CHAPTER V

THE TOWN OF THE TWO FORDS

An imaginative mind, anxious for exercise, might easily find a worse

pretext than the probable appearance of Tiverton at different epochs in

its history. Three monstrous fires--in 1598, 1612, and 1731--have

reduced the town to ashes, so that, despite its antiquity, it presents,

on the whole, an extremely modern aspect, which, as time goes on, tends

to become accentuated. Still certain buildings remain--not many, I

fear--from which, like Richard Owen in another sphere of palæontology,

the lover of the past may gather ideas for his reconstructive task. _Ex

pede Herculem._

Every stranger, on arriving at Tiverton, is at once struck by the

Greenway almhouses, with their quaint little chapel. These were

miraculously preserved in the earlier devastations, when, according to

contemporary notices, the fire “invironed those sillie cottages on every

side, burning other houses to the grounde which stood about them, and

yet had they no hurt at all.”[6] In the third welter of flame the

almhouses were less fortunate, and it is a singular fact that the only

life lost on this occasion--on the two previous there had been many

victims--was that of an inmate who obstinately refused to quit the

building, saying, “Who ever heard of an almshouse being burnt?” When, at

last, he was convinced of the peril of optimism, and he would fain have

made good his escape, it was too late--all egress was barred. Even in

this, however, there was something miraculous, for, though the

almshouses were burnt and transformed into fiery catacombs, the chapel

was inexplicably preserved, and remains to this day, with all its rich

ornaments and emblematical figures untouched. The inscriptions, however,

or, as Blackmore playfully expresses it, “the souls of John and Joan

Greenway” are not “set up in gold letters.” Had the name “Gold Street”

anything to do with this idea?

The founder of the almshouses was John Greenway, born about 1460, of

whom little is known that is authentic. Apparently of lowly origin, “by

ability and industry he acquired an ample income” as a merchant. So says

Harding, but it is seldom that ample incomes are acquired by brains and

diligence alone. The stroke of luck may almost always be charged as a

contributory factor. If legend may be believed, Greenway was positively

inspired to wealth-making. A simple weaver, young and without prospects,

he dreamed a dream which was thrice repeated. Each time a mysterious

voice admonished him to proceed to London town, and there, on London

Bridge, to await a cavalier on a white nag, who would have a message for

him. The sanguine youth obeyed these supernatural instructions; and,

taking his stand on the appointed spot, was accosted by an unknown

horseman, by whom he was told to return forthwith to Tiverton and dig in

a certain quarter. Again Greenway obeyed, and was rewarded by the

discovery of a crock or pot of gold, which, as his initial capital,

enabled him to launch out into business, and ultimately to found these

almshouses in 1517. There is a notion that amidst the exterior carvings

of St Peter’s Church, where Greenway built him a lovely chantry with

wagon roof and Renaissance door, is sculptured the crock of plenty, but

hitherto--owing perhaps to _embarras de richesse_--it has escaped

detection.

Now the embellishments of Greenway’s two chapels deserve close

attention, not only on account of their beauty, but for other reasons

that will immediately appear. Greenway is represented by his arms (_a

chevron between 3 covered cups, on a chief 3 sheep’s heads erased_), his

staple-mark, and his cipher, which are figured on shields inserted in

the quatrefoil of the cornices of the chapel in Gold Street and its

porch; and by the following rhyme inscribed in bold letters under the

main cornice:--

“Have grace, ye men, and ever pray

For the sowl of John and Jone Grenway.”

These marks of parentage are merely what one would expect, but the walls

have other symbolism, some of which demands comment. In two compartments

of the upper cornice are to be found the arms of Courtenay and an eagle

rising from a bundle of sticks. These devices are repeated on a larger

scale over the archway, with the addition of the arms of England. The

eagle montant, to borrow a term from falconry, is understood to typify

the mythical phœnix, and may be regarded as alluding to the

vicissitudes of that illustrious and ever-resurgent family.

The arms of England present no difficulty. They are to be explained by

the marriage of William Courtenay, 10th Earl of Devon, with Katherine,

youngest daughter of Edward IV., her elder sister Elizabeth being the

consort of Henry VII. Miss Strickland, by the way, records a quaint

incident in connection with a tournament held at the wedding of Prince

Arthur, when “Lord William Courtenay (brother-in-law of the Queen) made

his appearance riding on a red dragon led by a giant with a large tree

in his hand.” What time the almshouses were building Katherine de

Courtenay was actually resident at Tiverton Castle, and she was buried,

in 1527, with immense pomp in the Earl of Devonshire’s chapel, which was

destroyed by the Puritans, and is believed to have stood on the north

side of the chancel in St Peter’s Church. In her honour was erected that

large achievement in the centre of the porch, consisting of Courtenay

and Rivers quarterly, impaling quarterly, 1st France and England

quarterly, 2nd and 3rd Burgh, 4th Mortimer. It is surmounted with the

Courtenay badge before-mentioned, and the supporters are St George and a

woman.

It would be incompatible with the limits of this work to enter upon a

minute description of all the charming imagery of this beauteous

chantry. Much of it speaks for itself, but it may be as well to put the

reader on his guard against a false blazoning of one of the coats of

arms, which displays what looks suspiciously like a tiara. It may

possibly be permissible to use the term, but subject to the

understanding that we have here nothing to do with any papal insignia.

_The three clouds radiated in base, each surmounted with a triple

crown_, are for the Drapers’ Company; just as the _Barry nebulée_; _a

chief quarterly, on the 1st and 4th a lion passant guardant, on the 2nd

and 3rd two roses_, are for the Merchant Venturers of London. Attention

may also be drawn to a series of sermons in stones, or small sculptures

illustrating the chief events in the life of our Lord; on account of the

height at which they are ranged, they might easily be passed unnoticed.

Viewing the decorations generally, we cannot but observe that the place

of honour is assigned to the Courtenays; and, probably on the strength

of this fact, Harding speaks of the Marquis of Exeter as Greenway’s

great patron. In this he may be mistaken, since, on the death of her

husband, the Lady Katherine succeeded to the manor of Tiverton, and

doubtless exerted much influence in the town and county during the

sixteen years of her widowhood. This brings us to the stately home in

which, more than anywhere else, those sorrowful years were spent.

Due north of St Peter’s churchyard, from which only a wall parts them,

are the precincts of Tiverton Castle whereof there exist somewhat

extensive remains in varying degrees of preservation. This was for

several centuries one of the chief residences of the Courtenays, and in

the Middle Ages was a strong place of arms. On the west is a precipice,

which runs down sixty feet sheer to the River Exe and secured the

castle on that side; in other directions it had towers and turrets, and

ramparts and moats, and all that military science then knew in the way

of elaborate fortification. Two of the towers yet stand--a square and a

round, while the ivy-covered ruin, which is detached from the rest of

the buildings, at the south-west angle of the castle grounds, is

supposed to represent the oratory or chapel. From its position it was

evidently distinct from the Earl of Devonshire’s Chapel, mentioned

above, and must have been a private sanctuary reserved to the household.

The castle is stated to have been built by Richard de Redvers or Rivers,

who was an Earl of Devon in his time--about 1106; it came into the

possession of the Courtenays on the extinction of the Redvers family in

1274, when Hugh de Courtenay, great-grandson of Mary de Redvers,

succeeded to all their estates. His immediate predecessor was Isabella

de Fortibus, born Redvers, who is credited with the gift of an ample

stream of water known as the Town Lake, a section of which, enclosed

between paved banks, may be observed in Castle Street. She, of course,

was _not_ a Courtenay; and it is with these rather than with other

possessors of the castle that we are mainly concerned. As, with brief

intervals, they were the ruling element in the town for a period of

three centuries, it is natural to inquire what manner of men were those

great lords, and how it went with the neighbourhood when they were

uppermost.

With their emblems around us, and with the odour of sanctity investing

the places where those emblems appear, there is a palpable danger of

attributing to the Courtenays a larger measure of piety than is at all

their due. Of him who is called sometimes the Good, sometimes the Blind

Earl, no word of censure may be spoken; and as for the husband and

descendants of Katherine--William, Henry, Edward--their tragic fates

evoke that infinite compassion for which the blood of the innocent cries

always, and never in vain. Even the guilty Courtenays were not devoid of

redeeming qualities; they were stout warriors, and loyal to their king.

Yet two of the race, father and son, both of them named Thomas, were the

authors of a felon deed--a deed as black as any that soils the pages of

history, or swells the calendar of crime. To all appearance the plot was

hatched in Tiverton, and Tiverton yeomen were the willing, or unwilling,

instruments of the scandalous theft, the inhuman murder. The whole may

not be told here; let what follows suffice.

On Thursday, October 23, 1455, Nicholas Radford, sometime “steward” of

the Earl of Devon, now an old man and a justice, was dwelling in God’s

peace and the king’s in his own place at Upcott, in the parish of

Cheriton Fitzpaine. The same day and year came Sir Thomas Courtenay,

eldest son of the earl, with a body of retainers to the number of

ninety-four, armed with jacks, sallets, bows, arrows, swords, bucklers,

etc., who beset the house at midnight, and with a great shout fired the

gates. Naturally at that hour Radford, his wife, and his servants, were

in bed, but awakened by the sudden commotion, the good old man opened

his window, and demanded whether there were among them any gentlemen.

“Here is Sir Thomas Courtenay,” answered one of the yeoman; and almost

at the same moment the knight called out to him, “Come down and speak

with me.”

The old man, however, would not comply, until Courtenay swore as a true

knight and gentleman, that neither his person nor his property should be

molested. Relying on this promise Radford descended with a lighted torch

and ordered the gates to be thrown open, whereupon, much to his alarm,

the rabble of followers began to stream in. The knight reassured him,

and standing by his cupboard, condescended to drink of his wine. Whilst

Courtenay held the master of the house with tales, his men plundered the

mansion of its treasures. Money and bedding, and furs, and books, the

ornaments of his chapel and the like--they carried them all away on

Radford’s own horse, and did not spare even his sick wife, but rolling

her out of bed, took away the sheets she was lying in.

Sir Thomas now said to the justice, “Have done, Radford, for thou must

need go with me to my lord my father.” The old man expressed his

readiness, and bade his servant saddle a horse, only to receive the

reply that his horse had been removed and laden with his own goods.

Hearing this, Radford said to his visitor,

“Sir, I am aged, and may not well go upon my feet, and therefore I pray

you that I may ride.”

“No force (odds), Radford,” was the answer, “thou shalt ride enough

anon, and therefore come on with me.”

Accordingly they went on together about a stone’s throw, when Sir

Thomas, having secretly conferred with three of his men--two of them

Tiverton yeomen--set spurs to his horse and rode on his way, exclaiming,

“Farewell Radford!”

In a trice Nicholas Philip slashed the old justice across the face with

his sword, and as he lay on the ground, dealt him another stroke, which

caused the brain to drop out from the back of his head. His brother,

Thomas Philip, cut the victim’s throat with a knife, while the third

man, with surely supererogatory caution, pierced him through the back

with a long dagger. Thus was Nicholas Radford feloniously and horribly

slain and murdered.

As an aggravation of the crime, on the following Tuesday the old man’s

godson, Henry Courtenay, with certain of the ruffians, arrived at

Upcott, where the body of Radford lay in his chapel, and opened a mock

inquest. One of them, Richard Bertelot, sat as coroner, and the

murderers were summoned by strange names. They answered, “scornfully

appearing,” made what presentment they chose, and gave out that they

should accuse Radford of his own death. They then compelled his servants

to carry the body to the church of Cheriton Fitzpaine, John Brymoor,

_alias_ Robyns, a singer, leading the way with derisive songs and

catches, as it was borne along.

Gaining the churchyard, they took the murdered man out of his coffin,

rolled him out of his winding-sheet, and cast him all naked into the

grave, where they threw upon his head and body sundry stones that

Radford had provided for the making of his tomb, crushing them. They had

no more pity or compassion for him than for a Jew or a Saracen.

It seems that in January of this year the justice had sold a good deal

of land, including the manors of Calverleigh, Poughill, and Ford, for

£400, and this large sum in cash is believed to have been the incentive

of the murder. The Earl of Devon, who was no doubt accessory before the

fact, speedily prepared an expedition to Exeter in order to obtain

possession of such goods and chattels as Radford had lodged with the

Dean and Chapter; and in November, he and his son Thomas assembled an

armed retinue of a thousand or more at Tiverton, and marched to the

city. We need not follow their proceedings there--they were

outrageous--and, as signalising the barbarous character of the age, be

content to note that neither the Earl nor his son received the penalty

they deserved. Providence, however, suffered neither of them to escape.

The Earl was poisoned at Abingdon, and his son and successor beheaded at

York, after being taken prisoner at the battle of Wakefield, 1461.

The subsequent history of the castle must be traced briefly. After

passing through various hands, it was purchased by Roger Giffard, fifth

son of Sir Roger Giffard, of Brightleigh, in the parish of

Chittlehampton, who pulled down the greater part of the buildings, and

named it “Giffard’s Court.” Nevertheless, it was in a condition to repel

an attack by the Parliamentarian forces under Massey in October 1645,

though two days later it was stormed by Sir Thomas Fairfax at the head

of an army outnumbering the somewhat disaffected garrison by thirty to

one. The owner of the castle was then Roger Giffard, grandson of the

first-named Roger, and despite the fact that the defence of the place

was entrusted to Sir Gilbert Talbot, as military governor, there is no

reason to suppose that Giffard was an absentee. Like his more famous

kinsman, Colonel John Giffard, of Brightleigh, Roger was a devoted

Royalist, and is mentioned among those persons who were fined for their

loyalty. Blackmore’s reference to bales of wool used in the defence is

strictly historical (see _Lorna Doone_, chapter xi.).

The modern house was built in 1700 for Peter West, who came of an old

Tiverton mercantile stock connected with the Blundells. In 1594 John

West had married Edy, daughter of James Blundell, and niece of Peter

Blundell and his sister Elinor, wife of John Chilcott, of Fairby, and

mother of Robert Chilcott, the founder of Chilcott’s School, which

stands at the lower end of St Peter Street, and, with its mullioned and

transomed windows, its handsome archway, and solid, iron-studded, black

oak door, forms an interesting specimen of Jacobean architecture. Peter

West’s daughter Dorothy took for her bridegroom Sir Thomas Carew, of

Haccombe, and thus manor and castle passed into the possession of the

distinguished family which still owns them.

We have enjoyed many opportunities of estimating the wealth and

importance of the “woollen” merchants of Tiverton; but, if anything yet

lack, the reader may station himself before the great House of St

George, nearly opposite Chilcott’s School, and consider it at his

leisure. This seemly residence, with its garden close, was built

apparently by George Skinner, merchant, whose initials were formerly to

be seen on the northern termination of the hood-mould. On the southern

termination is the date 1612--the date of the second great fire. As the

house is thoroughly Jacobean in style, it is natural to conclude that it

is in all essentials the identical structure erected in that memorable

year, but the confused account in Harding’s _History of Tiverton_

contains documentary evidence showing that it was “demolished and

consumed by reason of the late unhappy wars” (_i.e._, the Civil War),

and suggests that the “messuage” was rebuilt at various periods, from

1541 onwards. I shall not attempt to unravel the mystery, but content

myself with observing that, beyond any question, the building has been

altered, and that within living memory. Once, and for long, it rejoiced

in another storey, but modern wisdom having determined that the edifice

was “top-heavy,” the upper portion was removed.

About the year 1740 the manufacture of serges, druggets, drapeens, and

the like began to decline, and, later, the effects of the American

Revolution were severely felt in the town. In 1790, however, there were

still a thousand looms and two hundred woolcombers in the neighbourhood.

Then came the great war with France, which almost paralysed the local

firms; and on its cessation the Tiverton manufacturers vainly

endeavoured to restore old connections with the Continent. It was plain

that the ancient trade

[Illustration: CHAPEL, GREENWAY’S ALMSHOUSES, TIVERTON (page 61).]

in wool, on which so many depended, was in its last throes. The end was

sudden and dramatic. One morning, when the workpeople were at breakfast,

the inhabitants of Westexe were startled by the loud report of a gun,

and the news soon spread that Mr Armitage, the manager of a large mill,

which had been built in 1790, and in which, as in a last refuge, the

remains of the staple industry were concentrated, had shot himself in

the counting-house.

The ruin of the place now seemed certain. Happily, however, the

following year (1815), Messrs Heathcoat, Boden, and Oliver purchased the

mill, and by extensive additions, converted it into an immense lace

factory. In 1809 they had obtained a fourteen years’ patent for a

greatly improved bobbin-net machine, of which Mr Heathcoat was the

inventor, and erected a factory at Loughborough. The firm removed to

Tiverton in consequence of the injury done to the machines by the

Luddites, and thither a number of their men accompanied them. Some of

the Leicestershire “hands,” about the year 1820, had a dispute with Mr

Heathcoat, who had become sole proprietor of the factory, and, this

having ended in their discharge or voluntary retirement from his

service, they determined to set up an opposition concern. It is believed

that the artisans had machines of their own brought down along with

those of Mr Heathcoat and installed in the mill under some arrangement

with him. Anyhow, they resolved to start lace-making on their own

account.

Money, of course, had to be provided, and this to a limited amount--very

limited for such a venture--was found them by a physician of the town

named Houston, whilst premises were secured behind, or near what is now

the Golden Lion Inn, Westexe. Here the quixotic scheme was launched, and

here it came to an inglorious end, after a futile imitation of the frog

in the fable. The credulous doctor, who lived in a house, now a

saddler’s shop, next the “White Ball,” and whose backyard abutted on the

infant factory, lost what he had lent, and no doubt learnt a lesson.

Hardly more felicitous was Mr George Cosway’s attempt to resuscitate the

woollen industry. Mr Cosway “took up arms against a sea of troubles”;

his capital was none too large, and in the face of powerful competition

in other parts of the country, his factory in Broadlane was never a

conspicuous success. On his death it was closed, and that finally. Mr

Cosway belonged to the same family as the famous miniaturist, one of

whose larger paintings, designed for an altar-piece, hangs on the north

wall of St Peter’s Church. The subject is “St Peter delivered by an

Angel,” and the picture was Richard Cosway’s gift to the town of which

he was a native. The larger painting on the other side of the vestry

door, the subject of which is “The Adoration of the Magi,” is a very

fine work by Gaspar de Crayer, and an almost exact reproduction of a

picture by Rubens in the Antwerp gallery.

It would be improper, I suppose, to refer to Tiverton without mentioning

Lord Palmerston, whose Parliamentary connection with the borough

extended from 1835 to 1865--just thirty years. As an Irishman, the

popular statesman must have been perfectly at home in the town, which is

always lively at election times, and during his early acquaintance with

it, had an unenviable reputation as a rival to Donnybrook Fair. Most of

the inhabitants had their chosen inn, the tradesmen being accommodated

in the parlour, the artisans in the bar, and the labourers in the

kitchen; and the consumption of beer and spirits almost exceeds belief.

One would make ten glasses of grog his nightly quantum, another was not

content with fewer than eighteen, while a third drank gin and water by

the bucketful. Every now and then women would have a fight in the

streets. A ring would be formed, whereupon the trulls grappled with each

other, and with their long hair streaming down their backs, and blood

down their faces, presented a pitiful and degrading spectacle. Things

are better now.

Speaking of the Tiverton inns reminds me that John Ridd and Fry lodged,

on the eve of their departure, at the “White Horse,” in Gold Street.

This tavern is still in existence, and as it is not specially

picturesque, the reader may be at a loss to conceive why Blackmore

should have selected this particular house of entertainment. The

novelist, however, knew what he was about. In the seventeenth century it

may have been the most important inn in the town. On the entry of the

Royalists into the town in the month of August, 1643, they were stoned

by the mob, many of whom were killed or wounded by the fire of the

soldiers; “and,” says Harding, in recounting the circumstance, “the

effect produced was a dispersion of the remainder, when one, John Lock,

a miller, was taken and executed at the sign of the White Horse, on the

north side of Gold Street” (_History of Tiverton_, vol. i., p. 58).

The Blackmore Country · 第 5 / 16 章