CHAPTER VII

REVOLUTIONARY DAYS

Though the present chapter in its title purports to tell of the days of

the war for independence, in reality this is but an arbitrary heading,

for we shall approach those days from the distance of a quarter of a

century. Not that there were at the beginning of this period any

distinct limits of demarcation from the days immediately preceding it:

the contrary was the case. But it is needful for the chronicler that he

have some point of departure in each of his progressive steps toward the

goal of to-day. The opening period of this chapter, therefore, is about

the year 1750. There are reasons for this, apart from the arbitrary whim

of the historian. Though not exactly in the year dividing the century,

yet about that time there began to be manifested a spirit of American

nationality such as had never before been shown. For the first time the

country began to appear to itself in the aspect of something more than

an aggregation of colonies, and to examine itself whether it were not in

truth a nation. From the Canadas to the Carolinas there began to be a

feeling of cohesion, a tardy and half-awake recognition of unity of

interests and race. There had come about a much-fractured and thinly

stretched chain of communication and continuity from north to south, and

this was having the effect of binding together the scattered settlements

in a feeling of union, which was in a way effectual in the shaping of

the history of women in America.

There were still--there ever must be--differences of manners and customs

and even of thought imposed by the geographical dwellings of the women

of the various sections; but there was withal a certain continuity and

persistence of type, and this was gathering strength to survive the

coming days of storm. During years of stress, in the face of treason to

itself at the hands of its own daughters as well as of foreign foes, it

did so survive and became the American woman of the early days of the

republic; but there was much of vicissitude to be borne

first--vicissitude not always recognized by the chroniclers of those

days, for it was rather of manner than of contest. It was the old

question of the survival of the fittest, with European complexity and

American simplicity contending for the prize; and the battle, though won

for the best, was not without compromise.

Before, however, fastening our gaze upon those yet distant days, let us

look at the woman of America as she appeared in the period preceding

that of storm. We have spoken of American simplicity, and, with all the

coming of luxury during the later years of the southern colonies, this

was still an attribute of the American woman; but it hardly applied to

her dress or outer guise in any respect. In the very year, 1750, with

which we have begun oir steps into the period of the Revolution, we find

in the _Pennsylvania Gazette_ an advertisement that is of present

interest to us as suggestive of the style of dress affected by the

household of one of the most typical Americans of his day:

"Whereas on Saturday night last the house of Benjamin Franklin of this

city, Printer, was broken open, and the following things feloniously

taken away, viz, a double necklace of gold beads, a womans long scarlet

cloak almost new, with a double cape, a womans gown, of printed cotton

of the sort called brocade print, very remarkable, the ground dark, with

large red roses, and other large and yellow flowers, with blue in some

of the flowers, with many green leaves; a pair of womens stays covered

with white tabby before, and dove colour'd tabby behind, with two large

steel hooks, and sundry other goods, etc."

It is evident that the family of Benjamin Franklin himself were somewhat

addicted to gauds and fripperies. About this same date, George

Washington is found writing to England for certain articles of dress for

his stepdaughter, Miss Custis, then but four years of age; and for this

miniature bit of humanity he orders such things as packthread stays,

stiff coats of silk, masks for her face, caps, bonnets, ruffles,

necklaces, fans, silk and calamanco shoes, and leather pumps, while for

her small hands were ordered eight pairs of kid mitts and four pairs of

gloves. We are told on excellent authority that at this time the

"Southern dames, especially of Annapolis, Baltimore, and Charleston,

were said to have the richest brocades and damasks that could be bought

in London." Small simplicity here; and the goodwives of New York and New

England were learning to follow their leaders in the fashions.

Yet in manners there was in the North still a leaven of the old Puritan

sternness. The Rev. Mr. Burnaby, who published a book called _Travels in

America in 1759_, records therein that when the captain of a British

man-of-war, who had left his wife at Boston while he was on a cruise,

was met by his spouse on his return, he very naturally kissed her in the

sight of all men, the meeting taking place on the public wharf. But this

act was against the statute which forbade kissing on the street as a

great indecency, and the reprobate captain was promptly haled before the

magistrates. It will hardly be believed that these gentlemen actually

sentenced the Englishman to be whipped and had the sentence executed;

and though to be whipped was not then considered a greater disgrace than

now to incur a fine, it is nevertheless pleasant to a modern to read

that the captain, when later he had become most popular in Boston,

invited his judges to a dinner on board his ship and there had them

triced up to the rigging and to each meted out the Scriptural forty

stripes save one. But the incident shows us the moral atmosphere of New

England at least in some of its parts; for it is unfortunately

undeniable that in Connecticut the abominable practice of "bundling" was

at the height of prevalence and popularity about 1750. The inevitable

reaction came a little later, however, and the fulminations of Jonathan

Edwards and his fellows at last came to have their effect; and by the

end of the Revolution the custom was no longer recognized by any

respectable community, with one or two marked exceptions, and these

exceptions ceased to be such before the coming of the new century. Yet

as late as 1775 we find the diary of Abigail Foote--from which we shall

later make a more edifying extract--recording as a matter of course the

fact of Ellen Foote, sister to the writer, bundling with a young man

"till sun about 3 hours high." It is pleasant to read that a few weeks

later the pair were "cried" and married.

Such were the curious contradictions of customs and morals found among

our Puritan forefathers: a man might not kiss his wife in the street,

but an unmarried woman might, if clothed, spend the night in bed with

her lover. There were many other contradictions of manners. For

instance, what could be more suggestive of utter simplicity than the

diary of Abigail Foote, to which reference has just been made? I will

quote an extract from it as an example of the life spent by young girls

of her time. Abigail wrote in 1775, and she lived in Colchester,

Connecticut. Here is a record of one of her days:

"Fix'd Gown for Prude Just to clear my teeth,--Mend Mother's

Riding-hood,--Ague in my face,--Ellen was spark'd last night,--Mother

spun short thread,--Fix'd two Gowns for Welch's girls,--Carded tow--spun

linen--worked on Cheese Basket,--Hatchel'd Flax with Hannah and we did

51 lb a piece,--Pleated and ironed,--Read a sermon of

Dodridge's,--Spooled a piece--milked the cows--spun linen and did 50

knots--made a broom of Guinea wheat straw,--Spun thread to whiten,--Went

to Mr. Otis's and made them a swinging visit,--Israel said I might ride

his jade,--Set a red Dye,--Prude stayed at home and learned Eve's Dream

by heart,--Had two scholars from Mrs. Taylor's--I carded two pounds of

whole wool and felt Nationly,--Spun harness twine,--Scoured the Pewter."

The information concerning Ellen is to us more suggestive than

interesting, and why to card two pounds of wool should make anyone feel

"Nationly" is not clear; but we can gather from the candid diary of

young Mistress Foote a fair idea of the life of the young lady of that

day. Varying with section in customs and application, it was yet typical

in its way and speaks volumes of the simple and admirable training of

the women of the period. But, being on the search for contradictions at

this time, look upon this picture of the elaborate headdresses worn at

that period, found in a letter from Anna Green Winslow:

"I had my heddus roll on. Aunt Storer said it ought to be made less,

Aunt Deming said it ought not to be made at all. It makes my head ach

and burn and itch like anything Mama. This famous Roll is not made

wholly of a Red-Cow Tail but is a mixture of that & horsehair very

coarse & and a little human hair of a yellow hue that I suppose was

taken out of the back part of an old wig. But D. made it, all carded

together and twisted up. When it first came home, Aunt put it on, and my

new cap upon it; she then took up her apron and measured me & from the

roots of my hair on my forehead to the top of my notions I measured

above an inch longer than I did downward from the roots of my hair to

the end of my chin. Nothing renders a young person more amiable than

Virtue and Modesty without the help of fals hair, Red-Cow Tail or D. the

barber."

In this letter, written in 1771, Mistress Winslow treats the matter

jocularly and even wittily; but it was a grave enough affair, that of

the "heddus," to the average dame of the day. We are told that "the

front hair was pulled up over a stuffed cushion or roll, and mixed with

powder and grease; the back hair was strained up in loops or short

curls, surrounded and surmounted with ribbons, pompons, aigrettes,

jewels, gauze, and flowers and feathers, till the structure was half a

yard in height." Fashion in this wise had gone to even greater extremes

in other lands; but there was not much of colonial simplicity about this

sort of thing. We are not told directly whether Abigail Foote, the

spinner and carder, wore such a monstrosity as that described when she

went to pay her "swinging visit" to the Otis family; but even if she

personally avoided such extremes, yet these flagrant contradictions were

in constant evidence in the life and garb of the New England woman of

that day, nor were her more southern sisters far behind her in their

disregard of consistency, even though they manifested it in variant

ways. In good and evil projections, all these things have survived and

combined in the American woman of the present, though not in their old

aspects.

It was about the beginning of the named period that there happened in

Virginia a charming incident in which is displayed a feminine trait

worthy of chronicle, even if universal in nationality. At the famous

college of William and Mary there lived a bachelor professor by the name

of John Camm. He had reached the period of life that we euphemistically

call "middle age" when there came the end of his bachelorhood in this

wise: Among those who listened to his exhortations--for he was preacher

as well as professor--was Miss Betsy Hansford, of the family of the

Hansford of "Bacon's Rebellion," known as rebel or martyr according to

the sympathies of the speaker. She was a pretty maiden, and she was

besieged with offers from the youth of the neighborhood, among others,

from one who, having himself unsuccessfully pleaded his suit, bethought

him of obtaining the services of the gifted divine as intermediary. The

latter was willing to undertake the somewhat delicate part assigned to

him, and he proceeded to show to the obdurate maiden that matrimony was

a holy and much-to-be-desired state, fortifying his position with

citations from the Bible. When it came to the quotation of texts,

however, Miss Betsy proved herself an adept by telling Mr. Camm that her

reason for refusing her young suitor might be discovered by an

examination of II. Samuel, xii, 7. Home fared Mr. Camm in search of a

Bible, for the young lady refused to lend him one, and there he found

that the text read: "And Nathan said unto David, Thou art the man."

Stronger hint could hardly be given and was not needed; for the Rev.

John Camm and Betsy Hansford, spinster, were shortly afterward married.

The Virginia Betsy thus fairly rivalled the Puritan Priscilla, and

perhaps surpassed her in the delicacy of her hint.

But darker days were coming, when there was to be but little thought of

marrying and giving in marriage; and already the shadow of those days

was felt by womanhood throughout our land. If the women did not as yet

feel the actual presence of the storm, they saw their husbands and

brothers and fathers go heavily for the fear of the days to come, and

they saw the land becoming divided into two hostile camps. The time was

fast nearing when the women of the country would be called upon to show

that they knew as well as any man of them all the meaning of patriotism,

when they would become the very nerves, as the men were the sinews, of

the land in its distress. Darker grew the days and more serious became

the bearing of the women as well as the men. Nor would the former be

excluded from the counsels of their country; though they might not take

place in the public meetings, they inspired the thoughts of the men who

there poured forth a flood of patriotism that could not be stayed. It

was the gaze of his wife, as she sat in an 'agony of suspense among the

audience, that roused Patrick Henry to the splendid effort that lost the

"Parsons" their case and gave him that fame which culminated in the

House of Burgesses when there was question between patriotism and

prudence; and doubtless it was the home council that sent him forth to

do his duty that day and kindle the fire that was to sweep over the land

until British misrule had been "burnt and purged away." That is

speculation, not history; but we know by record the spirit of the women

when there came the days of proof.

Before, however, embarking upon the subject of the women of the

Revolution proper, there may be described the personalities of two

remarkable women who flourished during the period which is being

considered, but whose lives were spent in the conflict of religious

discussion and not that of arms. For some reason,--possibly because of

national liberty of opinions and speech,--America has always been

preeminently the nursery of the female religious fanatic. The eighteenth

century, in its latter half, gave to the world two remarkable examples

of the female apostle; and though but few vital memories of either

survive, yet these women are worthy of place in this record for their

singular, though limited and temporary, influence, and for the

resemblance in certain ways, at least of one of them, to one of the most

prominent feminine leaders in our own day.

About 1770, the influence and power of a woman named Anne Lee became

acknowledged among a strange community, the Shakers. We are told that

through her at this time "the present testimony of salvation and eternal

life was fully opened, according to the special gift and revelation of

God,"--words that are not unfamiliar to us of the present day in

application to another woman,--and that she was received by the Society

as their "spiritual Mother." Later we find that from "the light and

power of God which attended her ministry, she was received and

acknowledged as the first _Mother_ or spiritual parent, in the line

female; and the second heir in the Covenant of Life, according to the

present display of the Gospel." Even to this day, she is called by her

few remaining followers "The Mother;" but she herself always claimed a

yet higher and, to sober thought, blasphemous title, saying of herself

on many occasions, "I am Anne, _the Word._" She was not an American by

birth, but came to this country in 1774, attended by a few followers who

believed in her pretensions,--her husband, Abraham Stanley, being among

them, and on our shore attained fame and following.

On the voyage, the ship as we are told with much gravity, though the

tale is hardly original--sprang a leak and was in grave peril of

sinking; but the "Mother" put her own hands to the pumps, and under her

supernatural force the water was soon ejected. Anne remained in New York

about two years and then went to Nisqueuna; where she spent the

remainder of her life amid her worshippers, save that, in 1781, she made

a progress through several parts of the country, particularly New

England, and was received with scorn by some and worship by others. She

died at Nisqueuna in 1784, having in her brief residence in our country

attained a notoriety which remained, in its way, unequalled for more

than a century. The estimate in which she was held may best be judged

from the concluding stanza of a "poem," written by one of her

enthusiastic followers:

"How much they are mistaken who think that Mother's dead,

When through her ministrations so many souls are fed!

In union with the Father, she is the second Eve,

Dispensing full salvation to all who do believe."

Thus, in almost all ways,--in her title, in her assumption of a nature,

but little, if at all, lower than that of the Deity, and in the devotion

with which she inspired her followers,--Anne Lee was the prototype of

the most notable woman of our day in America. But Anne Lee is now, a

brief century after her death, held in memory only by a few

uninfluential and rapidly lessening people; and in this also she may

prove the true prototype.

The second and less noted of the two women religious leaders who will

find record in this chapter was Jemima Wilkinson, who was born in Rhode

Island in 1753, thus being a native American. When she was about

twenty-three years old she was taken seriously ill, and during the

illness suffered from suspended animation. Of this circumstance she took

advantage by giving out that she had been dead, and that during her

absence from the world she had been invested with divine attributes and

authority to instruct mankind in religion. By virtue of her delegated

powers she professed to be able to foretell the future, to discern the

secrets of the heart, and to have the power to cure any disease; and, as

is generally the case with such impostors, failure to heal was accounted

for by want of faith in the uncured individual. All these pretensions

have a familiar sound, and the present century cannot boast a great--or

at least universal--advance in such matters beyond its predecessors; but

Jemima made a dangerous innovation, not adopted by her rivals ancient

and modern, when she professed to be able to work miracles and offered

to demonstrate her powers in this respect by walking upon water. A frame

was constructed on the banks of Seneca Lake, and a crowd assembled to

see the test; but the matter ended in absurdity, for the prophetess, on

driving up in an elegant carriage, descended to the shore and entered

the lake to the depth of her ankles; then, turning to the assembled

people, she inquired if they had faith that she could accomplish the

miracle, since without that faith she could do nothing of herself. She

received unanimous answer in the affirmative; whereupon, rather

logically than effectively, she replied that in that case there was no

need for her to perform the miracle, and incontinently returned to her

carriage and drove away! This was ingenious, but hardly convincing, one

would think; yet Jemima lost little, if any, of her prestige by this

fiasco. She was called by her followers "The Universal Friend," perhaps

with double meaning, since she was educated by the Friends, and in some

ways professed the tenets of their sect,--and in 1790 led a small but

enthusiastic band of worshippers to a tract in western New York, near

Penn Van, where, at a place called Jerusalem, the inspired prophetess

and thaumaturgist died in 1819. As late as 1850 some of her credulous

followers still existed, but they are now practically extinct.

Though neither of these women exercised any formative effect upon the

American woman of the present, they were typical of a certain class of

perverted femininity, and remarkable in their resemblance to later idols

of their kind, and are thus worthy of chronicle. They are well cleared

from our way, however, and we may turn to more pleasant themes in the

story of the truer representatives of American womanhood of the

mid-eighteenth century.

The name of one--the first in many ways--of these representatives will

involuntarily rise to the thought, if not to the lips, of every reader

of this book,--the name of Mary Washington, the mother of him who is

still generally regarded as the greatest of Americans. It may be that

the fame of Mary Washington is vicarious, that it rests entirely upon

the character and exploits of her great son; but this, as with most of

the verdicts of history, is not well deserved. The greatness of George

Washington may not be called in question; but it is no treason to

assert--he would have been the first to acknowledge--that the

foundations of that greatness, both of character and achievement, were

the handiwork of his mother. She was herself great in all the qualities

that make for grandeur in womanhood. Here is what is said of her by one

of her biographers:

"She was remarkable for vigor of intellect, strength of resolution, and

inflexible firmness wherever principle was concerned. Devoted to the

education of her children, her parental government and guidance have

been described by those who knew her as admirably adapted to train the

youthful mind to wisdom and virtue. With her, affection was regulated by

a calm and just judgment. She was distinguished, moreover, by that well

marked quality of genius, a power of acquiring and maintaining influence

over those with whom she associated. Without inquiring into the

philosophy of this mysterious ascendancy, she was content to employ it

for the noblest ends. It contributed, no doubt, to deepen the effect of

her instructions."

This is critical rather than enthusiastic praise, and therefore the more

worthy to be trusted. Nor are all Mrs. Washington's virtues here set

down. She was a woman of exemplary piety of the good old quietist

school; she was religious without being theological. She was a notable

housewife and manager, and she earned the fine old title of "lady" by

being indeed an almsgiver, though her lack of wealth limited her power

in this respect. Her already quoted biographer, in her somewhat stilted

but earnest language, says: "Her charity to the poor was well known; and

having not wealth to distribute, it was necessary that what her

benevolence dispensed should be supplied by domestic economy and

industry. How peculiar a grace," adds our biographer, with well

modulated enthusiasm, "does this impart to the benefits flowing from a

sympathizing heart!"

La Fayette said of Madam Washington that she belonged to the times of

Sparta and ancient Rome rather than to those of his own day; and Mrs.

Sigourney, whose fame as a poet has now failed, but who once was held in

high esteem, thus wrote on the occasion of laying the cornerstone for

the monument erected at Fredericksburg:

"Methinks we see thee, as in olden times,

Simple in garb, majestic and serene,

Unawed by 'pomp and circumstance' in truth

Inflexible and with a Spartan zeal

Repressing vice and making folly grave.

Thou didst not deem it woman's part to waste

Life in inglorious sloth, to sport awhile

Amid the flowers, or on the summer wave,

Then fleet like the ephemeron away,

Building no temple in her children's hearts,

Save to the vanity and pride of life

Which she had worshipped."

Better sentiment than poetry, perhaps; but serving to show concerning

Mary Washington the thought of a day nearer to her, and therefore truer

in judgment than our own.

Withal, Madam Washington was a woman of the most perfect simplicity of

bearing and of character. When her illustrious son returned to her after

leading the armies of his country to their final victory, she talked

with him of his perils and privations, of old friends, of her home and

affairs; but said no word of the glory which he had won. To her he was

still her son, and not the great general or even the beloved patriot. At

the ball given that night in his honor she appeared "arrayed in the very

plain, yet becoming garb worn by the Virginia lady of the olden time.

Her address, always dignified and imposing, was courteous, though

reserved. She received the complimentary attentions which were profusely

paid her, without evincing the slightest elevation; and at an early

hour, wishing the company much enjoyment of their pleasures, and

observing that it was time for old people to be at home, retired,

leaning, as before, on the arm of her son."

When La Fayette, exuberant Frenchman that he was, in her presence

eulogized to the skies the prowess and deeds of his chief, the mother of

that chief replied, with a simplicity admirably contrasting with the

high-flown encomiums of the marquis: "I am not surprised at what George

has done, for he was always a very good boy." Goodness and greatness

were undisseverable in her mind. She was the Madame Mere of this country

in station and the gift of a hero to the world; but greater contrast

than that existing between the two women in all other respects--save

perhaps in strength of will and purpose--could hardly be conceived; and

the world will surely always accord the palm for true greatness to Madam

Washington rather than to the mother of Napoleon.

It was in character and gift to the nation only, and not in incident,

that the life of Madam Washington deserves chronicle; and others now

demand notice in this chapter. Though the wife of Washington will be

spoken of in an ensuing chapter, as being the first of the "first ladies

of the land," mention must not be omitted of one whose very existence

has been well-nigh forgotten--the sister of Washington. Of her, it is

true, there is little to be gathered; but we are told that "she was a

most majestic woman, and so strikingly like the brother that it was a

matter of frolic to throw a cloak around her and place a military hat

upon her head; and such was the perfect resemblance that had she

appeared on her brother's steed, battalions would have presented arms

and senates risen to do homage to the chief." Further she was not noted,

and she lived her life in quiet, hardly coming within the radiance cast

around by the deeds done by her illustrious brother. Only for his sake

does she deserve notice here.

Hardly to that brother did the country owe greater debt than to the

women whom it had nurtured. Patriotic as were the majority of American

men, ready to suffer as well as to die in the cause of country, they

were less patriotic, and their endurance was less splendid, than that

shown by the women of our land. The patriotism evinced itself in many

different ways; sometimes in mere sallies of wit, as with the famous

Miss Franks, the daughter of a Jewish merchant. Rebecca Franks was

celebrated for her wit and accomplishments. She was a loyalist at heart,

and afterward married Sir Henry Johnson, an English general; but her

keen jests at the expense of the British did not impress them with her

devotion to their cause. When, at a ball in New York, Sir Henry Clinton,

then holding on with rapidly relaxing grasp to English dominance in

America, called to the musicians to play _Britons, strike home!_ Miss

Franks remarked that what he should have said was "Britons, go home!"

Other ironies are credited to her; but none, probably, having such keen

point as the repartee of a South Carolina maiden, in whose presence

Colonel Tarleton spoke sneeringly of Colonel Washington and wished he

"could see this paragon!" "Had you looked behind you at the battle of

the Cowpens, Colonel Tarleton," replied the young lady, "you would have

had that pleasure!" Whereat the hard-fighting dragoon, who on that day

had run harder than he had fought, was much discomfited.

This was the spirit of the American patriot woman; but it often evinced

itself in ways more serviceable to the cause of freedom. When Washington

was encamped at White Marsh a surprise was planned against him; and it

would undoubtedly have proved exceedingly disastrous had not the plan

been overheard by Lydia Darrah, who lived in the house on Second Street,

Philadelphia, opposite the mansion occupied by General Howe, where the

plan was discussed, the family being supposed to be in bed. Lydia

returned to her room after her espionage and had the nerve to remain

quiet, as if asleep, when one of the officers knocked on her door to

inform her that the conclave was over. Then, with quick ingenuity, she

told her husband, a loyalist, that there was need of flour and that she

must go to Frankford to procure it; and, having on this pretext secured

egress from the British lines, she hastened to White Marsh. On her way

she met Colonel Craig, of the light horse, and to him confided her

secret; then, with lightened heart, she hastened back and managed to

return unsuspected. The surprise consequently failed; but the part

played by the demure little Quakeress was never guessed, though the

British knew that some one had betrayed their plan to the American

general. Had they suspected, it must have gone hard with Lydia; but she

escaped the consequences of her brave act, which might have been death,

while her country reaped the benefits thereof.

Not so marked by the evidence of personal courage, yet splendid in its

patriotic self-sacrifice, was the spirit shown by Rebecca Motte when her

house was occupied by the British soldiery under McPherson and besieged

by Marion and Lee. McPherson's position was apparently impregnable; and

he was holding out in anticipation of the coming of Lord Rawdon with a

large force. Mrs. Motte was a firm friend of the American cause and had

often bestowed generous hospitality upon the American officers,

including Lee himself. To burn the house seemed to be the sole means of

dislodging McPherson; but how could the friends of liberty destroy the

property of one so devoted to the cause as Mrs. Motte, a widow, and one

who had often nursed back to life some stricken Continental soldier? But

Mrs. Motte overheard the discussion, and she assured the leaders that

she "was gratified with the opportunity of contributing to the good of

her country and should view the approaching scene with delight."

Moreover, when the generals had reluctantly determined upon the measure,

she gave them a bow and arrows, which had been imported from India, that

by this means the flaming combustibles might be shot upon her roof. The

plan was carried out and McPherson forced to surrender, while the house

was burned to the ground. Mrs. Motte contemplated the destruction of her

home with an unmoved smile, and busied herself in succoring and caring

for the wounded--Tory as well as Whig, for suffering annihilates such

distinctions--with a heart apparently as free from care and rejoicing in

victory as if she had gained rather than lost by the day's work.

Another daughter of South Carolina, which State claimed Mrs. Motte as

its own, displayed on more than one occasion qualities that fell nothing

short of heroism. Martha Bratton was the wife of a revolutionary

colonel, and she lived in a spot in York District that was exposed to

all the storm of war that swept over the devoted State. Her husband was

peculiarly obnoxious to the Tories, and Captain Huck or--Huyck, as it is

spelled in the order of his commanding officer--was dispatched, after a

severe defeat inflicted upon the loyal forces by troops under Colonel

Bratton, to compel by force the wife to betray the husband into British

hands. A soldier under Huck's command actually placed a reaping-hook at

Mrs. Bratton's throat when she refused to reveal the whereabouts of her

husband, and Huck did not interfere; but his second in command, with

more decency, even if with a suspicion of insubordination, interposed in

the lady's behalf, though not until she had looked death in the face for

a time and had not recoiled. Threats were of no avail, and finally Huck

abandoned his purpose as impracticable. The next day brought vengeance

upon him for his brutality, for he was attacked by Colonel Bratton with

a far smaller force, himself killed, and his troops utterly routed. The

officer who had interfered in behalf of Mrs. Bratton was taken prisoner

and might have been hanged by the enraged Whigs had not the lady

fortunately recognized him in time to preserve his life by her story of

debt to him. Another anecdote of Mrs. Bratton attests her heroic

firmness of character. Ammunition was very scarce with both patriots and

Tories, and a portion of that sent by Governor Rutledge to the former

had been confided to the care of Colonel Bratton and by him placed in an

outhouse on his place. News of this came to some loyalists, who at once,

in the absence of Colonel Bratton, organized a foray to seize the

powder. But Mrs. Bratton was warned in time, and she immediately laid a

train of powder to the outhouse, took her stand at the end of the train,

and when the enemy appeared set fire to the train and blew up the

outhouse with its valuable contents. The officer in command of the

forayers was furious at being thus outwitted and demanded to know the

perpetrator of the deed. Mrs. Bratton did not flinch. "It was I who did

it," she replied. "Let the consequence be what it will, I glory in

having prevented the mischief contemplated by the cruel enemies of my

country." One hardly knows whether the more to admire the gallant

bearing of the lady or the coolness which led her to await the actual

coming of the enemy and not to destroy such valuable property until the

necessity for doing so became immediate.

These were but types, though pronounced ones, of the spirit that was

almost universal among the patriot women of America during those stormy

and fateful days. It was to be found dominant throughout the land, from

New England to the Carolinas, though of course it was more evident, and

possibly more fervent, in those districts where the war actually set its

foot. In feeling at least, women, when once aroused, are more intensely

militant than men, as they are more patient and constant under

suffering; and it was to the women quite as much as to the men that our

country owed its escape from the British yoke. The display of the

feeling varied in its manifestations; but that feeling was ever present

in the hearts of the American women of the revolutionary times. The

ladies of Boston who abandoned, in the days of oppression, their cup of

tea that the abhorrent taxes might not be enforced showed the same true

patriotism, only needing opportunity to call it to higher pitch, as did

their sisters who bore the insults and outrages of a brutal soldiery

when Tarleton rode across stricken South Carolina and planted a hatred

that bore fruit in the ambush and the night attack. The women of New

England bound upon the backs of husbands and sons and even fathers the

old knapsack and placed in their hands the old musket and sent them

forth, ready to go, yet full of fears for those left behind, to

Lexington and Bunker Hill.

It must not, however, be supposed that all the enthusiasm, all the depth

of feeling, all the patriotism even, was in the camp, feminine or

masculine, of the Continentals. Among the Tories, or Loyalists, as they

liked best to call themselves, there were many hearts which beat with

true devotion to their country, yet which believed that country's best

duty, because its highest, was to be found in loyalty to the king.

Especially was this the case in New York and Philadelphia, which were

the strongholds of British possession. It is true that there were many,

women as well as men, even more of the former, whose loyalty was but

lip-service, who cherished in their hearts a devotion to the cause of

freedom to which they dared not give utterance for fear of oppression;

but there were also many who loved the flag of England as the banner of

all that was truest and best, and who looked upon the resisters of

British authority as rebels of the baser sort. They were as honest as

were their opponents, and they were as fanatical; and they are entitled

to the same respect for their devotion to a losing cause as are their

rivals for their loyalty to one that was victorious.

In 1778 there was held in the staid city of Philadelphia a certain

entertainment given by the officers of Sir William Howe to their

general, which was to pass into history under the name of the

Meschianza, or the Medley. It was a most gorgeous pageant, wherein were

tournament and feat and dance; and to it came most of the belles of

Philadelphia, forgetful of or uncaring for the army of their brethren,

ragged and barefooted, and still suffering from their winter of starving

amid the snows of Valley Forge. The loyalist ladies were in full

feather, more literally than would now be the case, the nodding plume

then adorning the head of the dame as frequently as it did the helmet of

the soldier. Present are such famous toasts as Miss Becky Franks, Miss

Peggy Chew, Miss Nancy White, Miss Becky Bond, and others. The Misses

Shippen, equal to any in beauty and wit, do not grace the occasion by

their charms; they have fully intended to be present, and have even

ordered Turkish dresses for the occasion, 'since fancy costumes are _en

règle_; but there has been issued a parental ukase to the contrary, Mr.

Edward Shippen at the last moment declining to allow his daughters to

make merry with the foes of his country, or it may be that the

appearance of the Turkish dresses in the eyes of his Quaker neighbors

has influenced his decision, for Mr. Shippen is not a patriot. But there

are enough without these ladies, and the merriment is unalloyed. It is a

typical scene, this of the Meschianza, even though never before has the

revel been of such ornate character; for the belles of New York and

Philadelphia and the macaronis of the army often forget the perils of

war in the delights of the social function, unmindful of the waxing or

waning of the patriot or the royal cause.

Of those present at the Meschianza there was one whose romance merits

note in these pages, Miss Peggy Chew. Among the officers who on that day

and night tilted and danced with the best was one Major John Andre, and

his motto of "No Rival" was carried out at least in his connection with

Miss Chew. That they were betrothed was the general belief; that they

were lovers may be set down as certain. But a little more than two years

later Major Andre, technically if not actually guilty of being a spy,

was led beneath the fatal tree at Tappan, and poor Peggy Chew's romance

was over forever. If we could leave her in her sorrow to weep for her

lover and the overthrown cause of her king, she might pass down as one

of the ideal heroines of sad romance; but fact somewhat hampers our

sympathy with the lady, for some seven years after the death of Andre,

Miss Chew married General John Eager Howard, the staunch fighter of the

Cowpens; and the general, as was but natural, always denied, even with

strange oaths, that his wife had ever cared for one who to him was but a

common spy.

So the belle of the Meschianza changed her political faith with her love

loyalty; but another who has been named in connection with that

entertainment shamed many a woman in faith of another kind. With her

sisters, Miss Peggy Shippen had been held from the revel; but she had

been toasted there. Yet she became, but a short time afterward, the wife

of one of the most gallant soldiers that ever drew sword for the cause

of America, Benedict Arnold. Had he been as true as he was brave he

might have left an honored name; and, even as it was, though history has

not yet done justice in this wise, Arnold's bitter resentment toward the

ungrateful Continental Congress was not without reason and excuse;

nevertheless, his action resulting therefrom was unpardonable. In his

treason, as was but natural, his splendid services were forgotten by his

countrymen; but his wife was true to him in his degradation as in his

glory. In an interview with Washington at West Point she even went so

far as to accuse the commander-in-chief of conspiring to murder her

infant as well as to degrade her husband; and we can forgive, as did

Washington, even this to the tortured woman. During his residence in

England after the Revolution, Arnold said to an Englishman who had met

him casually and, being unaware of his personality, knowing only his

nationality, asked him for some letters of introduction to be used in a

purposed trip to America: "Sir, I am the only American in the world

whose introduction would do you more harm than good; I am Benedict

Arnold." There was here more than the bitterness of ostracism; but that

bitterness, which made all his life a torment, never repelled his wife

or caused her faith and love to swerve. She was loyal with even a higher

loyalty than that given by her sisters of America to the cause of her

country, for she was faithful in heart as in deed to one who had in all

ways proved unworthy of faith.

It was this same Arnold who was mentioned in the diary of another belle

of Philadelphia, Miss Sally Wister, when she wrote: "Our brave, our

heroic General Washington was escorted by fifty of the Life Guard, with

drawn swords. Each day he acquires an addition to his goodness. We have

been very anxious to know how the inhabitants of Philadelphia have

fared. I understand that General Arnold, who bears a good character, has

the command of the city." She was writing from the Foulks estate, in

Montgomery County, where she was staying for a time, and her diary,

which concludes with the above quoted entry, is full of such warm

expressions of patriotism that none can doubt that Miss Sally, who died

a spinster, placed the cause of America even before the attractions of

such men as Major Stoddert and Captain Dandridge, who vainly attempted

to influence her to "change her condition," as the quaint old phrase

puts it.

The days of the Revolution were full of romance as well as of sterner

history, and while the women of Massachusetts and the Carolinas, as well

as those of interior Pennsylvania and rural New York, proved themselves

made of sterner stuff than is the custom to expect from their sex, the

belles of the great cities--great only for their times--of New York and

Philadelphia flirted and danced and jested and made themselves in all

ways agreeable to the red-clad soldiers of England. It may be that these

last ladies unwittingly and against their will served the cause of their

country by enervating the soldiers of the king and keeping them from the

sterner training which was making hardy veterans of the Continentals.

But romance and the stern aspects of war were not infrequently blended

in strange fashion, as in the case of Mary Piper--better known as Polly

Piper--of Boston, who was loved by a British soldier named Samuel Lee.

Before the beginning of the struggle the Pipers moved to Concord; and

when the "regulars" marched upon that place to secure the ammunition

which was reported to General Gage as being stored there, Lee went with

his regiment. But his heart was not in his work: love had taught him

something, and he no longer, as at first, looked upon all Americans as

benighted savages and their cause as flat treason. Miss Polly had

scorned his suit as that of a British soldier, and this fact had worked

a result. In the "running fight" at Concord he did not fire his musket;

but he was shot as he ran from the field and was carried, severely

wounded, into a house where the stricken were being cared for. A woman

bent over him; and he opened his eyes to meet those of Polly Piper. He

recovered, but not to serve again as a soldier of England; he returned

no more to the red flag, but married Miss Polly and lived quietly in

Concord until his death in 1790. Thus love won from the enemies of

America at least one sword, and thus was romance justified of its works.

The patriotic spirit which flamed throughout the land burned with no

steadier or more brilliant glow than among the women. All are familiar

with the famous picture entitled _The Spirit of '76_; but that picture

is incomplete. The octogenarian and the boy should be waved upon their

march by the wife and the mother, sending husband and son forth to peril

or death, while they themselves turn with a smile to the bearing of

privation or actual starvation. Not more strongly and nobly did the

"spirit of '76" flourish in the hearts of the sons of the oppressed

country than in those of its daughters, nor was the response more

splendid.

There was no distinction of high and low. The stately dame, lapped in

luxury all her days and a stranger to hardship or even anxiety, gave up

to her country's cause her dearest joys, and not only sent husband or

son to the forefront of the battle, but herself, if she was in the path

of war, bore unflinchingly the outrages of an incensed soldiery and saw

her home given to the flames and the very lives of herself and her

children threatened, and yet thought it not too great a price to pay for

her country's liberty. The wife of the humble tiller of the soil, with

perhaps even more complete, though hardly as recognized, surrender of

self, sent forth with cheery words the breadwinner, the support of

herself and her children, and turned with grand courage to keep them and

herself from hunger, while her goodman was fighting for the rescue of

his native land from oppression. Each bore her part, and all with no

reserve of gift.

The ebullition of the feminine spirit of those days was often little

less than fanatical in nature. Women do nothing by halves; they are

faithful lovers and enthusiastic haters, and they are not always

governed in either feeling by the monitions of unbiased justice or even

judgment. In a letter from Mrs. Hannah Winthrop, of Cambridge, we find a

reference to the fight at Lexington, which, in all its stiltedness of

language, shows the fiery and bitter hatred that was held by patriot

women for the enemies of their country: "Nor can she ever forget, nor

will old Time ever erase, the horrors of that midnight cry, preceding

the bloody massacre at Lexington, when we were roused from the benign

slumbers of the season by beat of drum and ringing of bells, with the

dire alarm that a thousand of the troops of George the Third had gone

forth to murder the peaceful inhabitants of the surrounding villages. A

few hours, with the dawning day, convinced us the bloody purpose was

executing; the platoon firing assured us that the rising sun must

witness the bloody carnage. Not knowing what the event would be at

Cambridge, at the return of these bloody ruffians, and seeing another

brigade dispatched to the assistance of the former, looking with the

ferocity of barbarians, it seemed necessary to retire to some place of

safety, till the calamity was passed."

The lady is evidently overfond of a certain epithet of sanguinary

denotation, nor can she be complimented upon her high-flown style; but

it is evident that behind the affectation of phrase there is an intense

earnestness of hatred that stands as typical of its sexual source. To

the patriot women of America the British were "ruffians" and

"barbarians" and the most bloody-minded of human beings just as to the

Loyalists the Continentals were "rebels" and "traitors," for whom

hanging would have been a punishment so mild as to suggest weakness in

the administrator. To the patriot woman poor old George III. was the

very incarnation of all evil and malice, just as to the Tory lady

another George was the vilest of ingrates to lead the armies of the

rebels against the authority of so gracious a king as he of England.

Both were honest in their extremes of fanaticism and so may well be

pardoned, and even admired, for those extremes, with their resultant

enthusiasm in the cause of freedom or loyalty.

Meanwhile there existed, though hardly flourished, the gentler arts

among the women of America; and Mercy Warren, wife of James Warren and

daughter of James Otis, she to whom Mrs. Winthrop's letter was

addressed, wielded a more refined and therefore more effective pen than

that of her friend, being the one female writer of her day who may be

called notable. She was hardly less enthusiastic than Mrs. Winthrop in

the cause of liberty, and she was possessed of a very respectable gift

of satire which made her writings a power in their way. When there was

discussed among the colonists the plan of suspending all commerce with

Great Britain because of the vexed matter of the taxes, Mrs. Warren

wrote a long poetic effusion which exemplifies her gift of satire, of

which the best lines are these:

"'Tis true, we love the courtly mien and air,

The pride of dress, and all the debonair:

Yet Clara quits the more dressed negligé,

And substitutes the careless polancé;

Until some fair one from Britannia's court

Some jaunty dress, or newer taste, import;

This sweet temptation could not be withstood,

Though for the purchase paid her father's blood,

Though loss of freedom were the costly price,

Or flaming comets sweep the angry skies,

Or earthquakes rattle, or volcanoes roar;

Indulge this trifle, and she asks no more.

Can the stern patriot Clara's suit deny?

'Tis beauty asks, and reason must comply."

This is very fair satire, though it would have been better had the

comets and earthquakes and volcanoes, which clearly would not be

influenced by Clara's folly, been omitted from the lines; but, though

doubtless the rebuke was merited by a few of the irresponsible and

thoughtless girls of the day who made of fashion their one object of

worship, the poem is a libel if applied to the majority of American

women of the day, who sacrificed more than the whims of fashion in their

devotion to the needs of their native land.

Mrs. Warren, however, did better work than that which has been cited.

Her history of the Revolution was much admired and for years remained

one of the standard works upon the subject, though it might be difficult

to find a dozen copies of the book at the present time. It was rather

personal in some of its political references, and its portrait of Adams

brought about a rupture in the friendship that had long existed between

the Warrens and the Adamses; but this was but for a time. Mrs. Warren's

style was tainted with the affectation so prevalent in that day, and she

was profuse in classical allusion, as were the majority of the authors

of her period. She writes thus to Mr. Adams at the time of the calling

together of the first Continental Congress: "Though you have

condescended to ask my sentiments, in conjunction with those of a

gentleman qualified both by his judgment and his integrity, as well as

his attachment to the interest of his country, to advise at this

important crisis, yet I shall not be so presumptuous as to offer

anything but my fervent wishes that the enemies of America may hereafter

for ever tremble at the wisdom and firmness, the prudence and justice of

the delegates deputed from our cities, as much as did the Phocians of

old at the power of the Amphictyons of Greece. But if the Locrians

should in time appear among you, I advise you to beware of choosing an

ambitious Philip as your leader. Such a one might subvert the principles

on which your institution is founded, abolish your order, and build up a

monarchy on the ruins of the happy institution."

This extract shows not only the style of the writer, but the esteem in

which she was held by some of the foremost men of the day; for Adams

would not have "asked the sentiments" of one for whose judgment he had

not profound respect.

Dramatist, poet, historian, and correspondent of some of the most noted

men of her day, Mercy Warren stands as the foremost woman representative

of American letters in Revolutionary days. It is true that her

activities were by no means confined to this period, for she was born in

1728 and died in 1814, having thus passed eighty-seven years of

well-filled life; but she is as much the woman writer of the Revolution

as Freneau is its male poet. Perhaps neither name is familiar to the

present generation; but Mercy Warren and Philip Freneau, if not of the

highest order of their calling, did notable work in the cause of

American letters, and the former is well worthy of being included in any

work that purports to tell, however incompletely, the history of

American womanhood.

The shadow passed at length, leaving the country maimed, bleeding, but

still lusty with vigor and with the waxing strength of youth. The

passing of the shadow found the women of America for the most part shorn

of the gauds that women love, destitute of the lesser things of life,

but filled with a proud sense of new birth with their country. To the

triumphant result of the years of strife and struggle they had

contributed in full measure; and they were ready, however they might be

hampered by present conditions, to reap the fruit of the period of

contest no less than the men, though in different fashion.

Moreover, though in hidden methods, they had asserted themselves and the

power of their womanhood as never before. They had turned from the

sporadic and eccentric attempts of some of their sex to win fame by

religious leadership or other such manifestations of restless ambition;

they had shown their power of concentrated and universal consecration to

a cause when it was found worthy thereof, and they had evidenced their

intensity of devotion to that which was of the best. The period of

formation was over; the battle-filled days of the Revolution saw the

birth of the American woman as an individual entity.

There is yet another name which must be recorded here, less for the

merit of the work done than for the sentiment which attaches to that

work. There still stands on Arch Street, Philadelphia, the little house

where Betsy Ross made the first American flag that was given to the

breeze of battle and conquest. Not perhaps the very first American flag,

since Paul Jones's rattlesnake flag might fitly claim that honor, but

the first to be recognized as in any way national and to survive, and

therefore honored as truly the first of its kind. It is not Betsy Ross,

but the birth of the flag of our country, of which we think when we look

at that little house and remember why it is honored. But it is fitting

that the maker of that flag which is the symbol of our country should

find mention here, even though she had no other claim to be remembered

among the notable women of our land.

And her fate is happier than that of her sisters of the Revolution, for

the outward evidence of her work remains while that of the rest has

passed away and is forgotten. Yet their work, regarded as done by the

women of our country in general, was greater than hers, for she but

furnished the symbol of that which they, by their courage and endurance

of hardness and enthusiasm and faith, made a living thing. Nor must

there be forgotten another contribution of the women to the cause of

their native land,--their prayers. It is a scoffing age, but there still

remain some who believe that prayer is of avail, that "more things are

wrought by prayer than this world dreams of," and these will not doubt

that the petitions which went up from the length and breadth of the land

for the success of the beloved cause were effectual in result. There

were many women who, from lack of opportunity or power, had nothing else

to give than their prayers for their country; and these they gave in

full measure and with a fervency that doubtless helped to win the answer

that they sought.

Women of America Woman: In all ages and in all countries Vol. 10 (of 10) · 第 7 / 14 章