CHAPTER VII

"FATHERS AND CHILDREN"

I

While _On the Eve_ signalizes the end of the Crimea epoch and the

break-up of the crushing, overwhelming régime of Nicholas, _Fathers

and Children_ is a forecast of the new Liberal movement which arose

in the Russia of the 'sixties, and an analysis of the formidable type

appearing on the political horizon--the Nihilist.

Turgenev was the first man to detect the existence of this new type,

the Nihilist. His own account of his discovery gives us such an

interesting glimpse of his method in creative work that we transcribe a

passage from his paper on _Fathers and Children_, written at Baden in

1869:

"It was in the month of August 1860, when I was taking sea baths

at Ventnor, in the Isle of Wight, that the first idea of _Fathers

and Children_ came into my head; that novel, thanks to which the

favourable opinion of the younger generation about me, has come to an

end. Many times I have heard and read in critical journals that I

have only been elaborating an idea of my own.... For my part, I ought

to confess that I never attempted to create a type without having,

not an idea, but a living person, in whom the various elements

were harmonised together, to work from. I have always needed some

groundwork on which I could tread firmly. This was the case with

_Fathers and Children_. At the foundation of the principal figure

Bazarov was the personality of a young provincial doctor. He died not

long before 1860. In that remarkable man was incarnated to my ideas

the just rising element, which, still chaotic, afterwards received

the title of Nihilism. The impression produced by this individual

was very strong. At first I could not clearly define him to myself.

But I strained my eyes and ears, watching everything surrounding me,

anxious to trust simply in my own sensations. What confounded me was

that I had met not a single idea or hint of what seemed appearing to

me on all sides. And the doubt involuntarily suggested itself...."

_Fathers and Children_ was published in the spring of 1862 in Katkoff's

paper, _The Russian Messenger_, the organ of the Younger Generation,

and the stormy controversy that the novel immediately provoked was

so bitter, deep and lasting that the episode forms one of the most

interesting chapters in literary history. Rarely has so great an artist

so thoroughly drawn public attention to a scrutiny of new ideas rising

in its midst; rarely has so great an artist come into such violent

collision with his own party thereby; never, perhaps, has there been

so striking an illustration of the incapacity of the public, swayed

by party passion, to understand a pure work of art. The effect of

the publication was widespread excitement in both political camps.

Everybody was, at the time, on the alert to see what would be the next

move on the political board. The recent Emancipation of the Serfs was

looked upon by Young Russia as only the prelude to many democratic

measures, while the Reactionists professed to see in that measure the

ruin of the country and the beginning of the end. The fast-increasing

antipathy between the Old Order and the New, like a fire, required

only a puff of wind to set it ablaze. And Bazarov's character and aims

came as a godsend to the Reactionists, who hailed in it the portrait

of the insidious revolutionary ideas current in Young Russia; and they

hastened to crowd round Turgenev, ironically congratulating the former

champion of Liberalism on his penetration and honesty in unmasking the

Nihilist. But we will quote Turgenev's own words:

"I will not enlarge on the effect produced by this novel. I will

only say that everywhere the word Nihilist was caught up by a

thousand tongues, and that on the day of the conflagration of the

Apraksinsky shops, when I arrived in St. Petersburg, the first

exclamation with which I was greeted was, 'Just see what your

Nihilists are doing!' ... I experienced a coldness approaching to

indignation from people near and sympathetic to me. I received

congratulations, almost caresses, from people of the opposite camp,

from enemies. This confused me, wounded me; but my conscience did

not reproach me. I knew very well I had carried out honestly the

type I had sketched, carried it out not only without prejudice, but

positively with sympathy.... While some attack me for outraging

the Younger Generation, and promise me, with a laugh of contempt,

to burn my photograph, others, on the contrary, with indignation,

reproach me for my servile cringing to the Younger Generation....

'You are grovelling at the feet of Bazarov. You pretend to find

fault with him, and you are licking the dust at his feet,' says one

correspondent. Another critic represented M. Katkoff and me as two

conspirators, 'plotting in the solitude of our chamber our traps

and slanders against the forces of Young Russia.' An effective

picture!... My critics called my work a pamphlet, and referred to my

wounded and irritated vanity.... A shadow has fallen on my name. I

don't deceive myself. I know that shadow will remain."

Politics is a game where the mistakes and admissions of your adversary

are your good character in public opinion--a definition which goes far

to account for the easy predominance of the political sharper,--and

so Turgenev, the great artist, he who, in creating Bazarov for an

ungrateful public, to use his own words, "_simply did not know how to

work otherwise_," found to his cost. The Younger Generation, irritated

by the public capital made out of Bazarov and his Nihilism by "the

Fathers," flew into the other extreme, and refused to see in Bazarov

anything other than a _caricature_ of itself. It denied Bazarov was

of its number, or represented its views in any way; and to this day

surviving Nihilists will demonstrate warmly that the creation of his

sombre figure is "a mistake from beginning to end." The reason for this

wholesale rejection of Bazarov is easy to account for; and Turgenev,

whose clear-sightedness about his works was unaffected either by

vanity, diffidence or the ignorant onslaughts of the whole tribe of

minor critics, penetrates at once to the heart of the matter:

"The whole ground of the misunderstanding lay in the fact that the

type of Bazarov had not time to pass through the usual phases. At

the very moment of his appearance the author attacked him. It was

a new method as well as a new type I introduced--that of Realizing

instead of Idealizing.... The reader is easily thrown into perplexity

when the author does not show clear sympathy or antipathy to his own

child. The reader readily gets angry.... After all, books exist to

entertain."

An excellent piece of analysis and a quiet piece of irony this! The

character of Bazarov was in fact such an epitome of the depths of a

great movement that the mass of commonplace educated minds, the future

tools of the movement, looked on it with alarm, dislike and dread.

The average man will only recognize his own qualities in his fellows,

and endow a man with his own littlenesses. So Bazarov's depth excited

the superficiality of the eternally omnipresent average mind. The

Idealists in the Younger Generation were mortally grieved to see that

Bazarov was not wholly inspired by their dreams; he went deeper, and

the average man received a shock of surprise that hurt his vanity. So

the hue and cry was raised around Turgenev, and raised only too well.

Bazarov is the most dominating of Turgenev's creations, yet it brought

upon him secret distrust and calumny, undermined his influence with

those he was with at heart, and went far to damage his position as the

leading novelist of his day. The lesson is significant. No generation

ever understands itself; its members welcome eagerly their portraits

drawn by their friends, and the caricatures drawn by their adversaries;

but to the new type no mercy is shown, and everybody hastens to

misunderstand, to abuse, to destroy.

So widely indeed was Bazarov misunderstood that Turgenev once asserted,

"At this very moment there are only two people who have understood my

intentions--Dostoevsky and Botkin."

And Dostoevsky was of the opposite camp--a Slavophil.

II

What, then, is Bazarov?

Time after time Turgenev took the opportunity, now in an article, now

in a private or a public letter, to repel the attacks made upon his

favourite character. Thus in a letter to a Russian lady[20] he says:

"What, you too say that in drawing Bazarov I wished to make a

caricature of the young generation. You repeat this--pardon my plain

speaking--idiotic reproach. Bazarov, my favourite child, on whose

account I quarrelled with Katkoff; Bazarov, on whom I lavished all

the colours at my disposal; Bazarov, this man of intellect, this

hero, a caricature! But I see it is useless for me to protest."

[20] _Souvenirs sur Tourguéneff_, 1887.

And in a letter addressed to the Russian students at Heidelberg he

reiterates:

"_Flatter comme un caniche_, I did not wish; although in this way

I could no doubt have all the young men at once on my side; but I

was unwilling to buy popularity by concessions of this kind. It is

better to lose the campaign (and I believe I have lost it) than win

by this subterfuge. I dreamed of a sombre, savage and great figure,

only half emerged from barbarism, strong, _méchant_ and honest, and

nevertheless doomed to perish because it is always in advance of the

future. I dreamed of a strange parallel to Pugatchev. And my young

contemporaries shake their heads and tell me, '_Vous êtes foutu_, old

fellow. You have insulted us. Your Arkady is far better. It's a pity

you haven't worked him out a little more.' There is nothing left for

me but, in the words of the gipsy song, 'to take off my hat with a

very low bow.'"

What, then, is Bazarov?

Various writers have agreed in seeing in him only "criticism, pitiless,

barren, and overwhelming analysis, and the spirit of absolute

negation," but this is an error. Representing the creed which has

produced the militant type of Revolutionist in every capital of Europe,

_he is the bare mind of Science first applied to Politics_. His own

immediate origin is German Science interpreted by that spirit of

logical intensity, Russian fanaticism, or devotion to the Idea, which

is perhaps the distinguishing genius of the Slav. But he represents

the roots of the modern Revolutionary movements in thought as well

as in politics, rather than the branches springing from those roots.

Inasmuch as the early work of the pure scientific spirit, knowing

itself to be fettered by the superstitions, the confusions, the

sentimentalities of the Past, was necessarily destructive, Bazarov's

primary duty was to Destroy. In his essence, however, he stands

for _the sceptical conscience of modern Science_. His watchword is

_Reality_, and not Negation, as everybody in pious horror hastened to

assert Turgenev, whose first and last advice to young writers was,

"You need truth, remorseless truth, as regards your own sensations,"

was indeed moved to declare, "Except Bazarov's views on Art, I share

almost all his convictions." The crude materialism of the 'sixties

was not the basis of the scientific spirit, it was merely its passing

expression; and the early Nihilists who denounced Art, the Family and

Social Institutions were simply freeing themselves from traditions

preparatory to a struggle that was inevitable. Again, though Bazarov

is a Democrat, perhaps his kinship with the people is best proved by

the contempt he feels for them. He stands forward essentially as an

Individual, with the "isms" that can aid him, mere tools in his hand;

Socialist, Communist or Individualist, in his necessary phases he

fought this century against the tyranny of centralized Governments,

and next century he will be fighting against the stupid tyranny of the

Mass. Looking at Bazarov however, as a type that has played its part

and vanished with its generation, as a man he is a new departure in

history. His appearance marks the dividing-line between two religions,

that of the Past--Faith, and that growing religion of to-day--Science.

His is the duty of breaking away from all things that men call Sacred,

and his savage egoism is essential to that duty. He is subject to

neither Custom nor Law. He is his own law, and is occupied simply

with the fact he is studying. He has thrown aside the ties of love

and duty that cripple the advance of the strongest men. He typifies

Mind grappling with Nature, seeking out her inexorable laws, Mind

in pure devotion to the What Is, in startling contrast to the minds

that follow their self-created kingdoms of What Appears and of What

Ought to Be. He is therefore a foe to the poetry and art that help to

increase Nature's glamour over man by alluring him to yield to her; for

Bazarov's great aim is to see Nature at work behind the countless veils

of illusions and ideals, and all the special functions of belief which

she develops in the minds of the masses to get them unquestioning to

do her bidding. Finally, Bazarov, in whom the comfortable compromising

English mind sees only a man of bad form, bad taste, bad manners and

overwhelming conceit, finally, Bazarov stands for Humanity awakened

from century-old superstitions and the long dragging oppressive dream

of tradition. Naked he stands under a deaf, indifferent sky, but he

feels and knows that he has the strong brown earth beneath his feet.

This type, though it has developed into a network of special branches

to-day, it is not difficult for us to trace as it has appeared and

disappeared in the stormy periods of the last thirty years. Probably

the genius and energy of the type was chiefly devoted to positive

Science, and not to Politics; but it is sufficient to glance at the

Revolutionary History, in theory and action, of the Continent to see

that every movement was inspired by the ideas of the Bazarovs, though

led by a variety of leaders. Just as the popular movements for Liberty

fifty years earlier found sentimental and _romantic_ expression in

Byronism, so the popular movements of our time have been realistic in

idea, and have looked to Science for their justification. Proudhon,

Bakunin, Karl Marx, the Internationals, the Russian Terrorists, the

Communists, all have a certain relation to Bazarov, but his nearest

kinsmen in these and other movements we believe have worked, and have

remained, obscure. It was a stroke of genius on Turgenev's part to

make Bazarov die on the threshold unrecognized. He is Aggression,

destroyed in his destroying. And there are many reasons in life for the

Bazarovs remaining obscure. For one thing, their few disciples, the

Arkadys, do not understand them; for another, the whole swarm of little

interested persons who make up a movement are more or less engaged in

personal interests, and they rarely take for a leader a man who works

for his own set of truths, scornful of all cliques, penalties and

rewards. Necessarily, too, the Bazarovs work alone, and are given the

most dangerous tasks to accomplish unaided. Further, they are men whose

brutal and breaking force attracts ten men where it repels a thousand.

The average man is too afraid of Bazarov to come into contact with him.

Again, the Bazarovs, as Iconoclasts, are always unpopular in their own

circles. Yesterday in political life they were suppressed or exiled,

and even in Science they were the men who were supplanted before their

real claim was recognized, and to-day, when order reigns for a time,

the academic circles and the popular critics will demonstrate that

Bazarov's existence was a mistake, and the crowd could have got on much

better without him.

The Crowd, the ungrateful Crowd! though for it Bazarov has wrested much

from effete or corrupt hands, and has fought and weakened despotic and

bureaucratic power, what has its opinion or memory to do with his brave

heroic figure? Yes, heroic, as Turgenev, in indignation with Bazarov's

shallow accusers, was betrayed into defining his own creation, Bazarov,

whose very atmosphere is difficulty and danger, who cannot move without

hostility carrying as he does destruction to the old worn-out truths,

contemptuous of censure, still more contemptuous of praise, he goes his

way against wind and tide. Brave man, given up to his cause, whatever

it be, it is his joy _to stand alone_, watching the crowd as it races

wherever reward is and danger is not. It is Bazarov's life to despise

honours, success, opinion, and to let nothing, not love itself, come

between him and his inevitable course, and, when death comes, to turn

his face to the wall, while in the street below he can hear the voices

of men cheering the popular hero who has last arrived. The Crowd!

Bazarov is the antithesis of the cowardice of the Crowd. That is the

secret why we love him.

III

As a piece of art _Fathers and Children_ is the most powerful of all

Turgenev's works. The figure of Bazarov is not only the political

centre of the book, against which the other characters show up in

their respective significance, but a figure in which the eternal

tragedy of man's impotence and insignificance is realized in scenes

of a most ironical human drama. How admirably this figure dominates

everything and everybody. Everything falls away before this man's

biting sincerity. In turn the figureheads of Culture and Birth, Nicolai

and Pavel representing the Past; Arkady the sentimentalist representing

the Present; the father and mother representing the ties of family that

hinder a man's life-work; Madame Odintsov embodying the fascination

of a beautiful woman--all fall into their respective places. But the

particular power of _Fathers and Children_, of epic force almost,

arises from the way in which Turgenev makes us feel the individual

human tragedy of Bazarov in relation to the perpetual tragedy

everywhere in indifferent Nature. In _On the Eve_ Turgenev cast his

figures against a poetic background by creating an atmosphere of War

and Patriotism. But in _Fathers and Children_ this poetic background

is Nature herself, Nature who sows, with the same fling of her hand,

life and death springing each from each, in the same rhythmical cast

of fate. And with Nature for the background, there comes the wonderful

sense conveyed to the reader throughout the novel, of the generations

with their fresh vigorous blood passing away quickly, a sense of

the coming generations, whose works, too, will be hurried away into

the background, a sense of the silence of Earth, while her children

disappear into the shadows, and are whelmed in turn by the inexorable

night. While everything in the novel is expressed in the realistic

terms of daily commonplace life, the characters appear now close to us

as companions, and now they seem like distant figures walking under

an immense sky; and the effect of Turgenev's simply and subtly drawn

landscapes is to give us a glimpse of men and women in their actual

relation to their mother earth and the sky over their heads. This

effect is rarely conveyed in the modern Western novel, which deals so

much with purely indoor life; but the Russian novelist gained artistic

force for his tragedies by the vague sense ever present with him of

the enormous distances of the vast steppes, bearing on their bosom

the peasants' lives, which serve as a sombre background to the life of

the isolated individual figures with which he is dealing. Turgenev has

availed himself of this hidden note of tragedy, and with the greatest

art he has made Bazarov, with all his ambition opening out before him,

and his triumph awaited, the eternal type of man's conquering egoism

conquered by the pin-prick of death. Bazarov, who looks neither to

the right hand nor to the left, who delays no longer in his life-work

of throwing off the mind-forged manacles; Bazarov, who trusts not to

Nature, but would track the course of her most obscure laws; Bazarov,

in his keen pursuit of knowledge, is laid low by the weapon he has

selected to wield. His own tool, the dissecting knife, brings death to

him, and his body is stretched beside the peasant who had gone before.

Of the death scene, the great culmination of this great novel, it is

impossible to speak without emotion. The voice of the reader, whosoever

he be, must break when he comes to those passages of infinite pathos

where the father, Vassily Ivanovitch, is seen peeping from behind the

door at his dying son, where he cries, "Still living, my Yevgeny is

still living, and now he will be saved. Wife, wife!" And where, when

death has come, he cries, "I said I should rebel. I rebel, I rebel!"

What art, what genius, we can only repeat, our spirit humbled to the

dust by the exquisite solemnity of that undying simple scene of the old

parents at the grave, the scene where Turgenev epitomizes in one stroke

the infinite aspiration, the eternal insignificance of the life of man.

Let us end here with a repetition of a simple passage that, echoing

through the last pages of _Fathers and Children_, must find an echo

in the hearts of Turgenev's readers: "'To the memory of Bazarov,'

Katya whispered in her husband's ear, ... but Arkady did not venture

to propose the toast aloud." We, at all events, can drink the toast

to-day as a poor tribute in recompense for those days when Turgenev in

life proposed it, and his comrades looked on him with distrust, with

coldness and with anger.

VIII

"SMOKE"

Turgenev: A Study · 第 7 / 11 章