PART II

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THE SAVAGE SOUTH SEAS by Ernest Way Elkington

AGENTS

America The Macmillan Company

64 & 66 Fifth Avenue, New York

Canada The Macmillan Company of Canada, Ltd.

27 Richmond Street West, Toronto

India Macmillan & Company, Ltd.

Macmillan Building, Bombay

309 Bow Bazaar Street, Calcutta

[Illustration 1: OFF TO THE DUBU DANCE, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

THE SAVAGE

SOUTH SEAS

PAINTED BY NORMAN H. HARDY

DESCRIBED BY E. WAY ELKINGTON

PUBLISHED BY A. & C. BLACK

SOHO SQUARE · LONDON · MCMVII

[Illustration]

NOTE

There are various ways of spelling some of the place-names of the South

Sea Islands, _e.g._ Samari, Tupusuli, and Elevera are so spelt in this

book, but the forms Samarai, Tupuselei, and Ela-Vara are commonly met

with. Ambryn, however, is a misprint for Ambrym.

CONTENTS

PART I

BRITISH NEW GUINEA

I • Chiefly historical—Concerning certain discoverers,

their aims and ambitions—The story of New Guinea, the

Solomons and New Hebrides, and some things that might be

altered • 3

II • New Guinea natives—Port Moresby and its two native

villages—Huts on poles and trees—Native superstition and

its result on two tribes • 13

III • Natives who grow crops of hair—A word or two about

the women—Duties of married women—How they carry their

babes, and the philosophy of childhood • 25

IV • Concerning love and grief—How love is made in New

Guinea, and some of the charms used to ensure love and

constancy—The grief of a New Guinea widow • 37

V • Some native dances and queer costumes—Novel

blackmailing methods—Woman’s vanity and a censured

dance • 48

VI • Outrigger Canoes, their appearance and

construction—The famous Lakatois—How the natives catch

their fish; and a few words about fish that climb trees—A

trip down the coast, and an unpleasant experience • 57

PART II

THE SOLOMON ISLANDS

VII • South Sea traders good and bad; their ups and

downs—Nicolas the Greek—The Mambare river massacre—Some

queer creatures with queerer ways—“A fitting end to a

wasted life” • 71

VIII • Natives who have had no chance; their villages

without streets and their curious huts—The tambu and

canoe houses—An unlucky trader • 84

IX • Solomon Islands—Ingova’s head-hunters—How whole

tribes were wiped out—Savage invasions and clever

tactics • 94

X • Clothes and the men—Love of adornment—Natives

who are not keen on eating—Methods of cooking their

food—Betel-nut chewing • 104

XI • Some clever ways of catching fish—How the bonito is

landed—Native nets—Pig-hunting—The sly opossum and the

crocodile • 113

XII • A curious religion—Burying the dead, and some

graveyards—Dances and music—Native artists and how fire

is made • 124

XIII • What “hope” is to the Solomon islander—The use of

the evil eye • 134

PART III

THE NEW HEBRIDES

XIV • Islands that are advancing rapidly—Native houses

with modern improvements—A horrible method of getting rid

of the old men, and other burial ceremonies • 143

XV • Ancestor worship the religion of the New

Hebrides—Temples and strange figures, and some sacred

dances • 153

XVI • Concerning witchcraft—More about burials—The

gentle art of making love—The rain-makers • 163

XVII • Native clothing and ornaments—Their arts and

industries, their canoes and weapons, and their way of

fishing • 172

XVIII • The cultivation of copra—The labour traffic when

slavery really existed, and the traffic in natives of

to-day • 183

XIX • A short sketch of the missionary work in the South

Seas—Concerning John Williams, James Chalmers, and

others • 193

SKETCH MAP OF THE SOUTH SEA ISLANDS • 204

INDEX • 205

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

1. Off to the Dubu Dance—British New

Guinea • _Frontispiece_

2. By Reef and Palm • 6

3. Off to Market, British New Guinea • 14

4. Motu Village from the Sea • 18

5. The Island of Elevera from the Mission Station, Port

Moresby, British New Guinea • 20

6. Tree House in British New Guinea • 22

7. Motu Village, Port Moresby, British New Guinea • 24

8. In the Pile Dwellings at Hanuabada, Port Moresby,

British New Guinea • 26

9. Native of British New Guinea, showing the manner of

wearing the hair • 30

10. A New Guinea Dandy • 32

11. Woman with Baby in bag. Fairfax Island, British New

Guinea • 34

12. Dinner Time at Kwato, British New Guinea • 36

13. A Kaivakuku, Roro Tribe, Central Division, British New

Guinea • 48

14. Harvest Dance, New Guinea • 50

15. Ready for the Dubu Dance • 52

16. The Dubu at Rigo, British New Guinea • 54

17. Tattooing, British New Guinea. • 56

18. Large Trading Canoes, British New Guinea • 58

19. Old Women making Pottery, British New Guinea • 60

20. Spearing Fish, British New Guinea • 62

21. Marine Village, Tupusuli, British New Guinea • 64

22. Natives of the New Hebrides having a drink • 66

23. Gold Miners leaving a trading ship, British New

Guinea • 72

24. Johnnie Pratt with his Ivory Nuts at Simbo, Solomon

Islands • 74

25. Solomon Island Boy climbing after green cocoa-nuts,

near Gavutu, New Florida • 80

26. Solomon Island Village, near Marau Sound, New

Florida • 84

27. Early Morning, Gavutu, Solomon Islands • 86

28. Old Ingova’s War Canoe House, Rubiana Lagoon, New

Georgia, Solomon Islands • 90

29. On the Fringe of a primæval Forest, Solomon

Islands • 92

30. Portrait of a Solomon Island Cannibal • 94

31. Sacred Skull Shrines, British Solomon Islands • 96

32. Ingova’s Head-hunters, British Solomon Islands • 98

33. A Canoe showing the “Totoishu,” New Georgia, Solomon

Islands • 100

34. A Lagoon in New Florida, Solomon Islands • 102

35. Native of New Georgia wearing Sunshade; a sort of

crownless hat made of grasses: it can be worn at any

angle • 104

36. A Rubiana Native, Solomon Islands • 106

37. A Stormy Day in Rubiana Lagoon, Solomon Islands • 108

38. Cooking the Meal, British New Guinea • 110

39. The Reef near Simbo, Solomon Islands • 114

40. Native Archer shooting Fish, British Solomon

Islands • 116

41. Searching for small Octopi on the Reef at low tide,

Samari, British New Guinea • 118

42. The Home of the Crocodile, British Solomon

Islands • 122

43. A Shrine or Tomb of a Chief at Simbo, Solomon

Islands • 126

44. Solomon Islander playing the “Ivivu” or Flute • 130

45. A Tapu Virgin, British Solomon Islands • 136

46. Beneath a Banyan Tree, Malekula Island, New

Hebrides • 142

47. The Rapids, Williams River, Island of Eromanga, New

Hebrides • 144

48. Mount Marion, the active Volcano, Island of Ambryn,

New Hebrides • 146

49. A Village in Santo, New Hebrides • 148

50. Chief’s House, Ambryn, New Hebrides • 150

51. The “M’aki” Ground and the Jaws of the sacred Pigs,

New Hebrides • 154

52. A Memorial Effigy, Malekula, New Hebrides • 156

53. Drum Grove at Mele, New Hebrides • 158

54. Leaving Santo, a View of the Mountains, New

Hebrides • 162

55. A Sacred Man, Aoba, New Hebrides • 164

56. The Stone “Demits,” or the Souls, with their attendant

wooden figures, Malekula Island, New Hebrides • 168

57. Old Cannibal Chief whom the Artist met on the Island

of Aoba, New Hebrides • 172

58. Type of Man from the Island of Tanna, New

Hebrides • 174

59. Finishing off a Canoe, British New Guinea • 176

60. Old War Canoes, near Malekula, New Hebrides • 178

61. Havannah Harbour, Rathmoy, New Hebrides • 180

62. Passing the Reef, Aoba, New Hebrides • 182

63. The Island of Samari, British New Guinea • 184

64. A Trader receiving Cocoa-nuts, Aoba, New Hebrides • 186

65. Copra Boys off to the Shore, New Hebrides • 188

66. The “Blackbirders” in the Solomon Islands • 190

67. A Yam Shed on the Island of Tierra Espiritu Santo, New

Hebrides • 192

68. The Artist’s Guide on Malekula, New Hebrides • 196

{1}

PART I

BRITISH NEW GUINEA

{3}

CHAPTER I

Chiefly historical—Concerning certain discoverers, their aims and

ambitions—The story of New Guinea, the Solomons, and New Hebrides, and

some things that might be altered.

In these days when distance hardly counts, when the cry is heard

that new outlets are wanted for capital, when there are thousands of

unemployed crowded in London, and people are anxious to find adventure,

eager to see new things, to conquer new lands, exploit new industries

and gain more knowledge, it is worth while turning our attention to the

South Sea Islands.

It is strange that so little is known of them, and that so few people

have bothered themselves to visit them. A few missionaries, explorers,

and adventurers have written about and spent a few months on them,

but what is this when there are miles and miles of the most beautiful

country crying out for people; there is wealth, both mineral and

vegetable, waiting for the industry and enterprise {4} of good men

to reap, and, above all, there is a delightful climate and a race of

savages who in themselves repay the inconveniences of the journey.

The chief island is New Guinea, which is the largest in the world

and contains some 340,700 square miles, much of which has never been

trodden by white men. There are no sandy, dried-up districts in New

Guinea or the Solomon Islands, and no long droughts; but rather a

full fall of rain which makes the ground bring forth its produce in

abundance.

There is land out there which some day will surprise people, and when

one considers the difficulty Australia had to persuade the British

Government to annex it, one cannot help laughing at the ignorance

and short-sightedness of the men of those times. It was not until

1884 that the Government sent Commodore Erskine to the south-eastern

portion of New Guinea to proclaim a protectorate over it, and then

only after receiving a guarantee from the Queensland Government that

they would undertake to find £15,000 per annum towards the cost of its

administration.

The Queensland Government had, a year before this, already annexed it.

They knew its value, and had it not been for their prompt action these

{5} valuable islands would now all have been in the possession of the

Dutch and Germans.

Accounts of the islands date back to 1512, but many things go to

suggest that both the Malays and Chinese knew of their existence and

had visited them long before that date. The first Europeans we hear

of who sighted them were the Spanish sailor, Alvaro de Sacedra, and a

Portuguese whose name is not known.

Prior to the arrival of Captain Cook, in 1770, there were numerous

adventurers who gave accounts of these islands. Luis Vaez de Torres,

after whom the Torres Straits were named, passed them in 1660 and

sent to the world a full account of his voyage, but little notice was

taken of it. We next hear of De Bougainville, the French navigator

who arrived there in 1768; then came Captain Cook, and after him many

others sighted the shores of New Guinea.

It was, however, the Dutch who first made any movements to attempt

to find out its geographic and scientific value. They began in a

neat business-like way by annexing that section west of the 141st

meridian of east longitude, and despatching the _Dourga_, commanded by

Lieutenant Kolff, to examine and report on it. He was a zealous man

and, like many other enthusiastic sailors who have visited {6} new

lands, found many things there which no one else has been able to find,

and which have since been proved never to have existed. But some excuse

for him can be found, owing to the disadvantages he was under and the

savageness of the natives. He probably thought that no one in his time,

if they followed him, would live to tell the tale, so he wrote what he

thought “might have been.” Then came the Postillion Expedition in 1853,

followed by the Trinton Expedition and the Scientific Expedition of Van

der Crab in 1871. Dr. Meyers followed in 1873, and many other Dutch

enthusiasts came after him during the next few years.

During this time, however, England was not quite asleep. In 1842 H.M.S.

_Fly_ was sent on a survey expedition and remained there till 1846,

attention being devoted to that part of the island now known as British

New Guinea. The Expedition also discovered and named the rivers Fly and

Aird, in districts where later on many brave and good men lost their

lives at the hands of the natives.

[Illustration 2: BY REEF AND PALM]

Following this ship, in 1846, came H.M.S. _Rattlesnake_, and good work

was the result of her stay. Captain Moresby visited the island in 1871,

and thoroughly explored many parts of it which were {7} unknown

before his time. He landed at the harbour now known as Port Moresby,

and gave such glowing accounts of the island that it was visited by

many eminent naturalists immediately afterwards; and then the work of

the pioneer missionaries, who had been busy there for some time, began

to be talked about, and considerable interest in these islands was

aroused.

Queensland, acting under the advice of Mr. Chester, a prominent man

well up in the value of New Guinea, sent out Sir Thomas M‘Ilwraith

to take possession of it in the name of the Queen. But the British

Government refused to acknowledge this act, and thereby aroused the

indignation of the Australians. A conference was held in Sydney and the

British Government communicated with, with the result stated, that they

saw their mistake and Sir Peter Scratchley was sent to New Guinea to

act as High Commissioner.

His term of office was short, as he contracted malaria in 1885 and

died. The man who took his place was a Queenslander, the Hon. John

Douglas, who understood the position, and did valuable service to his

country by making a study of the natives and the possibilities of the

country.

In 1888 Sir William MacGregor, M.D., {8} K.C.M.G., was finally

appointed Governor, and during his ten years of office showed that

he was the right man in the right place. He was succeeded by George

Ruthven Le Hunte, Esq., C.M.G.

To-day the affairs of British New Guinea are on an excellent basis. An

Administrator is appointed by the Crown, whose duty it is to consult

with the Governor of Queensland and report to that Government on all

matters of importance. The Administrator is supported by two State

Councils, the Executive and the Legislative, the first being composed

of the Administrator, the Chief Judicial Officer, the Government

Secretary, and a Resident Magistrate. The second is composed of the

Executive Council, together with any officers they may appoint.

Petty Sessions Courts are also established and presided over by a

Resident Magistrate, who has the same powers as a Police Magistrate in

the Colonies. Europeans and natives have equal rights in the courts,

and an appeal is allowed under certain circumstances. Native police

preserve order in the towns. An amusing thing about them is that they

are chiefly ex-convicts, and are given the appointment as a reward for

good behaviour whilst in gaol. {9}

The discovery of the Solomon Islands is credited to Don Alvaro Mendana

de Meyer, who went out there in the hope of discovering from whence

King Solomon’s wealth came—the supposition was that the islands of the

Pacific supplied much of it. That supposition no longer exists.

On sighting the Solomon Islands, and believing them to be the islands

he was seeking, he named them Islas de Salomon. This was in the year

1567. After this he thoroughly explored many of them and gave them the

names they now bear—Guadalcanar, San Christoval, and Isabel. Whilst

thus engaged he decided to found a colony, and with that end in view

he returned home and gathered together a number of men anxious to make

their fortunes. He returned with them, landed at a place he thought was

part of the Solomon Islands, and called it Santa Cruz. The colony was

not a success, as most of the immigrants, including the discoverer,

died, and the survivors returned to South America.

One of these survivors was De Quiros, who subsequently discovered the

New Hebrides.

Bougainville and others, many years afterwards, again came across these

islands, and later they were identified as those Mendana de Meyer had

{10} discovered and thought were part of the Solomon Islands.

In 1873 the Solomon Islands came into notice through the labour

traffic. There was at this time a demand in Queensland for black

labour, and traders who visited the islands found that they could

kidnap strong, sturdy natives and sell them for good prices to the

Queensland and Fiji planters, with the result that, unknown to the

Powers, a big and scandalous trade was carried on.

The group consists of seven large islands and no end of small ones,

which are dotted about over some 600 miles of sea at a distance of

about 400 miles south-east of New Guinea.

Great Britain and Germany shared the islands nearly equally until

England ceded Samoa to Germany in exchange for territory in the

Solomons. Now Great Britain owns the whole group with the exception of

Bougainville and Buka.

The story of the discovery of the New Hebrides is also interesting.

It was first sighted by Spanish explorers, De Quiros and Luis Vaez de

Torres, who set sail from Peru in two ships to seek the Great Southern

Continent, which tradition told them was somewhere in the South

Pacific. De Quiros, as before stated, came across the New Hebrides

group, {11} striking first one of the largest islands in the northern

part of it. This he named Tierra Australis del Espiritu Santo, thinking

possibly it was an enormous tract of land instead of a small island.

Fired with ambition and the example of his late _confrère_, Mendana de

Meyer, he also attempted to found a colony there, but, like de Meyer,

he had to return with his few survivors and write “failure” across his

enterprise.

Luis de Torres left De Quiros at the New Hebrides, and it was then that

he sailed through the Torres Straits, which he named and reported on in

1606.

For over a hundred years after the departure of De Quiros from Santo

nothing more was heard of the New Hebrides.

De Bougainville then came across them, and opened the way for the

ubiquitous Captain Cook, who sighted, made charts of, and named the

principal islands and headlands. The Spaniards, though the first to

settle there, never laid claim to them, and they are now conjointly

owned by Great Britain and France.

Owing to their proximity to Australia they have received more attention

than the other islands, and the Commonwealth of Australia has shown

{12} considerable interest in them and inaugurated an emigration

scheme to endeavour to wrest from them some of their enormous mineral

and vegetable wealth. The results of the past few years show great

promise of future prosperity. In fact, in these islands, in particular,

there are resources which will repay the labour and capital of any

enterprising men, and, according to those who are most fitted to judge

and advise, the New Hebrides is a veritable Eldorado. But, until the

natives are more civilised and certain taxes are altered, men prefer to

give them a wide berth and seek their fortunes in lands less dangerous.

Another trouble that has lately arisen, is that France, seeing the

great possibilities in this new colony, has inaugurated a preferential

tariff for French subjects. Had the same been done in England and

Australia no bother would have arisen, but it was not, and, in order to

compete successfully with the French traders, the English and Americans

applied for naturalisation papers which were granted, and though the

Englishmen by birth far exceed the Frenchmen, by naturalisation the

French, if not now, will soon be in greater force.

This is a matter of vital importance, and should have the earnest

attention of those who are interested in the welfare of British

subjects in our Colonies.

{13}

CHAPTER II

New Guinea natives—Port Moresby and its two native villages—Huts on

poles and trees—Native superstition and its result on two tribes.

There no islands in the new world which have been the scene of greater

adventures, more daring exploits, and more exciting times than those

in the South Seas. From the earliest days New Guinea, New Britain,

Solomon Islands, and the New Hebrides have been inhabited by a race of

savages, on whom neither the efforts of missionaries nor the oaths of

traders have been able to make much impression. For years the white man

has tried in vain to break the spirit of these cannibals; with fire

and sword whole villages have been swept away, but neither by fear nor

by kindness have the natives been weaned from their worst customs, and

it will take many years and much education, and perhaps the complete

extinction of the old generation, before they cease to be savages. For

over sixty years {14} the missionaries have been working amongst them

and have taught many to read, and sent them out amongst their brethren

armed with Bibles and tracts in their native languages, but all this

has been of little avail; every day we hear of massacres and risings,

and missionaries and traders are pounced on and murdered, and there is

no accounting for these outrages which make the problem more difficult

to solve. For months or even years men may live on the friendliest

terms with a tribe, and then suddenly, and for no apparent reason, the

natives will rise up and slay them. The whim of a chief, an angry word,

a bad bargain, a superstitious fear, any of these trivialities may be

the cause of a rising, and may mean the death of dozens of innocent

people.

But with all their disadvantages these islands have a fascination for

the traveller that no others have, and when once the taste of the free

and adventurous life of the South Seas has been acquired, there is

always a longing to return to them which nothing will suppress. Neither

stiff joints nor old age make one iota of difference, the yearning will

not be satisfied by anything short of a speedy return.

[Illustration 3: OFF TO MARKET, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

The deep blue of the sea, the clear bracing air, {15} the screech

of the wild sea-birds, and the roar of the surf, as it breaks on the

reefs, are sounds that echo in the memory. To awaken and hear all these

things is the longing that clings to one. To feel a good ship gliding

through the still waters on the way to the islands; to rise from one’s

bunk and through the port-hole to catch a glimpse of the rugged shores

and the dark, shining skins of the natives as they paddle out in

swarms from the villages to the ship’s side; to hear them calling to

one another and yelling their greetings to the crew, are things which,

when once experienced, can never be forgotten, and will ever haunt the

memory.

But come, let us see these islands where the sun pours down on bright

yellow sands through the long, waving, rustling leaves of the palm

trees, and glistens on the skins of the crocodiles basking in the

rivers, and on the strong, brown arms and tanned faces of the traders,

who have braved all dangers for a life of adventure. Let us look into

the quaint lives of the natives—the last relics of barbarism; let us

see their huts and join in their weird ceremonies and listen to their

songs and learn their superstitions, for in a few years these things

will be gone, and the cyclist and the tripper will be crowding these

savage islands, whilst the sturdy {16} head-hunters will be dead, and

their sons will be cadging pennies, whilst the dark, shy girls will be

bold and talk with nasal accents.

Civilisation is coming, coming quickly. Even here, back in the dense

bush on a still night when the insects are too lazy to fly and the

silence almost speaks, if you listen you can hear the steady tramp of

the ghostly army coming nearer and nearer, crushing through everything,

sparing nothing—the army of civilisation.

The capital of New Guinea is Port Moresby, a quaintly picturesque

village facing a large bay with a natural harbour. In the vicinity are

densely wooded hills, which stretch up and disappear in the distance—a

dark-green and black mass. But when the sun is on them they dance with

colour, and the tints of marvellous brilliancy turn them into a lovely

fairyland, full of romance and adventure. It is wonderful what strange

tales flit across the mind when looking at these hills; what scenes

have been enacted there in times gone by, and now, how calm they seem!

Granville, the small business part of Port Moresby, consists of a few

corrugated iron-roofed houses, the head store of Messrs. Burns Philp,

the great Australasian Trading Company, and the {17} homes of a few

Government officials, and Government House, which lies back a little

and looks solitary and out of place in this weird land of pile-built

huts.

There is the Mission House also, a low, white wood house with a big

verandah running round it and a garden of palms and beautiful flowers.

Hanuabada and Elevera are the names of the two native settlements near

Port Moresby. At certain tides Elevera is an island, at other tides it

is a peninsula, but at all tides and all times it teems with interest.

Quaint huts built on long poles line the shore and look like nothing

one has ever seen before. When the tide is high the water washes right

under them, swishing merrily against the stout poles, and if you want

to inspect one at these times a canoe is necessary, but even then it is

a hazardous job unless you are used to it.

No one knows exactly why the natives went to such trouble in building

their huts, unless it was with a view to protecting themselves against

the attack of an enemy from the land. There were no wild animals for

them to fear.

A regular street divides these rows of huts, all exactly alike, but the

inhabitants seem to know where their friends live, though I am sure

the most {18} experienced London postman would suffer from continual

confusion if his services were required in these parts. In the distance

these villages look very much like rows of haystacks built on stakes,

but on closer inspection they are particularly interesting and have a

very imposing appearance. On reaching the piles one clambers up a rude

ladder and arrives on a platform made of ordinary poles with gaps of a

foot or two between each. Here it is that the natives squat all day and

do what work they have, or, more generally, idle the hours away. Above

the platform is a kind of porch built on a slant and projecting from

the roof, which acts as a protection against the sun or rain. Under

this is an open doorway which leads into the house.

From a sanitary point of view, no habitation could be better than these

pile dwellings, but for comfort give me a modern hotel.

[Illustration 4: MOTU VILLAGE FROM THE SEA]

No furniture or mats are to be seen in these dwellings to catch the

dust, and you can squat on the floor and see through the planks the

waves washing and swelling a few yards below. The floor consists of

the same kind of piles, only flatter and broader than those used for

supporting the house. The platforms are arranged like big steps, and

many of the boards are beautifully carved. {19} Some of them are

immense pieces of timber, which must have required a deal more energy

to cut than the Papuan of to-day is capable of exerting—much less would

he put them into position.

The wood used for the flooring is the hardest obtainable, and seems to

be of a material which takes no heed of wear and tear; the planks are

sometimes heirlooms, and have been handed down from father to son for

many generations. One log tougher than the rest is placed in position

by the door, and on this a fire will probably be burning and a woman

squatting by it cooking her lord and master’s evening meal.

The rank yellow smoke which curls round her does not inconvenience her

in the least. She takes no heed of it, but blows away at the embers,

regardless of smarting eyes and choking throat, probably because she

feels neither. She never fears that the fire will spread and burn down

her home, but just goes on cooking. If you speak to her she may stop

blowing for a second and glance up at you, but never a word passes her

lips, and soon she will be blowing again as if it was quite an ordinary

thing to have a white man staring at her. But though the smoke does not

trouble her a bit, it blinds you, and you soon hurry on to the {20}

next hut, and there confine your attention to its outside.

The roofs are thatched with palm leaves which, though scant, keep out

the rain and sun. The sides and back are also composed of a kind of

thatch on a framework of bamboo or thin wood.

Unlike the habitations of many other branches of this race, these huts

show very little artistic work inside. They are quite bare. A few

cooking-pots may be seen lying about, and these are the only things

which lead one to suppose that the huts are inhabited. The resemblance

of the interiors of all of them is only equal to the sameness of the

exteriors, which makes it impossible to know which one you have been

in and which you have not. This, added to the extreme difficulty a new

chum experiences in getting from one house to another, does not add to

the equability of his temper. It needs a steady head and good balancing

powers to keep footing on these planks, many of which are quite loose

and wobble when you are treading on them. After half an hour of such

walking a giddiness seizes you, and a strong desire comes over you to

kneel down and scramble along on hands and knees to the next hut. But

with practice, and a certain amount of patience and indifference to the

{21} nasty fall one would get by slipping, walking can eventually

be accomplished with ease.

[Illustration 5: THE ISLAND OF ELEVERA FROM THE MISSION STATION, PORT

MORESBY, BRITISH NEW GUINEA.]

The natives themselves run along the poles as quickly as if they were

on paved streets, whilst the little kiddies scramble, and slip, and

tumble about as if they were on an ordinary floor. A fall through the

piles is almost an unknown calamity to them.

Under the houses, when the tide is out, the natives can be seen cutting

out their canoes, making their pottery, repairing their fishing gear

and attending to other duties; but they much prefer to loll about

on the verandahs of their huts, looking out at the sea, thinking of

nothing.

The whole of Elevera only covers about ten acres, but in that space the

huts are crowded together, and give cover to hundreds of healthy and

prosperous-looking inhabitants. On the mainland the houses are built on

small pile platforms, only three or four feet from the ground, whilst

others in the back country are built in trees and look like gigantic

birds’-nests. This last custom, however, has quite died out, for with

the introduction of the axe the protection of a house in a tree would

be of little use, for one blow would fetch the whole construction down.

Also the introduction of the police and the work of the Government

have so diminished the {22} chances of tribal wars that the native no

longer goes to such trouble. In the old days the inmates of these nests

kept a supply of stones and spears on their verandahs, and were able to

use them with great effect on their troublesome neighbours below. Now

such a position would only make them good marks for a rifle shot.

The bush men, or “men belong bush,” to speak in native parlance, are

far more industrious than the “men belong sea,” they who live by the

shore. For besides cultivating the land, growing yams, bananas, and

taro, they make a fair living by hunting.

Two distinct tribes inhabit the villages in Port Moresby, the Koitapus

and Motus. They live amicably enough together now, but seldom

intermarry. The Koitapus were undoubtedly the original inhabitants, and

in colour are somewhat darker than their friends, and have narrower

heads, otherwise it is very hard to distinguish one from the other; but

in their manners, customs, and language there is a marked difference.

The Motu tribe consider themselves the superior of the two, though they

live in great fear of the mysterious powers the Koitapus are said to

possess, and were it not for this superstition the Motus would soon

overrule and probably vanquish the other tribe.

[Illustration 6: TREE HOUSE IN BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

{23}

So strong is their superstitious belief in the powers of the Koitapus,

that directly one of them falls ill, presents are immediately

despatched to a Koitapu man or woman with instructions to remove the

evil influence that has brought the sickness or calamity. The weather

also is supposed to be in the hands of the Koitapus, and be it wet or

fine the Motus have to pay up, that is if they want it changed.

As a tribe the Motus undoubtedly are superior, especially in such

things as cleanliness, cooking, and eating. The Koitapu natives will

devour almost anything with a relish unknown in civilised countries,

but the Motu is careful and particular both about the cooking of his

food and the article cooked. Most of the Motus have their eatables

boiled in earthenware jars, whilst the Koitapu cooks his in an earth

oven.

The Motus gain their living chiefly by fishing and making pottery, and

they exchange both fish and pots with the Koitapu for animal food,

vegetables, and the results of their agricultural pursuits.

The position of the two tribes is summed up thus:—

“Yours is the sea, the canoes, the nets,” says the Koitapu man, “ours

the land and the wallaby. {24} Give us fish for our flesh, and pottery

for our yarns and bananas.”

It is on this understanding that the two tribes live amicably together

in Hanuabada and Elevera.

Altogether Port Moresby is as quaint and picturesque a spot as ever

was seen. A bright blue sky and a sea the colour of which is for ever

changing, a stillness only broken by the roaring surf, the hum of

insects, the occasional cries of the sea-birds, and the chatter of the

natives, make up this delightful haven of rest. No roaring train or

smoking chimney is there to distract the wayfarer; no newspaper boy

yelling out his “disasters” to cause one a sleepless night. A spot in

which to rest and dream, ay, and study the curious customs of one of

the most interesting savage races in the world, if you like that sort

of employment.

[Illustration 7: MOTU VILLAGE, PORT MORESBY, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

{25}

CHAPTER III

Natives who grow crops of hair—A word or two about the women—Duties

of married women—How they carry their babes, and the philosophy of

childhood.

The natives of New Guinea are fine specimens of human nature, but taken

as a race they cannot be compared to the Maoris of New Zealand or even

to the Fijians. The men are infinitely better-looking than the women,

and their splendid stock of hair, which they wear bunched up all over

their head, sets off their appearance in a remarkable manner. The young

women are bright and cheerful-looking, and amongst them there are some

striking creatures; but there are many sad-looking specimens, some of

the old women are veritable hags, and many fine young girls are quite

spoilt by the quaint habit they have of shaving their heads, whilst

some of the best specimens of men are disfigured by their yellow,

bloodshot eyes, so noticeable in contrast to their dark skins. {26}

As workers the New Guinea natives are probably in advance of many

natives of the adjoining islands. They are, of course, better than the

aboriginal of Australia, who would as lief die as do an honest day’s

work, but that does not say much for them. There is no doubt about it,

they do not love work, though they get through a certain amount.

In Port Moresby the natives of Hanuabada and Elevera live chiefly by

fishing, canoe-building, and pottery-making. The men do the fishing

and canoe-building, whilst the women and children loiter over the

pottery-making. There is a complete absence of hurry; all the natives

work as if they had a lifetime to complete their job; there is a

calmness in them that is only rivalled by the sky over their heads and

the air that blows over this island, and perhaps it is from nature they

have learnt that calm and stolid indifference to just those things over

which we believe it is necessary to hustle.

[Illustration 8: IN THE PILE DWELLINGS AT HANUABADA, PORT MORESBY,

BRITISH NEW GUINEA.]

One extremely peculiar trait in the character of the natives of British

New Guinea is their dislike to inquisitiveness. You can implore a

native to tell you his name, and even offer him coin to pay him for

that information, but it has no effect. He {27} will tell you

some name, if you press him hard enough, but it won’t be his, as you

will discover if you try to find him again. As an instance of this

peculiarity, Mr. Norman Hardy was particularly struck by a canoe he saw

lying on the sand in the main street of Elevera, and seeing a native

standing by, he asked him if the canoe belonged to him, as he would

like to buy it. The native smiled blandly and shook his head.

“Don’t you know whose it is?” asked Mr. Hardy.

“Don’t know; man over there, p’r’aps,” said the native.

“What’s his name?” Mr. Hardy pursued.

“No name.” The native shook his bushy head.

“Well, show me which is the hut he lives in.”

At this question the man began to fidget, and then, glancing carelessly

at the row of huts, all as like each other as peas, he swept his hand

past the whole lot and said:

“That one.”

And that was all the information concerning the name and possessor of

the canoe that Mr. Hardy obtained. Subsequently he learned that the

owner of it was the very man he had been questioning.

The same kind of reticence has been found by {28} all travellers

who have been anxious to find out the ways, the customs, and secret

rites of the natives; but, luckily, now and then a man who will talk

has been found, and then, by using the knowledge gained from him and

showing the others that you know a certain amount about the matter,

it is possible to get a fund of information; though it is always

necessary to corroborate everything you hear, as the art of lying has

been brought to a perfect science in these islands—probably by the

march of civilisation and the example the natives have been set by the

traders—nearly all natives become liars when they are civilised.

Throughout the island the bulk of the work is done by the women-folk,

the men being little less than pampered loafers. There is some sort of

an excuse for this, which, it is only fair to state, is the result of

altered circumstances. In the early days the men were ever on the watch

for enemies, and lived in constant preparedness for a surprise attack.

By day they carried their spears and clubs about with them, and by

night they slept alongside them. There were very few organised fights

compared with those of other islands, except when a big head-hunting

expedition was on, but at these times the natives would get wind of

it; what they had to {29} guard against were small surprise attacks,

and of these they could not obtain information, as they were generally

planned on the spur of the moment. Most of these stalking excursions

were undertaken to supply a sacrifice for a feast, and a native would

be singled out in some adjoining village to fill the want, or else some

chief would require the wife of some other chief, and she would have to

be stolen, or a child had to be kidnapped to spite its parents, and so

the men in every village had to be constantly on the watch, which, of

course, hindered them from working, and left the bulk of the labour to

the women; but now that civilisation has altered the relationship of

the tribes and lessened the chances of these attacks, the occupation

of the men has practically ceased; under the new régime they have

gradually become loafers, and the women still continue the duties they

have performed for generations.

Organised labour is almost unknown, but certain yam patches are owned

by certain natives, and the women work them as they do the banana and

the cocoa-nut groves. In Port Moresby Messrs. Burns Philp employ a

number of men and women for their stores, and for loading and unloading

the trading vessels, but even the heavy work of carrying {30} the

timber is sometimes done by the women, whilst the men loiter about

doing as little as they possibly can. The police, who are clothed

in blue with white facings, are perhaps the busiest natives in the

township; what is more, they are extremely proud of their clothes and

their work, and their exalted position as Government officials makes

them scorn their less fortunate brethren. Their duties, beyond keeping

law and order, are very slight, and amount to an occasional job of

rowing Government men about and mounting guard over stray prisoners.

The native costume of British New Guinea is meagre. With the men, when

they are not absolutely nude, a narrow girdle round their waist is

considered sufficient, whilst a bunch of dogs’ teeth hung from their

ears, a pointed, carved bone run through their noses, and armlets of

vegetable fibre, would comprise a big outfit and make its owner as

proud as a peacock. At festivals, dances, and funerals their clothing

is more elaborate, and they are more highly decorated with masks, mats,

and feathers. And when in mourning, they are so over-dressed that it is

impossible to recognise that the bundle before you is really a human

being. The state or ceremonial costumes of New Guinea vary considerably

in the different parts of the {31} island, and each tribe has its

own particular fancy as to what ought really to be worn, and what ought

not; the only consistency concerning clothes throughout the island is

found when the men are either loafing about or working, and then they

wear as little as possible.

[Illustration 9: NATIVE OF BRITISH NEW GUINEA, SHOWING THE MANNER OF

WEARING THE HAIR.]

The women and young girls usually wear fibre aprons hanging from their

waists to a distance of about eighteen inches, whilst for dancing and

religious ceremonies more luxurious and more lengthy ones, dyed in

different colours, are worn. When dancing the aprons of the unmarried

women are left open at the right side, so that the tattooing on their

hips and thighs can be seen. This bit of coyness is to show that they

are ready to be married, and that they are still heart-whole, for

directly a girl reaches the marriageable age, and wants all the men to

know it, she is carefully tattooed. Another mark of distinction between

the married and unmarried women is in the hair: the married ones wear

it very closely cut, while the single ones pride themselves, like the

men, on their enormous bushy crops. This custom, however, varies in

different tribes, and the hair is arranged in numerous ways, according

to the fashion of the part of the island in which the native is born.

{32}

The Papuan dandy takes no end of care over his hair, which grows to a

great length and is frizzled and bunched up all round his head, and

some of them, farther up the gulf, arrange their hair in this fashion

purely for sale, and when a full crop is ready they shave it off and

sell it up country.

What “the man belong bush” uses it for I don’t know, though some kind

of string is seen in different places which is probably made from it.

As in Fiji and Samoa and Honolulu, it is common to see bleached hair.

It is done for sanitary reasons primarily, and fashion has helped the

custom. Tattooing, however, is not fashionable amongst the men.

The children, like those of other savage races, are completely nude.

They are bright and happy little beggars, and as a rule are free from

nervousness in the presence of strangers and whites. They will stand

round you in groups, with wide-open mouths and eyes, but they have a

tendency to catch hold of each other, and those who are shyest keep

slightly behind the bolder ones. They are born swimmers and divers, and

seem to spend half their days in the water, prancing, splashing about,

and diving, utterly regardless of time or season, and I don’t think

they ever catch cold.

[Illustration 10: A NEW GUINEA DANDY]

{33}

Amongst the children’s games there are two at least that look familiar

to Europeans—a kind of leap-frog and pig-a-back. The former is played

in all the varying ways of the English schoolboy, single leaping and

leaping whole rows; whilst pig-a-back riding is quite the same game

that our children indulge in. Another game which is interesting to

watch is that known as _evanena_: in this two rows of players stand

facing each other at a distance of about a foot apart, and when they

are thus arranged each boy catches hold of the arm of the one facing,

and grips it below the elbow with one hand, and with the other he takes

a firm hold of his own arm with his disengaged hand, thus forming a

platform of human arms. A boy then gets up on to this platform and

runs forward. Immediately he has passed over the first pair they let

go of each other and run forward, and place themselves in front of

the others at the end of the row, thus making a continuous passage,

enabling a constant race to be kept up with the boy on the platform and

those forming it. Roars of laughter greet the youth who is fast enough

to reach the end of the platform before another lap is ready for him,

and if he succeeds in doing this he is a proud winner, but if, on the

{34} other hand, he stumbles and falls he is anything but a hero, and

becomes one of the figures of the platform, taking the place of one of

the end boys.

Many of the other games are rough, boyish imitations of the sacred

ceremonies which their elders conduct with such decorum. Of course they

are not true imitations, because many of these ceremonies are secret

and none but authorised natives are allowed to take part in them.

The girls have a few games of their own, but very seldom join in with

the boys. From their earliest days they are trained to work, and

playing is considered frivolous and unwomanly. One sees many more young

women paddling canoes than young men; the men prefer to play and watch

their sisters work. Chivalry is not a forte of theirs.

[Illustration 11: WOMAN WITH BABY IN BAG, FAIRFAX ISLAND, BRITISH NEW

GUINEA]

As soon as the girls are old enough they are initiated into the art of

pottery-making, cooking, and other domestic duties, but what they all

take most pleasure in is dancing. Their sole ambition in life seems to

be to excel in this art—and become wives; though the latter occupation

has few benefits, and, to the outsider who has studied the life of the

married women, marriage would seem a grievous calamity to be avoided

at all {35} costs—at least a Papuan one. The work of the married

women is most arduous, and their whole existence seems to be taken up

in waiting hand and foot on their loafing lords, bearing children, and

bringing them up. All the cares and worries of the precarious lives of

these natives seem to be thrown on to the shoulders of wives, who bear

it with a stolid philosophy that defies imitation.

One of the most remarkable things about the mother is her unique way

of carrying her child, a method totally different from that of any

other savage or civilised race. From its infancy the baby is put into

a sort of miniature hammock made of vegetable fibre, with a very fine

mesh, through which the little bundle of humanity can be seen kicking

merrily. When carrying the child, the ends of this hammock, which are

woven together and make a circle of the net, are placed over, and rest

on the mother’s head. Thus the baby hangs suspended in this arrangement

just below the woman’s breasts or over her back. It is a convenient

arrangement, for the mother is perfectly free to walk about and, if

necessary, work a little with her hands. As a rule, however, when she

is working she hangs her child up on one of the cross-beams of her

hut, and many can be seen thus suspended under the {36} verandah-like

shades of the roofs, when they look very much like cocoons.

This form of carrying a weight, however, is not peculiar to the Papuan,

as instances of it can be seen in Egypt. A native porter will often

suspend a heavy portmanteau by straps from the top of his head and jog

along serenely with it. Child-carrying in this way is, however, quite

original and is, I believe, only seen in New Guinea. The Maori method

of carrying them on their backs, wrapped in a shawl which the woman

crosses over her chest, is infinitely better in some respects, as it

enables her to do hard labour without any inconvenience.

One trait that is particularly noticeable among all the children of

savage races is their silent philosophy. No matter what happens these

babes remain serenely calm; they may be left for hours without food

or drink, they may be hung upside down, dropped, trodden on,—in fact,

any calamity may befall them,—but still they are silent. The only

difference that is evident is when they have been uncomfortable for

hours and are suddenly put right, when they resume their kicking, but

very soon even this form of exuberance subsides, and silence, unmoved

silence, is restored.

[Illustration 12: DINNER TIME AT KWATO, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

{37}

CHAPTER IV

Concerning love and grief—How love is made in New Guinea, and some of

the charms used to ensure love and constancy—The grief of a New Guinea

widow.

To the marriageable young lady in civilised countries, leap year, and

with it her chance of proposing, comes but a few times before she

is “on the shelf,” but in some parts of New Guinea the proposal of

marriage always comes from the girl.

Some may think that this sort of love-making and marriage lacks

romance, but to the Papuan it is the event of his or her life. It is

in the hope of receiving a proposal that a man will go through endless

adventures; it is to win the admiration of some good buxom girl that

he risks his life head-hunting, and it is with pride and glory that he

glances at his string of skulls which hangs from the poles of his hut,

because he knows how brave the women will think him. {38}

It is for this same object that he studies the art of dancing, that he

cultivates his bushy hair (after he is married he often sells it) and

the fine, healthy glow of his skin. His lithe limbs also come in for a

deal of attention, and, as he struts proudly about, it is always with

the hope that his superior charms and manhood may bring him the love

and admiration of a young maiden.

When a Papuan boy comes of age an interesting ceremony takes place. At

about twelve years old, if he is of good stature, healthy and generally

fit, his parents think it is time to prepare him for marriage, or,

in their own language, make him _ibitoe_. The initial stage of this

ceremony is merely a form of introduction to youths of his own age

who are also _ibitoe_. In England more or less the same thing happens

when a girl “comes out.” She is then supposed to be on a footing with

“grown-ups,” and this is practically what happens to the youth of

British New Guinea. From the day of his “coming out” he occupies his

hours in pleasure-seeking and has a good time generally; this goes on

for a certain period and then he sallies forth alone into the bush to

make his drum. This drum-making is the most serious part of his “coming

out,” and is conducted with a deal of {39} formality and ceremony

which is quaintly mixed with superstition.

Drums seem to be the most important possession a young Papuan has; in

shape they are not unlike a golf bag on a somewhat larger scale. One

end is covered with lizard skin drawn taut and bound round the end

of the drum with fibre, leaving a frill below the binding; the other

end is open, and at about the centre the instrument narrows off and a

handle carved out of the wood protrudes. By this the drum is held when

being beaten.

The making of this musical instrument is an arduous task; it is hewn

out from a solid block of wood by means of the crudest instruments, the

hollow centre is made by burning it out with cinders of red-hot wood.

In order to manufacture one of these the young native retires into the

bush, cutting himself off from all intercourse with human beings. His

food is brought to him by his friends and left in some secret places

which are decided on before he takes his departure. This is done so

that the young man can secure it without catching sight of those who

bring it, for it is believed by the Papuan that if any human being sees

him, or is seen by him, during this period of _ibitoe_ that his drum

will {40} be spoiled, or that when it is completed it will sound as

if it were cracked. Many other curious superstitions relating to the

eating of certain foods are attached to this operation; for instance,

if a man who is _ibitoe_ eats food cooked in the wrong way, he will

grow fat and be a laughing-stock to the girls; whilst if he drinks

fresh water it will quench the fire with which he is trying to hollow

out his drum, and other things too numerous to mention will happen if

equally trifling details are not adhered to; but provided he comes

through this important time without any calamities, and completes his

drum to his own satisfaction, he steps forth from his seclusion to

conquer the heart of a maiden.

In the different tribes and parts of the country the customs relating

to love and matrimony vary. In some the young men waylay the girls

they admire, and endeavour, by force or persuasion, or the offering of

presents, to obtain their consent. This method often leads to amusing

incidents, as the girls have the privilege of scratching and fighting

their would-be lovers to any extent, and the lover may not retaliate,

or he would bring down upon his woolly head the anger of the girl’s

parents. {41}

Sweet music of a sensuous nature is often resorted to by the lovesick

swain, and, leaning against a tree, he will stand and play all day

long, hoping to attract the attention of his inamorata and bring from

her a proposal of marriage.

Tight-lacing and other forms of personal adornment are also indulged

in by these amorous youths, and a more ridiculous sight could not be

seen than a young native with his waist so strapped in as to form

an enormous, ugly bulge above and below his belt, but it is greatly

admired by the girls and shows he wants a wife badly.

In those parts of the western islands, already alluded to, where the

women propose, directly a girl falls in love with a man she makes him

a string armlet, which, according to Professor Haddon, she presents

to his sister or to one of his confidential friends. The confidential

friend bides her time, and when an opportunity arises she goes to the

man and says:

“I’ve got something for you.”

“Show it to me,” replies the young man if he is anxious.

This the friend does.

After learning the girl’s name, and being satisfied that he is not

throwing himself away, the youth {42} will accept the armlet and in

return make a present of two leglets to his fiancée.

Another custom in vogue is for the girl to send food for the young

man. At first on receiving it he is generally obstinate and refuses to

eat it, as he has no desire to be caught—or pretends he has none—but

really he is very proud that at last he has been noticed. The woman

understands all this and does not despair, but steadily pursues her

course, and day after day sends food to her lover, until her constancy

makes the parents of the young man feel satisfied that he is not being

led astray or fooled by a changeable woman. As soon as the parents feel

sure of this, they go to their son and command him to eat the food.

This is the signal which the girl’s friend has been wanting, and she

hurries to bear the news to the waiting girl, who immediately prepares

more food which she sends him. Now the critical time is past, and she

knows he will be allowed to see her.

All arrangements for the meeting are conducted by the go-between, and

when the young man is presented to her, she hands him fresh food which

he takes from her and eats. At this act of condescension great joy is

shown on both sides, and {43} the two lovers retire to the seclusion

of their hut, and without any further ceremony they become man and wife.

The divorce laws of New Guinea are similar to those of America, and a

man or woman can get a divorce on the slightest provocation—the general

cause is incompatibility of temper. Plurality of wives is allowed if a

man be rich enough to support more than one. The first one, however,

is chief amongst them all and her word is law; the last one acts as a

go-between; she carries the messages of number one to the others and

sees that they are properly attended to. If any of the wives refuse

to obey her, she and her husband are laughed at, as it is generally

considered that he has undertaken more than he can manage.

The following is an interesting sample of a missionary-taught, native

girl’s love-letter, or form of proposal. It was shown to Professor

Haddon when he was studying in those islands. The letter was written to

one Peter by name, whose own translation of it reads thus:—

“Peta, what do you say? I try you. My heart he like very bad for you.

You send me back a letter. Yes this talk belong me. Pita you Good-bye.

Me Magena.” {44}

Peter’s affirmative reply was:

“Magena I make you know. Me just the same, I want very bad for you. My

talk there. If you true like me, all right just the same; good for you,

good for me. Yes all right. Finish. You, Magena. Good-bye. Me Pita.”

The natives of New Guinea, like all other savage races, still have

their love charms, and when a man or maid fails to win the heart of the

one they love by ordinary methods, they try the sorcerer and, then, if

that love they are seeking for cannot be so obtained, their affection

turns to hate and a desire for revenge fills them, and they seek the

other’s death by resort to magic. There is a wonderful similarity in

human beings all over the world, be they white or black, savage or

civilised. But the extraordinary part of the magic in savage lands

is that it always works, and if men or women are properly cursed and

their death prophesied by the magician, they die, and in the way their

death has been foretold. The same strange superstition is noticeable

amongst the Maoris. I once was at the death-bed of an old chief, who

was supposed to be dying of typhoid, but the real cause of his death

was fear. In some way he had offended another chief, and that man had

him cursed by a Tohunga {45} or priest. I was unable to ascertain

exactly what he had done, but the result of it was that an image made

of clay, which was supposed to represent him, was placed in a creek,

and as the water washed away the figure, so the chief gradually sank;

and, when the last particle was softened by the slowly trickling water

and vanished down the stream, so that moment the soul of the old chief

passed over the border.

So strong is the superstition regarding these things that a man who is

cursed never dreams of attempting to overcome the disaster foretold

him; he simply goes home and dies, and it is in this way that this

particular superstition, and others like it, live. No one has the pluck

or the common sense to try and oppose their influence. In New Zealand

this kind of witchcraft is termed Tohunganism, and in spite of the

civilised condition of the Maoris of to-day, there are still cases of

death recorded and put down to it.

In the same certain way that death is brought about by a mental

process—cursing—so miraculous cures are effected, and Urio Moquru is

one of the most useful gods in New Guinea for this sort of thing. When

a person of importance falls sick, food is placed before this grotesque

image, and the friends {46} and relations beseech Urio to remove the

evil spirit from their beloved one. But should the god fail and the

sick one die, the natives do not lose faith in their god, but decide

that the patient was either too good to live, or so bad he had to die.

When death does visit a village there is a terrible time of mourning,

the women sit and cry round the death-bed all day, and in the streets

they can be seen squatting in corners moaning. You can meet women all

huddled up giving vent to the most despairing groans, and they look as

if they were literally wrapped up in grief; yet they may have never

cared a snap of the fingers for the dear departed. But it is the custom

for the women to mourn; and a more awful sight and sound than this

moaning cannot be heard. The men show very few signs of grief, and

evidently trust to their women-folk to do a double share.

When a woman loses her husband she goes into mourning and will on no

account be disturbed; for this rite her dress varies; certainly she

looks a terrible fright, and I’m not surprised at her shrinking from

public gaze. There is a special dress and general attire for this state

of grief. They shave their heads completely, cover themselves all over

with charcoal, and then put on long petticoats with {47} tassels of

seeds. They also cover their necks with necklaces and their arms with

trinkets. Having done all this they retire into a corner of their hut

and remain there, away from the gaze of the public, until their sorrow

is worn out or they are tired of being alone.

One thing noticeable is that, however loud their moaning is, however

hard they are crying, they will always stop to answer any question you

like to put to them about their “late lamented,” if you have courage

enough to beard them and refuse to go away. Then, as soon as you have

gained all the information you require, they will quickly resume

their tears as if nothing had happened to interrupt them. But this

is not unique to the savage of New Guinea. I have met with the same

extraordinary species of grief amongst the women of Great Britain,—it

is world-wide, this interruptable grief.

{48}

CHAPTER V

Some native dances and queer costumes—Novel blackmailing

methods—Woman’s vanity and a censured dance.

For some reason, unknown to the ordinary layman, the Church has taken a

dislike to nearly all forms of savage dancing, and many missionaries,

brave and good fellows though they be, have seen evil in these

performances where other less cultivated men have seen nothing that

suggests immorality. But often what appears immoral to the Western mind

is quite free from any such suggestion to the mind of the savage. I do

not say that these natives are paragons of virtue and morality, but in

deference to them it is only fair to say that they stick to their code

of morals, though it is not ours and may seem rather lax to us.

[Illustration 13: A KAIVAKUKU, RORO TRIBE, CENTRAL DIVISION, BRITISH

NEW GUINEA]

Owing no doubt to the missionaries disliking certain dances, the

natives are now very shy about permitting a white man to witness

them; some, however, can still be seen, and these I will try {49}

to describe. There are several different dances in New Guinea,

all distinct in their movements, in the costumes worn at them, and the

music accompanying them; there are the war dances, the marriage dances,

the fishing, festival and agricultural dances, and for all these the

costumes vary, some of them being unique, for there is no island in the

world which can rival its assortment of ceremonial regalia. In some of

the dances the women are most strangely attired, whilst in others the

grotesque costumes of the men are startling.

When the fish dance, or any other semi-religious dance is to be held

the men wear masks, for the making of which they are famous, and then

the performance is indeed weird. In the Mekko district, south-east of

Port Moresby, most elaborate masks of hideous design cover the heads

of the dancers, whilst their bodies are concealed by capes which are

nearly two feet thick and cover the wearer completely, leaving only

the lower part of the legs visible, and these, in contrast to the bulk

above, look strangely thin and out of place. The heat and weight of

these costumes must be enormous, but the natives would undergo any

discomfort rather than be without them.

The masks, which vary in shape and size, are {50} generally not

shorter than three or four feet, and occasionally they run to six or

seven. They are held in position on the man’s head by a cross-bar

which he grips between his teeth, and they are constructed on canework

frames, and shaped like an enormous hock bottle. A thin bark covering

is stretched over the frame, which is then completely smeared with

white lime, and a hideous face is generally worked or painted on the

front of it, with the mouth and eyes enormously big and distorted. When

one considers that these masks and their attendant costumes are also

used for blackmailing dances their thorough ugliness is warranted.

Blackmailing is a favourite pastime, and when they are intent on it

they don their ugliest masks and steal round to the hut of the man or

woman from whom they wish to extort money, or frighten, and in the dim

moonlight begin a weird and unearthly dance accompanied by horrible

noises, which they continue until the desired effect has been obtained,

and the man is frightened out of his wits and ready to agree to his

assailant’s proposals. This dance is closely allied to the dook-dook

dance of New Britain. In New Guinea when the mask and cape are worn

the steps of the dance are slow, and the movements are supposed to be

majestic and {51} awe-inspiring, making the performances more

like stately processions than dances. One of the most interesting of

these is the festival dance for a successful agricultural season. It

is considered a kind of prayer to the gods of agriculture, and it

generally takes place once a year and is conducted by different tribes

on each anniversary.

[Illustration 14: HARVEST DANCE, NEW GUINEA

When the yams and bananas are ripe, the natives hold a celebration,

in which as a rule men dance in close formation with the girls on the

flanks. Occasionally a girl edges her way in and takes the arm of a

man, as is seen in the illustration, where the red head-dresses are

those of women. The white plumes of the men denote that they have

slain an enemy in single combat. The streamers down the back of the

man on the left are those of his head fillet. Behind the dancers are

the bananas suspended on a scaffold. The celebration takes place in

the summer.]

The dancing ground having been picked, the villagers squat by their

huts, or form a large ring on the ground, and then when all is ready a

troop of men strangely dressed, each carrying his drum, comes prancing

on to the ground.

From the back of their heads long waving strings, made of leaves, are

hung, flying out behind them and touching the ground. Their woolly hair

is gaily festooned with bright-coloured feathers, white and red, pure

white, pure red, and reddish brown and green; and above these there is

often a brilliant red cockade which stands straight up.

Armlets adorn their arms, and a narrow belt with a scanty attachment

suffices for the covering of the lower part of their bodies. Long

streamers of palm leaves hang, in some cases, from both armlets

and leglets. Their drums are also gaily decorated with strings and

streamers.

On arrival on the ground they form up in rows {52} and begin a

peculiar crouching movement by bending their knees and rising on toe

and heel, to the accompaniment of a monotonous dull thumping on the

drums. Every now and then a different beat is sounded, and instantly

the men change their positions. Whilst this peculiar shuffling

movement is going on a crowd of girls appears and begin to dance in

and out among the men, and then vanish again almost as quickly as they

appeared. Their costumes are equally quaint, the chief adornment being

a mat hung round their waists and open on one side. The remaining

portions of their bodies are nude, with the exception of necklaces and

curious feather adornments on their heads.

Fine creatures some of them are, and as they prance about in striking

attitudes, dodging in and out of the rows of men, swaying their skirts

backwards and forwards, they present a fascinating picture and, as

they warm to the dance, the continued shuffling movements of the men,

the swirling of the women’s skirts, their swaying bodies, and glimpses

of elaborately tattooed legs, and the measured beating of the drums,

the only sound that breaks the silence, a giddiness steals over the

spectators and a weird feeling of monotony takes hold of them.

[Illustration 15: READY FOR THE DUBU DANCE]

{53}

Then suddenly the whole scene will change, the girls, who a few seconds

before were swirling round the men, vanish, the drumming ceases, the

long rows are broken up, and the men too disappear, leaving only the

crowd of eager spectators who remain gazing at nothing.

A wonder comes into one’s mind if it is all a dream, for throughout the

whole dance no sound has escaped the performers, and the silence and

the half-darkness produce a scene of peculiar uncanniness. But soon

all is movement again and other performances have to be gone through.

New figures are introduced as in our round dances, but there seem to

be no set places for the girls; they appear and dance independently in

and out of the rows of men as if to show off their fine figures, their

beautiful skins, and bewitching ways, some dancing and acting more or

less demurely, whilst others throw themselves about with an abandonment

and coyness that it would take a most practised Western flirt to excel.

Every attitude and every movement seem to be accompanied by an action

of the apron or skirt, which is swerving with a perfect rhythm

backwards and forwards, or from side to side. But this is not the

women’s dance, they are merely adjuncts to the performance and use

their admission to it more for {54} love-making than anything else.

Their real dance comes later when they mount the Dubu, and this is

the dance so strongly objected to by the missionaries, but, strange

to say, the natives themselves seem to take very little interest in

it; they call it “the dance belong women”; and were it such an immoral

proceeding, surely the men would crowd to see it.

The ordinary Dubu is a rough platform about four feet high and built

upon stout piles. More elaborate ones are to be seen in some districts,

and these are decorated with weird designs and strange carvings, with

flanges reaching out right and left and long beams carved like gigantic

bullocks’ horns and decorated with gaudy tassels that add a quaintness

to them; they stand some ten feet off the ground, whilst others have

posts rising fifteen feet above the ground and ending in a half-moon

design, but these bigger ones are not used for the girls to dance on,

but are kept for ceremonial purposes.

[Illustration 16: THE DUBU AT RIGO, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

A score of girls, dressed up to the nines in their twine skirts

(reaching about as far down as a Parisian ballet girl’s dancing

costume) and completely tattooed, suddenly begin prancing through the

village, swinging in their hands a long string at the end of which is a

ball. By practised movements {55} they make it curve in grotesque

shapes around their bodies, and all the time this is going on they are

swinging their skirts backwards and forwards by a peculiar movement

of their bodies, from their waists. This extraordinary performance

of pirouetting maidens goes on for some time to the accompaniment of

drums. Then, at a given signal, they mount the Dubu and discard their

skirts, and stand unadorned before the spectators who, as I said

before, are nearly all women. Then married women anoint them, whilst

others bring them baskets of areca nuts and yams. The yams they cut

up in pieces, and whilst doing so go through graceful movements which

display their figures to the best advantage. Then suddenly, at another

given signal, they start pelting the onlookers with the nuts, which are

scrambled for by the women amid laughter and screams of delight; they

are like children at a fair, and almost as simple. When all the nuts

are finished the girls slip on their skirts and jump down, and so ends

this, the most terrible dance of the modest maids of Papua. There is

another famous dance which takes place on the departure of the Lakatois

for the annual trading expedition up the Gulf.

Professor Haddon, in his book the _Head Hunters_, relates an amusing

thing he saw at Veifaa, {56} of which this dress incident reminds me.

He says that though the natives in this place are never seen in any but

native costume, the missionaries have insisted on the women wearing

calico gowns whilst attending divine service, and it was an amusing

sight, he continues, to see the girls and women arriving at the church,

for—on entering the courtyard—they pulled these European costumes over

their half-nude bodies; but it was still more comic to see the way they

pulled themselves out of them directly the service was over. He adds,

that in spite of their scant clothes and the above peculiarity, the

women are extremely modest.

Tattooing cannot be said to be as general in New Guinea as in many

other places, but in some districts the women are particularly well

tattooed, the whole of the upper part of their bodies being completely

covered with intricate designs. The methods of making the patterns

vary, but as a rule, the woman lies on the ground whilst two others

work them out with a stick dipped in burnt resin. When the whole

is finished it is pricked in by means of a sharp thorn attached to

a stick and bound tightly to it with fibre. Most of the women have

extraordinary designs on their thighs, which they make a point of

showing when they are dancing.

[Illustration 17: TATTOOING, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

{57}

CHAPTER VI

Outrigger canoes, their appearance and construction—The famous

Lakatois—How the natives catch their fish; and a few words about fish

that climb trees—A trip down the coast, and an unpleasant experience.

If you can imagine a cloudless sky of a deep blue colour, a sea so

smooth that not a ripple is visible, and so clear that you can look

down into it and see the dark rocks and the sandy bottom and strangely

shaped fish swimming idly about amongst bushes of seaweed, which wave

and curl with the ebb of the tide; and floating masses of jelly which

occasionally double themselves into balls and then become floating

masses again. If you can picture all this you will have an idea how

clear the waters of the South Seas are when the sky is cloudless. The

hot sun is overhead, and the still air is full of a sweet fragrance.

Just above you you will see a frigate bird sailing lazily about, and by

the sea shore just a faint ripple and a line of white show {58} you

quaint and picturesque canoes—not the ordinary mere dug-out things

which are so narrow in body that there is only room for a medium-sized

man to sit, but long curiously shaped ones with poles stretching across

and extended far out over the side; they are slightly arched, and at

the end there is a log which rests in the water and lies parallel to

the boat.

These outriggers are queer constructions, but no sea can upset a boat

possessing them, and with the light shining full on the bright skins of

their half-naked occupants, they look still more eccentric. To see a

dozen of these queer craft being swiftly paddled through the water by

men with bushy heads and fine massive bodies, and women more nude than

dressed, but with their hair cropped close to their skulls, is not a

sight to be seen everywhere, and well repays all the thousand little

disadvantages that journeying to these parts entails.

[Illustration 18: LARGE TRADING CANOES, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

There is a safety in an outrigger canoe that one cannot feel in

ordinary native boats. There is not the same swift movement that one

experiences when skimming through the water rowed by a half-dozen

muscular Maoris in their light-built canoes, or flying down rapids

in a Canadian canoe, but in {59} place of it there is the calm

repose of absolute security, and at times this latter condition is not

to be scorned, especially when every moment you can see the fin of a

shark rise out of the water. Clumsy looking as these boats are, it is

wonderful what complete control the natives have over them, how swiftly

they swing them round or skim them between dangerous rocks, and dash

over the surf through waves that would swamp and capsize an average

lifeboat. These irresponsible creatures paddle on through the worst of

waters, laughing at the spray as it breaks over them, and shouting with

glee as they mount the great waves, which carry them high and dry on to

the shore.

Then the stately Lakatois with their queer-shaped sails, looking as

unlike sails as the body of a boat is unlike a canoe. They resemble an

elongated kite with a semicircle cut out of the top, and if you saw one

for the first time coming towards you on a dark night, it would give

you a fright, so grotesque and weird is it. In daylight, however, its

horrors disappear and the ingeniousness of its construction appeals to

you; after watching it sailing placidly out to sea, steered as easily

as any yacht, a feeling of admiration for the savage inventor of it

comes over you. {60}

To explain its construction would be a task too difficult for me, but,

roughly, it consists of two or three large canoes lashed together and

boarded over. On these boards is a kind of barn cut down and spread out

considerably. This is used both for shelter and for carrying the pots

and articles of barter. From the centre of this raft-like barge the two

enormous sails project straight into the air; the two horn-like points

of the top are decorated with long streamers; whilst others ornament

the sails, making it look like a carnival barge. How the wind is caught

or how the boats are moved about is a mystery to any but those who

work them; if you ask a native he will explain it all to you: “He good

fellow belong salt water, go easy.” And that is as much information as

I can give. So with this vivid, though somewhat technical description

of how the boat travels, you too must be satisfied, and look rather at

its beauty than its ways of working.

[Illustration 19: OLD WOMEN MAKING POTTERY, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

The method of building canoes in these parts is interesting. A log of

soft wood is obtained from an up-country tribe in exchange for fish or

some other produce, and its outside is shaped by means of an ordinary

English axe, while the inside is hewn out with the native stone adzes.

These {61} they still prefer for delicate work, though they often

attach the head of them to an ordinary axe handle. When a sufficiently

deep hollow is made, the native lights a fire in it and works it about

until the rough edges are smoothed down and other faults are rectified.

Firing is also used to finish the outside, and if the fire goes out, or

anything but a perfect result is finally obtained, they put the cause

of it down to some accident, or wrong action which they have done in

their youth. Nearly all their calamities are thus explained.

The small canoes when finished often have the outriggers completely

boarded over, thus turning them into big rafts, and making them capable

of carrying enormous quantities of barter; for it is by boat they carry

their goods from village to village along the coast. The Lakatois are

always used for long trips, and carry big crews, being often loaded

to their full carrying capacity. When leaving Port Moresby for these

periodical trips they carry pottery and exchange it for sago and other

food.

The pottery industry flourishes at Port Moresby, and at most times

it is possible to see the women at work. Men never assist them in

this industry; generally very thin old hags seem {62} to superintend

all the most difficult part of the work. The clay used for it is, I

believe, a natural clay brought down from the interior and exchanged

for some other article. Instead of using a pottery wheel, each pot

is literally built up from the inside and rounded with a stick or by

hand—the sphere getting larger and larger, whilst the inside, towards

the top, gets smaller. When finished a fire is lit and stones built up

over it, and directly the right heat is obtained, the newly made pot is

placed on them and baked.

Nearly all the cooking is done in these contrivances, and they seem

capable of standing any heat as well as a good deal of rough usage.

Sago, yams, bananas, sweet potatoes, cocoa-nuts, and fish are the

staple foods which the New Guinea natives fatten on. The fish is often

smoked and cooked in the earthenware pots or eaten raw. The method of

smoking it varies, but generally it is roughly done in a hut.

Owing to the extensive coral reefs all round these islands, fishing by

means of nets is a difficult task, and one that does not often pay, as

they get torn to pieces on the reefs. Line fishing suffers from the

same disadvantage, so that when a big haul of ground fish is wanted

a method introduced by the {63} traders is adopted—fishing with

dynamite. This sounds somewhat peculiar, but it is most effective.

[Illustration 20: SPEARING FISH, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

Directly a shoal of fish is seen a charge of dynamite is exploded in

the water, which has a most disastrous effect on the fish, as it stuns

all within a tremendous distance of the discharge. Boats are then run

out, and with the aid of the natives the unconscious fish are picked up

and thrown into them.

The Papuans thoroughly enjoy the sport, and dive and swim after the

floating things with great glee, laughing, and the shouting and

splashing as they swim through the water with a fish in their mouth and

one in each hand, is tremendous. On reaching the boat they throw them

in and are away again as quick as lightning after more.

Spearing is another method the natives have, for which purpose they

erect platforms in the water. The fisher will stand on this platform

with a long spear in his hand attached to which is a long thin cord.

Holding the spear in the air, ready to throw, he waits like a statue

till his eyes catch sight of a big fish in the clear waters beneath.

Then suddenly you see the spear fly from his hand, and the next minute

he is yelling {64} with delight and hauling in a struggling fish at

the end of his spear.

The young natives are also fond of shooting fish, and go off in parties

armed with bows and arrows, seldom returning without a good bag.

One often hears extraordinary tales of fishermen, and perhaps there is

none better than the one told by Jerome K. Jerome of the plaster cast

that every one claimed to have caught, but even this has to take a back

seat when you are first told that a man has seen fish climbing trees.

But in spite of the apparent tallness of such a yarn it is nevertheless

true. In New Guinea these piscatorical gymnasts can be seen, and Mr.

Hardy, when visiting Tupusuli (one of the most unique marine villages

in New Guinea, lying a few hours’ sail south of Port Moresby), had the

pleasure of seeing these fish at their exercises.

[Illustration 21: MARINE VILLAGE, TUPUSULI, BRITISH NEW GUINEA]

The trip was an interesting one and worth relating. At the invitation

of the Rev. Dr. Brown, whose missionary work in these parts is well

known, Mr. Hardy accompanied him on a trip down the coast to Tupusuli.

Among the doctor’s guests were Dr. Wyllie who was out there on

scientific work, Prof. von Yost, a German journalist who at certain

times claimed direct relationship to {65} Bismarck, and a few

others who also can verify the following, as they too were among the

party. It was a jolly expedition, and the yacht, which belonged to Dr.

Chalmers the head of the missionaries in New Guinea, was captained by a

Raratongan chief who was noted for his enormous strength. The scenery

along the coast is wild and broken; here and there little villages

backed by palm groves can be seen, and natives running about on the

shore add to the beauty of the scene.

Tupusuli lies in a little bay, and is protected from intrusion by coral

reefs and mud-banks, but the yacht safely manœuvred these, and then the

village came in sight. At low tide it looks extremely weird, as some

of the huts are built on very high piles a considerable distance from

the shore, right out in the mud. The village proper is also completely

surrounded by water at high tide; behind it is a row of splendid palms,

and a broad street dividing some huts where the men are generally seen

canoe-making. As the tide was out when the yacht anchored, the party

had to be taken off in the gig and landed on the nearest mud-bank, from

which they waded into the village.

On the way they passed a clump of mangroves, partly surrounded by

water, and it was here these {66} quaint little fishes were seen

climbing up the bark of the mangoes. In appearance they look like a

very small mackerel, though the head is rounder and more nobby, and

from the breast two little legs, like those of a caterpillar, protrude.

The tail and fins are exactly the same as those of other small fish.

They seemed very shy, and on the approach of the strangers they

scuttled down the trunk and sprang back into a pool of water at the

foot of the tree, and nothing would induce them to show up again. Here

at Tupusuli are the ruins of an old Dubu house, which looks as if it

had been an exceedingly large one.

[Illustration 22: NATIVES OF THE NEW HEBRIDES HAVING A DRINK]

After examining the canoes and many of the houses the party made their

way back to the gig, and as the tide was now in they had not far to

walk. On reaching the yacht, however, it was found that the anchor

had got jammed, and as the wind was blowing pretty hard and the tide

running in, the captain feared that they would go aground on a very

nasty reef unless they got away quickly. All hands were brought to

bear on the chain, but to their horror they found that their pulling

was of no avail; all the time the yacht was swinging round and getting

dangerously near the reef. Suddenly from the shore a dozen canoes were

seen coming out {67} full pelt. The natives had guessed what

was wrong and were rowing out to help. Soon the water was black with

canoes, and the shouts of the natives were almost deafening. At last

they were alongside, and one standing in the bow of his boat looked

up at our captain. “Me fix him, captain, you get anchor all right,”

he shouted, and the next instant he had dived head foremost under the

yacht. No sooner was he out of sight than another followed, and so on

till the water was in a regular foam with diving and swimming natives,

there must have been dozens of them, whilst crowds of others hung round

in their canoes anxiously watching for their comrades to come up and

report progress. As each woolly pate shot out of the water the watchers

called out questions, but without answering they dived again—they had

only come up for breath—and neither the party nor the natives were able

to find out what was wrong. After nearly ten minutes’ work they all

came up, and their disappointed faces told the tale. It was no good,

the anchor was completely jammed, and in spite of all their efforts

these good fellows could do nothing.

To save the yacht from grounding the chain had to be cut, and shortly

after that the yacht rode out {68} of the bay clear of the rocks, amid

the cheers of the natives.

Jamming of anchors in these parts is not an uncommon experience, and

to avoid losing them many skippers carry a charge of dynamite about

with them, which they slide down the anchor chain at the end of a piece

of slack rope. If the charge is timed properly and all goes well, the

coral, between which the anchor is fixed, is blown to smithereens.

Some skippers, however, have had any but pleasant results from this

experiment, and have not only lost their anchor but considerably

damaged their boats.

{69}

PART II

THE SOLOMON ISLANDS

{71}

The Savage South Seas · 第 1 / 8 章