
By the terms of the truce between the French and English, proclaimed
on the 11th of October, and followed by a provisional treaty of peace
between the two Companies, signed on the 26th and 31st of December,
1754, the English gained on the coast of Coromandel all for which
they had so long contended; for, by the agreement of both parties
to withdraw from any further interference with the native princes,
Mahommed Ali, whom they had supported through so many vicissitudes,
became the reigning[77] sovereign of the Carnatic.
The territorial acquisitions, and the influence established by the
valour and talent of Bussy, which were deemed so valuable by Dupleix,
the former Governor of Pondicherry, appear to have been only viewed by
his successor Godeheu as obstacles to that peace which it was the chief
object of his appointment to establish; and he discouraged all further
progress to power in the Deckan.
The peace, or rather truce, obtained by such sacrifices, did not last
a twelvemonth. Hostilities between the two nations were carried on as
before, under the pretext of supporting the native chiefs and princes
with whom the two companies were respectively allied, but with whose
quarrels they had agreed not to interfere. To add to the embarrassment
which this state of affairs produced, accounts were received at Madras,
on the 12th of November, 1756, that war had broken out between France
and England; and Clive had not sailed above a month, when a letter from
the Governor and Council of Fort St. George, after suggesting an attack
on the French settlement of Chandernagore, entreated his early return,
with as many of his troops as could be spared, to protect them from the
dangers likely to result from the expected arrival of a French armament
from Europe.
The history of the events which brought ruin on the settlement of
Calcutta is short and disgraceful. The kingdom of Bengal, which, with
Orissa, had been, for fifteen years, subject to the able and active
rule of Aliverdi Khan, was now[78] governed by his grand nephew
Suraj-u-Dowlah, a youth, who, to all the effeminacy and luxurious
habits of an eastern prince, added the greatest violence of temper,
and an unrestrained indulgence of his passions. The commercial
settlement of Calcutta, which had been protected by his predecessor,
became an early object of his attack. Whether he was tempted by its
known weakness and reputed wealth, or by a desire to expel the English
from Bengal, is a matter of little moment. The pretexts on which his
aggressions were grounded are too slight to merit consideration. He
first accused the English of an intention to fortify Calcutta. This
was disproved. Then they were charged with giving protection to one
of his subjects[79] who had fled with great treasure. The person of
this subject, he was informed, should be reserved for his pleasure;
and proof was offered, that the treasure he was said to have fled
with had no existence. But the young and rapacious tyrant was only
to be satisfied by the plunder of the English merchants, and all
that belonged to them. This was shown by his conduct at Cossimbazar.
Having prevailed upon the chief, Mr. Watts, to visit him, he made
him prisoner, and afterwards attacked and gained possession of that
fortified factory. But the great object of his ambition was the capture
of Calcutta. When he approached that city[80], a feeble effort was
made at defence; after which it was decided that it would be expedient
to retreat; but no orders were issued to render this measure regular
or effective to its object of saving the persons and property of
the European part of the population, by embarking them on board the
vessels lying near the town. The consequence was, that when embarkation
commenced, every one tried to secure his own personal safety by getting
on board how and when he could. The alarm created by this confusion
spread to the ships, and they began to drop down the river. This was no
sooner perceived, than every boat was filled; and among those who fled
to join the ships on this memorable occasion, were some who were bound
to remain by every call of public duty. Signals were made from the fort
to the ships to return, but they were not heeded; and, though two days
elapsed before the capture, not a boat came to save the few who, either
from a sense of duty, or from not possessing the means of escape, had
remained in the fort. It is difficult to believe that amongst so many
Englishmen, none were found disposed to adventure for the safety of
their countrymen. "Never, perhaps," says Orme, "was such an opportunity
of performing an heroic action so ignominiously neglected; for a single
sloop, with fifteen brave men on board, might, in spite of all the
efforts of the enemy, have come up, and, anchoring under the fort, have
carried away all who suffered in the dungeon."[81]
As the Governor[82] and commandant[83] of the troops were among the
fugitives, those who were left behind chose Mr. Holwell as their chief.
Soon finding that resistance was impossible, he desired to surrender;
but, before he could obtain an answer, the enemy stormed and made
themselves master of the fort. Suraj-u-Dowlah, when Mr. Holwell was
carried into his presence with his hands bound, directed them to be
untied, and spoke to him in a manner calculated to give him hopes of
protection: nothing, at least, indicated the fate that awaited this
gentleman and his unfortunate companions; and indeed, as the Nabob
had no reason for desiring their death, we cannot suppose that it
was by his command they were, on the night of the day they were made
prisoners, thrust into that prison emphatically called the Black Hole,
from which, of a hundred and forty-six persons, only twenty-three came
out alive.
"Some of our company," says Mr. Cooke[84], "expired very soon after
being put in: others grew mad, and having lost their senses, died in a
high delirium. All we could urge to the guard set over us, could not
prevail upon them either to set us at liberty, or separate us into
different prisons; which we desired, and offered money to obtain; but
to no purpose: and when we were released at eight o'clock the next
morning, only twenty-three came out alive."
The indignation excited against Suraj-u-Dowlah in the breast of every
Englishman, on account of the murder of these persons, was just; even
though he never intended[85] to perpetrate so cruel an action.
Wrapt in proud indifference as to what befel those unfortunate beings,
whom fortune had thrown into his power, the tyrant was not to be
approached with the tale of their unexampled sufferings, at the moment
when they might have been alleviated; and he never showed any sense
of remorse when the dreadful catastrophe was narrated to him, nor
evinced any resentment against those who had not only driven their
captives into the dark and narrow place of destruction, but had turned
a deaf ear to the earnest prayers and the dying groans of the unhappy
sufferers.
Two fitter instruments than Watson and Clive could not have been chosen
to avenge their country, and to re-establish the interests of the
Company in Bengal; and their efforts were warmly seconded by Mr. Pigot,
Governor of Madras, who gave them all the assistance he could, to
promote the success of a service of vital importance to the prosperity,
and indeed to the very existence, of the Company in India.
The expedition sailed from Madras the 16th of October, and consisted
of five of His Majesty's ships and five of the Company's, having on
board nine hundred European infantry, and fifteen hundred sepoys. Five
hundred more sepoys were expected from Bombay. (A. D. 1756.) All the
fleet, with the exception of two vessels, the "Cumberland"[86] and
"Marlborough[87]," on board of which were a considerable proportion of
the troops, had reached Fulta[88] by the 22d of December, where they
found the fugitives from Calcutta.
Major Kilpatrick, also an officer of high reputation, was at that
place. He had, it appears from his letter to Clive of the 5th of
August, arrived some weeks after the capture of Calcutta; but did not
think it advisable (as he states in the same letter), until supported
from Madras, to attempt the recovery of the settlement, having "only a
handful" of men, four pieces of artillery, and a very small quantity of
ammunition.
Clive appears, from letters to Major Kilpatrick, dated the 23d of
December, to have been so unwell as to have committed to that officer
the charge of preparations for immediate advance upon the small fort of
Budge-Budge[89], the road to which was through a low swampy country,
covered with jungle and underwood.
Though two hundred and fifty of his small European force, and four
hundred and thirty sepoys, with almost all the artillery, military
stores, &c., were on board the two missing ships, Clive nevertheless
determined to advance: but it appears from his private letter to Mr.
Pigot (dated the 8th of January, 1757), that the march of the small
body of troops by land was against his opinion. "You will find,"
he observes in this letter, "by the return, that our loss in the
skirmish near Budge-Budge was greater than could well be spared, if
such skirmishes were to be often repeated. You must know, our march
from Moidapoor to the northward of Budge-Budge was much against my
inclinations. I applied to the Admiral for boats to land us, at the
place we arrived at, after sixteen hours' march by land. The men
suffered hardships not to be described: it was four in the afternoon
when we decamped from Moidapoor, and we did not arrive off Budge-Budge
till past eight next morning: at nine, the grenadier company and all
the sepoys were despatched to the fort, where I heard Captain Coote[90]
was landed with the King's troops. At ten, Monichund, the Governor of
Calcutta, attacked us with between two and three thousand horse and
foot, and was worsted.[91] The people of the country raise fabulous
reports about the killed and wounded; but there is reason to believe,
from the smartness of the fire, and the nearness of the enemy, some of
whom were within twenty yards, one hundred and fifty might be killed
and wounded, and with them four of the principal jemmadars and an
elephant. Monichund himself received a shot in his turban. Our two
field pieces were of little or no service to us, having neither tubes
nor portfires, and wrong carriages sent with them from Fort St. David;
indeed we still labour under every disadvantage in the world, for want
of the Marlborough. It seems the enemy were encamped within two miles
of us, and we ignorant of the matter: so much for the intelligence of
the country.
"I cannot take upon me to give my sentiments about our future success
against the Nabob in the open field: the little affair above mentioned
was attended with every disadvantage on our side: a number of houses,
jungles, bushes, &c. served as a cover for the enemy--all our sepoys
and the choice of our Europeans absent--our cannon in a manner useless.
Indeed I fear we shall labour under many of these disadvantages when
attacked by the Nabob, and I take it for granted that he will be down
before the Cumberland and Marlborough can arrive. As yet, there appears
but little probability of getting draught bullocks, without which we
cannot move."
Calcutta, which offered no resistance, was taken possession of on the
2d of January, 1757, by Admiral Watson, who, on the 3d, delivered
it over to the Company's representatives. That jealous claim to
superiority on the part of His Majesty's commanders by sea and land,
which created difficulty in every conjunct operation, was evinced on
this occasion in a manner that excited an indignation in the mind of
Clive which he could not conceal.
"Between friends," he observes, in the letter to Mr. Pigot above
quoted, "I cannot help regretting that ever I undertook this
expedition. The mortifications I have received from Mr. Watson and the
gentlemen of the squadron, in point of prerogative, are such, that
nothing but the good of the service could induce me to submit to them.
The morning the enemy quitted Calcutta, a party of our sepoys entered
the fort at the same time with a detachment from the ships, and were
ignominiously thrust out: upon coming near the fort myself, I was
informed that there were orders that none of the Company's officers or
troops should have entrance. This, I own, enraged me to such a degree,
that I was resolved to enter if possible, which I did, though not in
the manner maliciously reported, by forcing the sentries; for they
suffered us to pass very patiently upon being informed who I was. At
my entrance, Captain Coote presented me with a commission from Admiral
Watson, appointing him Governor of Fort William, which I knew not a
syllable of before: and it seems this dirty underhand contrivance was
carried on in the most secret manner, under a pretence that I intended
the same thing, which, I declare, never entered my thoughts. This
affair was compromised, by the Admiral consenting that I should be
Governor, and that the Company's troops should remain in the fort.
The next day the Admiral delivered up the fort to the Company's
representatives in the King's name."
According to Mr. Ives[92], who must be supposed to have given a
faithful record of Admiral Watson's actions, as he was surgeon to
the flag ship, and honoured with his commander's confidence, Captain
King was sent, the moment Calcutta surrendered, to take possession
of that fort in His Majesty's name; and in a few minutes afterwards
it was garrisoned by a party of King's troops serving on board the
flag-ship, under the command of Captain Coote, to whom specific
instructions were given, not to deliver up his command till further
orders. Clive, who had invested the fort on the land face, immediately
entered it, and claimed the command on the ground of his commission
as Lieutenant-Colonel in His Majesty's service, and as senior officer
on shore. Captain Coote refused to recognise his authority, as he
considered himself acting under the specific orders of Admiral Watson.
Clive persisted; and, to prevent extremities, a message was sent to
Admiral Watson, who, after hearing Clive's pretensions, sent Captain
Speke to inform him, that if he did not evacuate the fort immediately,
he would fire upon him. Clive said he would not answer for the
consequences, but would not give up the command. Reflection, however,
seems to have altered this resolution, for I find a note from Captain
Speke, stating that he had communicated to the Admiral Clive's offer of
evacuating the fort, providing he had assurances of having afterwards
the command. This was acceded to; the fort remained, during the day on
which it was captured, under the Admiral, and was next day, as has been
before mentioned, made over to the Company.
Clive, in the letter before quoted to the Governor of Madras, notices
the feelings of dissatisfaction which his independent powers had
produced in the minds of the gentlemen belonging to the settlement
of Calcutta, whom he describes as callous to every feeling but that
of their losses. His sentiments upon this occasion are stated with
that severity and careless boldness, which made him so many enemies,
but which, nevertheless, continued through life to mark all his
communications on points where he considered that private feelings and
interests had interfered with the performance of public duties.
"The gentlemen here," he states, "seem much dissatisfied at the
authority I am vested with. It would be contradicting my own
sentiments, if I was not to acknowledge that I still preserve the
opinion that the gentlemen of Madras could not have taken a step more
prudent, or more consistent with the Company's interests: for I am
sorry to say, the loss of private property, and the means of recovering
it, seem to be the only objects which take up the attention of the
Bengal gentlemen. As an instance, I shall only mention the expeditions
to Dacca, which you may remember to have heard of a little before we
sailed. It was settled that the Company should defray the expenses, and
that what was taken should be divided among the sufferers of Calcutta
in proportion to their losses; the sufferers repaying the Company what
might be advanced on that account. I would have you guard against every
thing these gentlemen can say; for, believe me, they are bad subjects
and rotten at heart, and will stick at nothing to prejudice you and the
gentlemen of the committee; indeed, how should they do otherwise, when
they have not spared one another? I shall only add, their conduct at
Calcutta finds no excuse, even among themselves; and that the riches of
Peru and Mexico should not induce me to dwell among them."
The correspondence which has been noticed between Admiral Watson and
Clive, and between the latter and the select committee at Calcutta,
is of consequence, as it exhibits the obstacles with which Clive
had to struggle at this critical period of his life, and of the
interests of his country in India. It is, however, to be observed, that
notwithstanding the pertinacity and violence on points of professional
claims, which Admiral Watson exhibited, there was a redeeming honesty
and zeal in that gallant seaman, which gave ample pledge that the
public service would always be preferred by him to every other
consideration; and though Clive showed occasional fits of spleen at
the conduct of the Admiral, the whole course of his correspondence,
public and private, proves that he entertained the highest respect and
admiration for his character.
The situation of Clive was at this period most difficult. He found
it more easy to deal with the pretensions and prejudices of Admiral
Watson, than with the weak and disunited select committee of Bengal.
In answer[93] to a letter from the latter, demanding that he should
surrender the power with which he was vested, and place himself under
them, he observed, "I do not intend to make use of my power for acting
separately from you, without you reduce me to the necessity of so
doing; but as far as concerns the means of executing these powers, you
will excuse me, gentlemen, if I refuse to give them up: I cannot do it
without forfeiting the trust reposed in me by the Select Committee of
Fort St. George.
"It does not become me, as an individual, to give my opinion, whether
the conduct of the gentlemen of Fort St. George has been faulty or not;
that point must be determined by our superiors."
After occupying Calcutta, the British commanders, to take advantage, as
Clive states[94], of the consternation caused by their rapid progress,
sent a naval and military force to attack Hooghley. I transcribe from
Orme[95] the following account of this operation:--
"Mr. Drake, notwithstanding his adversities, had retained some
correspondents, and the Company's money some spies, from whom he
received intelligence, as soon as he arrived at Calcutta, that the
town of Hooghley was in great consternation, and that it would be some
time before the Nabob's army would reach from Moorshedabad; upon which
the Committee agreed to attack Hooghley without delay. The twenty-gun
ship, the sloop of war, and three other vessels, were appointed for
this service; and on board of them were embarked one hundred and fifty
Europeans, being those of Adlercron's regiment, with two hundred
sepoys.[96] They sailed on the 4th of January, and hoped to reach
Hooghley in one tide; but the twenty-gun ship struck upon a sand-bank,
which stopped their progress for five days. On the 10th, they arrived
at Hooghley. This town lieth about twenty miles above Calcutta,
adjoining to the north part of the Dutch settlement of Chinsurah, from
whence it extends three miles on the bank of the river. At the northern
extremity of the town is a fort, which was at this time garrisoned by
two hundred men: three thousand more had been sent from Moorshedabad;
but these retreated as soon as the English troops landed, remaining,
however, within a few miles. The vessels battered the fort until night;
and although the breach was scarcely practicable, it was determined
to storm it before break of day. A false attack was made at the main
gate; whilst Captain Coote, with the other division, accompanied by
some sailors, mounted the breach before they were discovered by the
garrison; who no sooner saw the English on the ramparts, than all of
them quitted their posts, and fled out at the lesser gate. Three
Europeans and ten sepoys were killed in the attack. On the 12th,
Captain Coote, with fifty Europeans and one hundred sepoys, marched
to Baudel, a large village three miles north of the fort, where they
destroyed several granaries of rice; and in their turn were surrounded
in the village by the fugitive garrison, and the troops which had been
sent from Moorshedabad, from whom they disengaged themselves without
losing a man. On the 16th, a party proceeded in boats some miles to the
northward, and destroyed several more granaries on each side of the
river; and on the 19th, the Europeans with the smaller vessels returned
to Calcutta."
The account of the expedition against Hooghley is confirmed by every
contemporary writer. The booty taken was estimated by Clive at a lac
and a half of rupees (15,000_l._). The reduction of this important
fort, the destruction and capture of the enemy's property, and the
discomfiture of their troops, whilst they avenged the wrongs which
Suraj-u-Dowlah had inflicted upon the English, were calculated to
impress that prince with a just sense of their power, and of their
determination to use it, for the purpose of compelling him to make
reparation for his unprovoked aggressions. They concluded (and his
character and conduct justified the conclusion) that it was not by
conciliating, but by alarming him, that they could obtain future
exemption from his attacks. What had occurred gave good grounds for the
belief they entertained. Subsequent events proved its correctness.[97]
Clive's letters in January communicate to the Madras government
information of the capture of Hooghley, and of the completion of
the works to strengthen Calcutta. He also informs them, that the
Select Committee of Bengal had confided to him and Admiral Watson all
correspondence with the Nabob, who was advancing towards Calcutta,
making professions of an amicable disposition, and offering to make
restitution of property, provided Mr. Drake were removed from the
management of the Company's affairs in Bengal.
Clive, at this period, cherished sanguine hopes of an early settlement;
and it appears, both from his public and private letters, that he was
most solicitous to obey the instructions of the Madras Government, by
returning to that Presidency the moment he could do so without the most
imminent hazard to the public interests.
"Mr. Watson," he observes[99], "has not yet come to any resolution
about his departure; and I fear it will be difficult for me to leave
this place without his concurrence and assistance: however, nothing
but the prospect of a speedy and honourable peace will induce him
to stay much longer; and you may be assured I shall accompany him,
unless something of the like nature happens, so as to give hopes of a
peace being soon concluded, greatly to the honour and advantage of the
Company. Be assured, gentlemen, I shall follow your instructions, and
not draw out the war to length, on any consideration whatever."
In his private letter of the 25th of January, to Mr. Pigot, he says,
"I need not represent to you the immense consequence of Bengal to the
Company; and, while there is a prospect of concluding matters, either
by a treaty, or by a general battle, which, I think, cannot be far
off, I am persuaded you would not approve of my leaving every thing
unfinished, in a sudden and abrupt manner.
"If we cannot conclude every thing by the end of March, I will give it
up, and content myself with leaving Calcutta in a defensible state. By
the return you will see, exclusive of the King's troops and artillery,
I have not above three hundred European rank and file fit for duty; so
that, if the Bombay troops don't arrive, I cannot possibly bring with
me more than the grenadier company, and fifty of the train, exclusive
of the King's. The sepoys must be left, of which you have no want on
the coast. Fort William cannot be left with a less garrison than three
hundred military and train fit for duty."
In the postscript to the same letter, he observes, "The Admiral has not
wanted a number of people to advise him to pay no manner of attention
to any representations, but what come from the gentlemen here; and that
the gentlemen of the coast cannot be judges of what is fit for the
interest of the Company in these parts. He is very desirous of getting
away by the latter end of next month, but has been persuaded that he is
so much concerned in honour to see matters concluded, that he swears he
will stay till September, if it be necessary. You will easily conclude
how difficult it will be for me to get from hence without his consent
and assistance. I do assure you I believe the Nabob desires peace most
earnestly; and I have told the gentlemen very plainly, that if he will
give such terms as are consistent with the interest of the Company, and
no other, all private satisfaction must be laid aside."
The desire which Clive, at this period, entertained to return to
Madras, and the causes by which he was detained, are strongly expressed
in his letter[100] to the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors.
"The gentlemen of the Committee of Fort Saint George, on advice of
the war with France, immediately despatched letters to me directing
my return to the coast, as early as possible, with what troops could
be spared; which, considering the reinforcement from Bombay, they
hoped would be nearly as many as I brought with me. Further advices
from them, dated 2d and 11th December, mention Monsieur Bussy's having
set out from Hyderabad on the 16th November, and advanced towards
the sea-coast with about one thousand men, having left one hundred
with Salabut Jung. They conclude his destination is for Pondicherry,
there to join other troops expected from the Islands, and make up
a formidable force for action in the Carnatic; therefore urging my
return with as many troops as possible, both of the Madras and Bombay
detachments: for that all schemes of action in Bengal must be dropped
for the present, and our whole force bent against the collected
strength of the French on the coast.
"I have no accounts myself from the Chief of Vizagapatam: but, by Mr.
Pocock's letter to Mr. Watson, and the information of Lieut. Rumbold,
arrived from thence, I understand that Monsieur Bussy gave out that he
was coming to settle the affairs of this province; but that, by the
direction of his march, he seemed to have a design upon Vizagapatam,
and the English settlements in that neighbourhood. That when he
was within about six days' march of Vizagapatam, and heard of the
Cumberland's arrival there, he detached Monsieur Law with about three
hundred Europeans to Masulipatam, to defend it against any attempts
from that ship, as it is supposed; and he himself halted with the rest
of his army, consisting, it is thought, of about four or five hundred
Europeans, and a very large black force, both foot and horse. The
accident, therefore, of the Cumberland's falling in with Vizagapatam
has saved your northern settlements for the present; which, I fear, on
her coming away, must fall a sacrifice to the superiority of the French
forces in that quarter.
"All circumstances concur to make me wish a speedy accommodation in
this province, both with the Nabob and French; and it is my ardent
desire to be able to embark for the coast this month, with some of
the troops; but it is hardly to be expected that matters will be
sufficiently settled to admit of it. The Admiral declares he is ready
to stay till September if your affairs require it; and it will be
impossible for me to return without the squadron. Indeed, I am myself
so sensible of the consequence which the trade of this province is
of to the Company, that I think I ought not, on any account, to draw
off part of the troops, while a fair prospect remains of a speedy
and advantageous conclusion of affairs, either by force of arms or a
treaty. Whenever we return, I will endeavour to prevail on the Admiral
to call at Vizagapatam, to know the state of the coast, and whether our
services will be necessary in that neighbourhood."
How little Clive contemplated any schemes of wealth, or personal
aggrandizement, as likely to result from the scene in which he was
engaged, may be judged from a letter to his father written at this
period:--"I wrote you last," he observes, "by the Chesterfield, and
acquainted you with my being just ready to set out upon the expedition
to Bengal. I have now the pleasure to inform you, that all are safely
arrived, and that success has hitherto attended our arms by sea
and land. Calcutta is retaken, and fortified; and, some time ago,
the second city in this province (Hooghley) was taken by storm and
plundered.
"We are encamped with our little army; and the Nabob is at the head of
forty thousand men to give us battle. I am in hopes every thing will
be concluded to the Company's advantage, though not in so glorious a
manner as I could wish. For more particulars I must refer you to Mr.
Mabbot.
"It is not possible to describe the distresses of the inhabitants of
this once opulent and populous town. It must be many years before it
is restored to its former grandeur. It is computed the private losses
amount to upwards of two millions sterling.
"I enjoy my health better than could be expected, and think my nervous
complaint decreases. Mrs. Clive was well when I last heard from her,
which was the 4th of last month.
"Colonel Lawrence is Governor of St. David's during my absence. I
believe it would be no difficult matter to get appointed from home
Governor of this place; but it would be neither agreeable to me, nor
to my advantage. I heartily wish, in these perilous and uncertain
times, all my money was in England; for I do not think it safe here:
no one knows what the event of war may be in these parts. My loss by
the capture of Calcutta is not less than 2500_l._; so that hitherto I
am money out of pocket by my second trip to India. I hope the end will
crown all."
The arrival of the Nabob, with a large army, in the immediate vicinity
of Calcutta, put an end, for the moment, to all considerations but that
of a speedy settlement with him. He continued to profess friendship;
but the delays and evasions of his ministers, and the position he
occupied, not only led to doubts of his sincerity, but threatened the
safety of Clive's small force, and with it the city of Calcutta. Clive
persevered, however, in his efforts to effect an amicable settlement;
and, in concert with his second in command, Major Kilpatrick, publicly
stated his opinion, that, while the Committee endeavoured to obtain
better terms, they should not hazard a renewal of hostilities by
rejecting those with which the Nabob appeared ready to comply. The
sentiments they gave upon this occasion are too remarkable and too
honourable to the individuals to be omitted.
"Upon the whole," they stated, "we think the conditions highly
honourable and advantageous to the Company. It would give us great
pleasure, as being considerable sufferers ourselves, if terms
advantageous to private persons could be obtained likewise; but our
present insignificant strength, the situation of affairs upon the
coast, the absolute recall of Col. Clive with the greatest part of the
forces, oblige us to give it as our opinion, that, by insisting upon
terms still more advantageous, we expose the Company to the risk of
losing those already granted them, having neither time nor the means of
making the Nabob comply, should he retreat. We were the more confirmed
in that way of thinking, as Runjut Roy the Seit's[101] Vakeel, who has
through the whole course of this negotiation undertaken the Company's
affairs, in his last letters to Col. Clive, declares that, if the last
articles signed by the Nabob are not satisfactory, he will interfere no
more in the Company's business, but let war take its course."
The hopes indulged of an amicable disposition on the part of
Suraj-u-Dowlah were soon dispelled by the military movements of that
prince. He had, however, to deal with an opponent not to be deceived.
The moment Clive found that, from part of the Nabob's army having
entered the city, and the remainder shutting up all the avenues of its
approach, his own followers were deserting, and he was likely to be
cut off from all supplies, he determined to bring matters to a crisis.
On the 4th of February, two gentlemen were deputed to the Nabob, to
request, if his intentions were friendly, that he would withdraw. The
haughty manner in which his envoys were received, and the refusal to
comply with his request, made Clive instantly determine on an attack.
"As I now plainly perceived," he observes in his letter to the Secret
Committee, dated 22d February, 1757, "that he only meant to amuse
us, and that the little opposition he had received served rather to
elate his hopes than incline him to moderate measures, I determined to
attack him the next morning before daybreak, while two thirds of his
army were still encamped without the Mahratta ditch; for when they had
once passed and got into the streets of the town, it would be too late
to attempt it. Another pressing reason for the immediate execution
of this enterprise, notwithstanding the smallness of my force, was
the sudden distress we found ourselves in, upon the approach of the
Nabob's army, by a general desertion of our workmen, coolies, and
servants, the breaking up of our market, and no provisions to be had
but what were supplied from the fort by water; in which condition we
could not have continued long, but must have retreated into the fort
with disgrace. I therefore desired Admiral Watson to assist me with
five or six hundred seamen, principally for drawing the artillery and
carrying ammunition, which he readily complied with; and, about three
o'clock in the morning, I marched out with nearly my whole force,
leaving only a few Europeans, with two hundred new-raised bucksarees,
to guard our camp. About six, we entered the enemy's camp in a thick
fog, and crossed it in about two hours, with considerable execution.
Had the fog cleared up, as it usually does, about eight o'clock, when
we were entire masters of the camp without the ditch, the action must
have been decisive; instead of which it thickened, and occasioned our
mistaking the way. I avoid troubling you with the particulars of this
undertaking, as they are fully set down in my journal of military
occurrences."
Clive had wished to avoid hostilities, from a desire not to hazard the
advantages which had been obtained, and from the great disparity of
numbers. While his force consisted of one thousand three hundred and
fifty Europeans and eight hundred sepoys, that of the enemy exceeded
forty thousand men; but, in the situation in which he found himself
placed, he had no option betwixt the attack he made and a disgraceful
termination of the enterprise. His was not a mind to hesitate under
such circumstances. He instantly formed his plan to surprise the
Nabob's camp, by marching at three o'clock in the morning to make his
first effort against a train of heavy artillery, and, after spiking
them, to push for the head-quarters of the prince: but his little army,
after penetrating through the multitude of its opponents, became, at
daybreak, so enveloped in thick fog, that the road was missed; and
when the fog cleared, Clive, who found himself at a distance from
the point of his intended attack, had to sustain a very sharp action
with a part of the Nabob's army, in which he lost, besides two field
pieces, one hundred and twenty Europeans and one hundred sepoys, a
great proportion of his small force. Though the success of this attack,
owing to the accident of the fog, was not so complete as it otherwise
would have been, all the effects upon which Clive had calculated were
produced. The alarmed Nabob left the town next day, and encamped on
a plain within sight of the English troops. Preparations were making
for another attack; but Suraj-u-Dowlah made overtures for peace, and
Clive was too anxious for that object not to attend to them, though
advised to the contrary by Admiral Watson; who, in a private note,
written in the strong language and with the characteristic bluntness of
a British seaman, expressed serious doubts of the Nabob's sincerity,
and recommended another attack. "I am now fully convinced," the Admiral
observes, "the Nabob's letter was only to amuse us, in order to cover
his retreat and gain time till he is reinforced, which may be attended
with very fatal consequences. For my own part, I was of opinion,
that attacking his rear when he was marching off, and forcing him to
abandon his cannon, was a most necessary piece of service to bring
him to an accommodation; for till he is well thrashed, don't, Sir,
flatter yourself he will be inclined to peace. Let us, therefore, not
be overreached by his politics, but make use of our arms, which will
be much more prevalent than any treaties or negotiations. In order to
this, I have sent Captain Speke to talk with you on this subject. I
think, too, it might not be amiss, were you to consult some of your
own officers on the same occasion. You will pardon the liberty I take
on this particular, when I assure you, I will do the utmost of my
endeavours to assist you."
Clive was not induced by this advice to depart from the course he had
determined to pursue. He anticipated that what had passed would dispose
the Nabob to peace; and he dreaded that, by driving him to despair,
he might hurry him into an alliance with the French at Chandernagore,
whose European force was nearly equal to the English, and who had just
heard of the breaking out of war between the two nations in Europe.
The events proved he was not mistaken in his conclusion as to the
probable conduct of Suraj-u-Dowlah. That prince no longer hesitated
to sign a treaty, by which he restored the English at Calcutta to all
the privileges they had formerly enjoyed under the imperial firman,
or mandate, gave up the villages he had seized, permitted their
merchandise to pass custom-free, agreed to their fortifying Calcutta,
allowed them to establish a mint, and engaged that all goods taken from
their factories should be restored, and that money compensation should
be given for such as were damaged, plundered, or lost.
This treaty was concluded on the 9th of February, and three days
afterwards the Nabob entered into another agreement with Clive, by
which the English engaged to look upon the Nabob's enemies as their
own, and to grant him any aid in their power.
Various opinions were formed of the policy of this peace. Clive, in
a private letter to Mr. Payne, Chairman of the Court of Directors,
points out, with great force, the grounds on which he acted.
"If I had only consulted the interest and reputation of a soldier, the
conclusion of this peace might easily have been suspended. I know, at
the same time, there are many who think I have been too precipitate in
the conclusion of it; but surely those who are of this opinion never
knew, that the delay of a day or two might have ruined the Company's
affairs, by the junction of the French with the Nabob, which was on
the point of being carried into execution. They never considered the
situation of affairs on the coast, and the positive orders sent me by
the gentlemen there, to return with the major part of the forces at all
events; they never considered that, with a war upon the coast, and in
the province of Bengal at the same time, a trading company could not
subsist without a great assistance from the government; and, last of
all, they never considered, that a long war, attended through the whole
course of it with success, and many great actions, ended at last with
the expense of more than fifty lacs of rupees to the Company.
"Believe me, Sir, I have constantly had this consideration in view, and
my conduct has been always regulated agreeably to it. I can further
say, I never undertook an expedition attended with half so many
disagreeable circumstances as this: the natural jealousy subsisting
between sea and land service has given me much uneasiness; I have
suffered many mortifications; the independent power given me by the
gentlemen of the committee at Madras has created me many enemies;
and, lastly, that attention which, by my public station, I owe to the
interest of the Company, in preference to that of private individuals,
has not passed by unreflected upon. I am a very considerable sufferer
myself; and I can affirm with great truth and sincerity, that I have
left no means untried with the Nabob, when the Company's interest was
not immediately concerned, to induce him to consider the unhappy people
at Calcutta, and he has often promised to do it.
"Nothing harsh, ungenerous, or uncharitable shall fall from my pen; at
the same time, in justice to the Company, I cannot avoid expressing my
concern at the future prospect of their affairs, after the obtainment
of such honourable and advantageous conditions. Do but reflect, Sir,
that most of the gentlemen in power are become bankrupts by the
unfortunate loss of Calcutta. This consideration, I must confess,
added to their apprehensions of being dismissed the service, has often
induced me to wish the gentlemen of Madras had taken the entire
management of affairs into their hands, till the Company's pleasure was
known.
"It cannot be expected that the princes of this country, whose fidelity
is always to be suspected, will remain firm to their promises and
engagements from principle only. It is, therefore, become absolutely
necessary to keep up a respectable force in this province for the
future. How far this is agreeable to the Company's circumstances,
you, Sir, are the best judge. I shall only add, there never was
such attention paid to the advice of military men at Calcutta as
was consistent with the safety of the place when in danger--a total
ignorance of which was the real cause of the loss of Fort William.
"Our design upon Chandernagore is uncertain. I cannot yet fathom the
Nabob's sentiments; the French having in a manner refused a neutrality
this day offered it. As the expedition has so far advanced, I have
given it my opinion to proceed and invest the place; and, if it should
happen, at last, that the Nabob is really against taking it, to accept
the neutrality, and make merit of doing it at his request and in
obedience to his order, by which means he will be convinced of our
friendship and power at the same time.
"I shall conclude this letter with submitting my conduct to your
opinion. It would have required greater abilities than I am master of
to reconcile and satisfy so many different interests. If I have erred,
it has not been with design; whenever that can be made to appear, I
shall very deservedly forfeit the good opinion and favour of the Court
of Directors, to whom I owe every thing."