WAR OF GRANADA.--CONQUEST OF BAZA.--SUBMISSION OF EL ZAGAL.
1487-1489.
The Sovereigns visit Aragon.--The King lays Siege to Baza.--Its Great
Strength.--Gardens Cleared of their Timber.--The Queen Raises the Spirits
of her Troops.--Her Patriotic Sacrifices.--Suspension of Arms.--Baza
Surrenders.--Treaty with Zagal.--Difficulties of the Campaign.--Isabella's
Popularity and Influence.
In the autumn of 1487, Ferdinand and Isabella, accompanied by the younger
branches of the royal family, visited Aragon, to obtain the recognition
from the cortes of Prince John's succession, now in his tenth year, as
well as to repress the disorders into which the country had fallen during
the long absence of its sovereigns. To this end, the principal cities and
communities of Aragon had recently adopted the institution of the
hermandad, organized on similar principles to that of Castile. Ferdinand,
on his arrival at Saragossa in the month of November, gave his royal
sanction to the association, extending the term of its duration to five
years, a measure extremely unpalatable to the great feudal nobility, whose
power, or rather abuse of power, was considerably abridged by this popular
military force. [1]
The sovereigns, after accomplishing the objects of their visit, and
obtaining an appropriation from the cortes for the Moorish war, passed
into Valencia, where measures of like efficiency were adopted for
restoring the authority of the law, which was exposed to such perpetual
lapses in this turbulent age, even in the best constituted governments, as
required for its protection the utmost vigilance, on the part of those
intrusted with the supreme executive power. From Valencia the court
proceeded to Murcia, where Ferdinand, in the month of June, 1488, assumed
the command of an army amounting to less than twenty thousand men, a small
force compared with those usually levied on these occasions; it being
thought advisable to suffer the nation to breathe a while, after the
exhausting efforts in which it had been unintermittingly engaged for so
many years.
Ferdinand, crossing the eastern borders of Granada, at no great distance
from Vera, which speedily opened its gates, kept along the southern slant
of the coast as far as Almeria; whence, after experiencing some rough
treatment from a sortie of the garrison, he marched by a northerly circuit
on Baza, for the purpose of reconnoitring its position, as his numbers
were altogether inadequate to its siege. A division of the army under the
marquis duke of Cadiz suffered itself to be drawn here into an ambuscade
by the wily old monarch El Zagal, who lay in Baza with a strong force.
After extricating his troops with some difficulty and loss from this
perilous predicament, Ferdinand retreated on his own dominions by the way
of Huescar, where he disbanded his army, and withdrew to offer up his
devotions at the cross of Caravaca. The campaign, though signalized by no
brilliant achievement, and indeed clouded with some slight reverses,
secured the surrender of a considerable number of fortresses and towns of
inferior note. [2]
The Moorish chief, El Zagal, elated by his recent success, made frequent
forays into the Christian territories, sweeping off the flocks, herds, and
growing crops of the husbandman; while the garrisons of Almeria and
Salobrena, and the bold inhabitants of the valley of Purchena, poured a
similar devastating warfare over the eastern borders of Granada into
Murcia. To meet this pressure, the Spanish sovereigns reinforced the
frontier with additional levies under Juan de Benavides and Garcilasso de
la Vega; while Christian knights, whose prowess is attested in many a
Moorish lay, flocked there from all quarters, as to the theatre of war.
During the following winter, of 1488, Ferdinand and Isabella occupied
themselves with the interior government of Castile, and particularly the
administration of justice. A commission was specially appointed to
supervise the conduct of the corregidors and subordinate magistrates, "so
that every one," says Pulgar, "was most careful to discharge his duty
faithfully, in order to escape the penalty, which was otherwise sure to
overtake him." [3]
While at Valladolid, the sovereigns received an embassy from Maximilian,
son of the emperor Frederic the Fourth, of Germany, soliciting their co-
operation in his designs against France for the restitution of his late
wife's rightful inheritance, the duchy of Burgundy, and engaging in turn
to support them in their claims on Roussillon and Cerdagne. The Spanish
monarchs had long entertained many causes of discontent with the French
court, both with regard to the mortgaged territory of Roussillon, and the
kingdom of Navarre; and they watched with jealous eye the daily increasing
authority of their formidable neighbor on their own frontier. They had
been induced, in the preceding summer, to equip an armanent at Biscay and
Guipuscoa, to support the duke of Brittany in his wars with the French
regent, the celebrated Anne de Beaujeu. This expedition, which proved
disastrous, was followed by another in the spring of the succeeding year.
[4] But, notwithstanding these occasional episodes to the great work in
which they were engaged, they had little leisure for extended operations;
and, although they entered into the proposed treaty of alliance with
Maximilian, they do not seem to have contemplated any movement of
importance before the termination of the Moorish war. The Flemish
ambassadors, after being entertained for forty days in a style suited to
impress them with high ideas of the magnificence of the Spanish court, and
of its friendly disposition towards their master, were dismissed with
costly presents, and returned to their own country. [5]
These negotiations show the increasing intimacy growing up between the
European states, who, as they settled their domestic feuds, had leisure to
turn their eyes abroad, and enter into the more extended field of
international politics. The tenor of this treaty indicates also the
direction which affairs were to take, when the great powers should be
brought into collision with each other on a common theatre of action.
All thoughts were now concentrated on the prosecution of the war with
Granada, which, it was determined, should be conducted on a more enlarged
scale than it had yet been; notwithstanding the fearful pest which had
desolated the country during the past year, and the extreme scarcity of
grain, owing to the inundations caused by excessive rains in the fruitful
provinces of the south. The great object proposed in this campaign was the
reduction of Baza, the capital of that division of the empire which
belonged to El Zagal. Besides this important city, that monarch's
dominions embraced the wealthy sea-port of Almeria, Guadix, and numerous
other towns and villages of less consequence, together with the mountain
region of the Alpuxarras, rich in mineral wealth; whose inhabitants,
famous for the perfection to which they had carried the silk manufacture,
were equally known for their enterprise and courage in war, so that El
Zagal's division comprehended the most potent and opulent portion of the
empire. [6] In the spring of 1489, the Castilian court passed to Jaen, at
which place the queen was to establish her residence, as presenting the
most favorable point of communication with the invading army. Ferdinand
advanced as far as Sotogordo, where, on the 27th of May, he put himself at
the head of a numerous force, amounting to about fifteen thousand horse
and eighty thousand foot, including persons of every description; among
whom was gathered, as usual, that chivalrous array of nobility and
knighthood, who, with stately and well-appointed retinues, were accustomed
to follow the royal standard in these crusades. [8]
The first point, against which operations were directed, was the strong
post of Cuxar, two leagues only from Baza, which surrendered after a brief
but desperate resistance. The occupation of this place, and some adjacent
fortresses, left the approaches open to El Zagal's capital. As the Spanish
army toiled up the heights of the mountain barrier, which towers above
Baza on the west, their advance was menaced by clouds of Moorish light
troops, who poured down a tempest of musket-balls and arrows on their
heads. These however were quickly dispersed by the advancing vanguard; and
the Spaniards, as they gained the summits of the hills, beheld the lordly
city of Baza, reposing in the shadows of the bold sierra that stretches
towards the coast, and lying in the bosom of a fruitful valley, extending
eight leagues in length, and three in breadth. Through this valley flowed
the waters of the Guadalentin and the Guadalquiton, whose streams were
conducted by a thousand canals over the surface of the vega. In the midst
of the plain, adjoining the suburbs, might be descried the orchard or
garden, as it was termed, of Baza, a league in length, covered with a
thick growth of wood, and with numerous villas and pleasure-houses of the
wealthy citizens, now converted into garrisoned fortresses. The suburbs
were encompassed by a low mud wall; but the fortifications of the city
were of uncommon strength. The place, in addition to ten thousand troops
of its own, was garrisoned by an equal number from Almeria; picked men,
under the command of the Moorish prince Cidi Yahye, a relative of El
Zagal, who lay at this time in Guadix, prepared to cover his own dominions
against any hostile movement of his rival in Granada. These veterans were
commissioned to defend the place to the last extremity; and, as due time
had been given for preparation, the town was victualled with fifteen
months' provisions, and even the crops growing in the vega had been
garnered before their prime, to save them from the hands of the enemy. [8]
The first operation, after the Christian army had encamped before the
walls of Baza, was to get possession of the garden, without which it would
be impossible to enforce a thorough blockade, since its labyrinth of
avenues afforded the inhabitants abundant facilities of communication with
the surrounding country. The assault was intrusted to the grand master of
St. James, supported by the principal cavaliers, and the king in person.
Their reception by the enemy was such as gave them a foretaste of the
perils and desperate daring they were to encounter in the present siege.
The broken surface of the ground, bewildered with intricate passes, and
thickly studded with trees and edifices, was peculiarly favorable to the
desultory and illusory tactics of the Moors. The Spanish cavalry was
brought at once to a stand; the ground proving impracticable for it, it
was dismounted, and led to the charge by its officers on foot. The men,
however, were soon scattered far asunder from their banners and their
leaders. Ferdinand, who from a central position endeavored to overlook the
field, with the design of supporting the attack on the points most
requiring it, soon lost sight of his columns amid the precipitous ravines,
and the dense masses of foliage which everywhere intercepted the view. The
combat was carried on, hand to hand, in the utmost confusion. Still the
Spaniards pressed forward, and, after a desperate struggle for twelve
hours, in which many of the bravest on both sides fell, and the Moslem
chief Reduan Zafarga had four horses successively killed under him, the
enemy were beaten back behind the intrenchments that covered the suburbs,
and the Spaniards, hastily constructing a defence of palisades, pitched
their tents on the field of battle. [9]
The following morning Ferdinand had the mortification to observe, that the
ground was too much broken and obstructed with wood, to afford a suitable
place for a general encampment. To evacuate his position, however, in the
face of the enemy, was a delicate manoeuvre, and must necessarily expose
him to severe loss. This he obviated, in a great measure, by a fortunate
stratagem. He commanded the tents nearest the town to be left standing,
and thus succeeded in drawing off the greater part of his forces, before
the enemy was aware of his intention.
After regaining his former position, a council of war was summoned to
deliberate on the course next to be pursued. The chiefs were filled with
despondency, as they revolved the difficulties of their situation. They
almost despaired of enforcing the blockade of a place, whose peculiar
situation gave it such advantages. Even could this be effected, the camp
would be exposed, they argued, to the assaults of a desperate garrison on
the one hand, and of the populous city of Guadix, hardly twenty miles
distant, on the other; while the good faith of Granada could scarcely be
expected to outlive a single reverse of fortune; so that, instead of
besieging, they might be more properly regarded as themselves besieged. In
addition to these evils, the winter frequently set in with much rigor in
this quarter; and the torrents, descending from the mountains, and
mingling with the waters of the valley, might overwhelm the camp with an
inundation, which, if it did not sweep it away at once, would expose it to
the perils of famine by cutting off all external communication. Under
these gloomy impressions, many of the council urged Ferdinand to break up
his position at once, and postpone all operations on Baza, until the
reduction of the surrounding country should make it comparatively easy.
Even the marquis of Cadiz gave in to this opinion; and Gutierre de
Cardenas, commander of Leon, a cavalier deservedly high in the confidence
of the king, was almost the only person of consideration decidedly opposed
to it. In this perplexity, Ferdinand, as usual in similar exigencies,
resolved to take counsel of the queen. [10]
Isabella received her husband's despatches a few hours after they were
written, by means of the regular line of posts maintained between the camp
and her station at Jaen. She was filled with chagrin at their import, from
which she plainly saw, that all her mighty preparations were about to
vanish into air. Without assuming the responsibility of deciding the
proposed question, however, she besought her husband not to distrust the
providence of God, which had conducted them through so many perils towards
the consummation of their wishes. She reminded him, that the Moorish
fortunes were never at so low an ebb as at present, and that their own
operations could probably never be resumed on such a formidable scale or
under so favorable auspices as now, when their arms had not been stained
with a single important reverse. She concluded with the assurance, that,
if his soldiers would be true to their duty, they might rely on her for
the faithful discharge of hers in furnishing them with all the requisite
supplies.
The exhilarating tone of this letter had an instantaneous effect,
silencing the scruples of the most timid, and confirming the confidence of
the others. The soldiers, in particular, who had received with
dissatisfaction some intimation of what was passing in the council,
welcomed it with general enthusiasm; and every heart seemed now intent on
furthering the wishes of their heroic queen by prosecuting the siege with
the utmost vigor.
The army was accordingly distributed into two encampments; one under the
marquis duke of Cadiz, supported by the artillery, the other under King
Ferdinand on the opposite side of the city. Between the two lay the garden
or orchard before mentioned, extending a league in length; so that, in
order to connect the works of the two camps, it became necessary to get
possession of this contested ground, and to clear it of the heavy timber
with which it was covered.
This laborious operation was intrusted to the commander of Leon, and the
work was covered by a detachment of seven thousand troops, posted in such
a manner as to check the sallies of the garrison. Notwithstanding four
thousand _taladores_, or pioneers, were employed in the task, the
forest was so dense, and the sorties from the city so annoying, that the
work of devastation did not advance more than ten paces a day, and was not
completed before the expiration of seven weeks. When the ancient groves,
so long the ornament and protection of the city, were levelled to the
ground, preparations were made for connecting the two camps, by a deep
trench, through which the mountain waters were made to flow; while the
borders were fortified with palisades, constructed of the timber lately
hewn, together with strong towers of mud or clay, arranged at regular
intervals. In this manner, the investment of the city was complete on the
side of the vega. [11]
As means of communication still remained open, however, by the opposite
sierra, defences of similar strength, consisting of two stone walls
separated by a deep trench, were made to run along the rocky heights and
ravines of the mountains until they touched the extremities of the
fortifications on the plain; and thus Baza was encompassed by an unbroken
line of circumvallation.
In the progress of the laborious work, which occupied ten thousand men,
under the indefatigable commander of Leon, for the space of two months, it
would have been easy for the people of Guadix, or of Granada, by co-
operation with the sallies of the besieged, to place the Christian army in
great peril. Some feeble demonstration of such a movement was made at
Guadix, but it was easily disconcerted. Indeed, El Zagal was kept in check
by the fear of leaving his own territory open to his rival, should he
march against the Christians. Abdallah, in the mean while, lay inactive in
Granada, incurring the odium and contempt of his people, who stigmatized
him as a Christian in heart, and a pensioner of the Spanish sovereigns.
Their discontent gradually swelled into a rebellion, which was suppressed
by him with a severity, that at length induced a sullen acquiescence in a
rule, which, however inglorious, was at least attended with temporary
security. [12]
While the camp lay before Baza, a singular mission was received from the
sultan of Egypt, who had been solicited by the Moors of Granada to
interpose in their behalf with the Spanish sovereigns. Two Franciscan
friars, members of a religious community in Palestine, were bearers of
despatches; which, after remonstrating with the sovereigns on. their
persecution of the Moors, contrasted it with the protection uniformly
extended by the sultan to the Christians in his dominions. The
communication concluded with menacing a retaliation of similar severities
on these latter, unless the sovereigns desisted from their hostilities
towards Granada.
From the camp, the two ambassadors proceeded to Jaen, where they were
received by the queen with all the deference due to their holy profession,
which seemed to derive additional sanctity from the spot in which it was
exercised. The menacing import of the sultan's communication, however, had
no power to shake the purposes of Ferdinand and Isabella, who made answer,
that they had uniformly observed the same policy in regard to their
Mahometan, as to their Christian subjects; but that they could no longer
submit to see their ancient and rightful inheritance in the hands of
strangers; and that, if these latter would consent to live under their
rule, as true and loyal subjects, they should experience the same paternal
indulgence which had been shown to their brethren. With this answer the
reverend emissaries returned to the Holy Land, accompanied by substantial
marks of the royal favor, in a yearly pension of one thousand ducats,
which the queen settled in perpetuity on their monastery, together with a
richly embroidered veil, the work of her own fair hands, to be suspended
over the Holy Sepulchre. The sovereigns subsequently despatched the
learned Peter Martyr as their envoy to the Moslem court, in order to
explain their proceedings more at length, and avert any disastrous
consequences from the Christian residents. [13]
In the mean while, the siege went forward with spirit; skirmishes and
single rencontres taking place every day between the high-mettled
cavaliers on both sides. These chivalrous combats, however, were
discouraged by Ferdinand, who would have confined his operations to strict
blockade, and avoided the unnecessary effusion of blood; especially as the
advantage was most commonly on the side of the enemy, from the peculiar
adaptation of their tactics to this desultory warfare. Although some
months had elapsed, the besieged rejected with scorn every summons to
surrender; relying on their own resources, and still more on the
tempestuous season of autumn, now fast advancing, which, if it did not
break up the encampment at once, would at least, by demolishing the roads,
cut off all external communication.
In order to guard against these impending evils, Ferdinand caused more
than a thousand houses, or rather huts, to be erected, with walls of earth
or clay, and roofs made of timber and tiles; while the common soldiers
constructed cabins by means of palisades loosely thatched with the
branches of trees. The whole work was accomplished in four days; and the
inhabitants of Baza beheld with amazement a city of solid edifices, with
all its streets and squares in regular order, springing as it were by
magic out of the ground, which had before been covered with the light and
airy pavilions of the camp. The new city was well supplied, owing to the
providence of the queen, not merely with the necessaries, but the luxuries
of life. Traders flocked there as to a fair, from Aragon, Valencia,
Catalonia, and even Sicily, freighted with costly merchandise, and with
jewelry and other articles of luxury; such as, in the indignant lament of
an old chronicler, "too often corrupt the souls of the soldiery, and bring
waste and dissipation into a camp."
That this was not the result, however, in the present instance, is
attested by more than one historian. Among others, Peter Martyr, the
Italian scholar before mentioned, who was present at this siege, dwells
with astonishment on the severe decorum and military discipline, which
everywhere obtained among this motley congregation of soldiers. "Who would
have believed," says he, "that the Galician, the fierce Asturian, and the
rude inhabitant of the Pyrenees, men accustomed to deeds of atrocious
violence, and to brawl and battle on the lightest occasions at home,
should mingle amicably, not only with one another, but with the Toledans,
La-Manchans, and the wily and jealous Andalusian; all living together in
harmonious subordination to authority, like members of one family,
speaking one tongue, and nurtured under a common discipline; so that the
camp seemed like a community modelled on the principles of Plato's
republic!" In another part of this letter, which was addressed to a
Milanese prelate, he panegyrizes the camp hospital of the queen, then a
novelty in war; which, he says, "is so profusely supplied with medical
attendants, apparatus, and whatever may contribute to the restoration or
solace of the sick, that it is scarcely surpassed in these respects by the
magnificent establishments of Milan." [14]
During the five months which the siege had now lasted, the weather had
proved uncommonly propitious to the Spaniards, being for the most part of
a bland and equal temperature, while the sultry heats of midsummer were
mitigated by cool and moderate showers. As the autumnal season advanced,
however, the clouds began to settle heavily around the mountains; and at
length one of those storms, predicted by the people of Baza, burst forth
with incredible fury, pouring a volume of waters down the rocky sides of
the sierra, which, mingling with those of the vega, inundated the camp of
the besiegers, and swept away most of the frail edifices constructed for
the use of the common soldiery. A still greater calamity befell them in
the dilapidation of the roads, which, broken up or worn into deep gullies
by the force of the waters, were rendered perfectly impassable. All
communication was of course suspended with Jaen, and a temporary
interruption of the convoys filled the camp with consternation. This
disaster, however, was speedily repaired by the queen, who, with an energy
always equal to the occasion, caused six thousand pioneers to be at once
employed in reconstructing the roads; the rivers were bridged over,
causeways new laid, and two separate passes opened through the mountains,
by which the convoys might visit the camp, and return without interrupting
each other. At the same time, the queen bought up immense quantities of
grain from all parts of Andalusia, which she caused to be ground in her
own mills; and, when the roads, which extended more than seven leagues in
length, were completed, fourteen thousand mules might be seen daily
traversing the sierra, laden with supplies, which from that time forward
were poured abundantly, and with the most perfect regularity, into the
camp. [15]
Isabella's next care was to assemble new levies of troops, to relieve or
reinforce those now in the camp; and the alacrity with which all orders of
men from every quarter of the kingdom answered her summons is worthy of
remark. But her chief solicitude was to devise expedients for meeting the
enormous expenditures incurred by the protracted operations of the year.
For this purpose, she had recourse to loans from individuals and religious
corporations, which were obtained without much difficulty, from the
general confidence in her good faith. As the sum thus raised, although
exceedingly large for that period, proved inadequate to the expenses,
further supplies were obtained from wealthy individuals, whose loans were
secured by mortgage of the royal demesne; and, as a deficiency still
remained in the treasury, the queen, as a last resource, pawned the crown
jewels and her own personal ornaments to the merchants of Barcelona and
Valencia, for such sums as they were willing to advance on them. [16] Such
were the efforts made by this high-spirited woman, for the furtherance of
her patriotic enterprise. The extraordinary results, which she was enabled
to effect, are less to be ascribed to the authority of her station, than
to that perfect confidence in her wisdom and virtue, with which she had
inspired the whole nation, and which secured their earnest co-operation in
all her undertakings. The empire, which she thus exercised, indeed, was
far more extended than any station, however exalted, or any authority,
however despotic, can confer; for it was over the hearts of her people.
Notwithstanding the vigor with which the siege was pressed, Baza made no
demonstration of submission. The garrison was indeed greatly reduced in
number; the ammunition was nearly expended; yet there still remained
abundant supplies of provisions in the town, and no signs of despondency
appeared among the people. Even the women of the place, with a spirit
emulating that of the dames of ancient Carthage, freely gave up their
jewels, bracelets, necklaces, and other personal ornaments, of which the
Moorish ladies were exceedingly fond, in order to defray the charges of
the mercenaries.
The camp of the besiegers, in the mean while, was also greatly wasted both
by sickness and the sword. Many, desponding under perils and fatigues,
which seemed to have no end, would even at this late hour have abandoned
the siege; and they earnestly solicited the queen's appearance in the
camp, in the hope that she would herself countenance this measure, on
witnessing their sufferings. Others, and by far the larger part, anxiously
desired the queen's visit, as likely to quicken the operations of the
siege, and bring it to a favorable issue. There seemed to be a virtue in
her presence, which, on some account or other, made it earnestly desired
by all.
Isabella yielded to the general wish, and on the 7th of November arrived
before the camp, attended by the infanta Isabella, the cardinal of Spain,
her friend, the marchioness of Moya, and other ladies of the royal
household. The inhabitants of Baza, says Bernaldez, lined the battlements
and housetops, to gaze at the glittering cavalcade as it emerged from the
depths of the mountains, amidst flaunting banners and strains of martial
music, while the Spanish cavaliers thronged forth in a body from the camp
to receive their beloved mistress, and gave her the most animated welcome.
"She came," says Martyr, "surrounded by a choir of nymphs, as if to
celebrate the nuptials of her child; and her presence seemed at once to
gladden and reanimate our spirits, drooping under long vigils, dangers,
and fatigue." Another writer, also present, remarks that, from the moment
of her appearance, a change seemed to come over the scene. No more of the
cruel skirmishes, which had before occurred every day; no report of
artillery, or clashing of arms, or any of the rude sounds of war, was to
be heard, but all seemed disposed to reconciliation and peace. [17]
The Moors probably interpreted Isabella's visit into an assurance, that
the Christian army would never rise from before the place until its
surrender. Whatever hopes they had once entertained of wearying out the
besiegers, were therefore now dispelled. Accordingly, a few days after the
queen's arrival, we find them proposing a parley for arranging terms of
capitulation.
On the third day after her arrival, Isabella reviewed her army, stretched
out in order of battle along the slope of the western hills; after which,
she proceeded to reconnoitre the beleaguered city, accompanied by the king
and the cardinal of Spain, together with a brilliant escort of the Spanish
chivalry. On the same day, a conference was opened with the enemy through
the _comendador_ of Leon; and an armistice arranged, to continue until the
old monarch, El Zagal, who then lay at Guadix, could be informed of the
real condition of the besieged, and his instructions be received,
determining the course to be adopted.
The alcayde of Baza represented to his master the low state to which the
garrison was reduced by the loss of lives and the failure of ammunition.
Still, he expressed such confidence in the spirit of his people, that he
undertook to make good his defence some time longer, provided any
reasonable expectation of succor could be afforded; otherwise, it would be
a mere waste of life, and must deprive him of such vantage ground as he
now possessed, for enforcing an honorable capitulation. The Moslem prince
acquiesced in the reasonableness of these representations. He paid a just
tribute to his brave kinsman Cidi Yahye's loyalty, and the gallantry of
his defence; but, confessing at the same time his own inability to relieve
him, authorized him to negotiate the best terms of surrender which he
could, for himself and garrison. [18]
A mutual desire of terminating the protracted hostilities infused a spirit
of moderation into both parties, which greatly facilitated the adjustment
of the articles. Ferdinand showed none of the arrogant bearing, which
marked his conduct towards the unfortunate people of Malaga, whether from
a conviction of its impolicy, or, as is more probable, because the city of
Baza was itself in a condition to assume a more imposing attitude. The
principal stipulations of the treaty were, that the foreign mercenaries
employed in the defence of the place should be allowed to march out with
the honors of war; that the city should be delivered up to the Christians;
but that the natives might have the choice of retiring with their personal
effects where they listed; or of occupying the suburbs, as subjects of the
Castilian crown, liable only to the same tribute which they paid to their
Moslem rulers, and secured in the enjoyment of their property, religion,
laws, and usages. [19]
On the fourth day of December, 1489, Ferdinand and Isabella took
possession of Baza, at the head of their legions, amid the ringing of
bells, the peals of artillery, and all the other usual accompaniments of
this triumphant ceremony; while the standard of the Cross, floating from
the ancient battlements of the city, proclaimed the triumph of the
Christian arms. The brave alcayde, Cidi Yahye, experienced a reception
from the sovereigns very different from that of the bold defender of
Malaga. He was loaded with civilities and presents; and these acts of
courtesy so won upon his heart, that he expressed a willingness to enter
into their service. "Isabella's compliments," says the Arabian historian,
dryly, "were repaid in more substantial coin."
Cidi Yahye was soon prevailed on to visit his royal kinsman El Zagal, at
Guadix, for the purpose of urging his submission to the Christian
sovereigns. In his interview with that prince, he represented the
fruitlessness of any attempt to withstand the accumulated forces of the
Spanish monarchies; that he would only see town after town pared away from
his territory, until no ground was left for him to stand on, and make
terms with the victor. He reminded him, that the baleful horoscope of
Abdallah had predicted the downfall of Granada, and that experience had
abundantly shown how vain it was to struggle against the tide of destiny.
The unfortunate monarch listened, says the Arabian annalist, without so
much as moving an eyelid; and, after a long and deep meditation, replied
with the resignation characteristic of the Moslems, "What Allah wills, he
brings to pass in his own way. Had he not decreed the fall of Granada,
this good sword might have saved it; but his will be done!" It was then
arranged, that the principal cities of Almeria, Guadix, and their
dependencies, constituting the domain of El Zagal, should be formally
surrendered by that prince to Ferdinand and Isabella, who should instantly
proceed at the head of their army to take possession of them. [20]
On the seventh day of December, therefore, the Spanish sovereigns, without
allowing themselves or their jaded troops any time for repose, marched out
of the gates of Baza, King Ferdinand occupying the centre, and the queen
the rear of the army. Their route lay across the most savage district of
the long sierra, which stretches towards Almeria; leading through many a
narrow pass, which a handful of resolute Moors, says an eye-witness, might
have made good against the whole Christian army, over mountains whose
peaks were lost in clouds, and valleys whose depths were never warmed by a
sun. The winds were exceedingly bleak, and the weather inclement, so that
men, as well as horses, exhausted by the fatigues of previous service,
were benumbed by the intense cold, and many of them frozen to death. Many
more, losing their way in the intricacies of the sierra, would have
experienced the same miserable fate, had it not been for the marquis of
Cadiz, whose tent was pitched on one of the loftiest hills, and who caused
beacon fires to be lighted around it, in order to guide the stragglers
back to their quarters.
At no great distance from Almeria, Ferdinand was met, conformably to the
previous arrangement, by El Zagal, escorted by a numerous body of Moslem
cavaliers. Ferdinand commanded his nobles to ride forward and receive the
Moorish prince. "His appearance," says Martyr, who was in the royal
retinue, "touched my soul with compassion; for, although a lawless
barbarian, he was a king, and had given signal proofs of heroism." El
Zagal, without waiting to receive the courtesies of the Spanish nobles,
threw himself from his horse, and advanced towards Ferdinand with the
design of kissing his hand; but the latter, rebuking his followers for
their "rusticity," in allowing such an act of humiliation in the
unfortunate monarch, prevailed on him to remount, and then rode by his
side towards Almeria. [21]
This city was one of the most precious jewels in the diadem of Granada. It
had amassed great wealth by its extensive commerce with Syria, Egypt, and
Africa; and its corsairs had for ages been the terror of the Catalan and
Pisan marine. It might have stood a siege as long as that of Baza, but it
was now surrendered without a blow, on conditions similar to those granted
to the former city. After allowing some days for the refreshment of their
wearied forces in this pleasant region, which, sheltered from the bleak
winds of the north by the sierra they had lately traversed, and fanned by
the gentle breezes of the Mediterranean, is compared by Martyr to the
gardens of the Hesperides, the sovereigns established a strong garrison
there, under the commander of Leon, and then, striking again into the
recesses of the mountains, marched on Guadix, which, after some opposition
on the part of the populace, threw open its gates to them. The surrender
of these principal cities was followed by that of all the subordinate
dependencies belonging to El Zagal's territory, comprehending a multitude
of hamlets scattered along the green sides of the mountain chain that
stretched from Granada to the coast. To all these places the same liberal
terms, in regard to personal rights and property, were secured, as to
Baza.
As an equivalent for these broad domains, the Moorish chief was placed in
possession of the _taha_, or district, of Andaraz, the vale of Alhaurin,
and half the salt-pits of Maleha, together with a considerable revenue in
money. He was, moreover, to receive the title of King of Andaraz, and to
render homage for his estates to the crown of Castile.
This shadow of royalty could not long amuse the mind of the unfortunate
prince. He pined away amid the scenes of his ancient empire; and, after
experiencing some insubordination on the part of his new vassals, he
determined to relinquish his petty principality, and withdraw for ever
from his native land. Having received a large sum of money, as an
indemnification for the entire cession of his territorial rights and
possessions to the Castilian crown, he passed over to Africa, where, it is
reported, he was plundered of his property by the barbarians, and
condemned to starve out the remainder of his days in miserable indigence.
[22]
The suspicious circumstances attending this prince's accession to the
throne throw a dark cloud over his fame, which would otherwise seem, at
least as far as his public life is concerned, to be unstained by any
opprobrious act. He possessed such energy, talent, and military science,
as, had he been fortunate enough to unite the Moorish nation under him by
an undisputed title, might have postponed the fall of Granada for many
years. As it was, these very talents, by dividing the state in his favor,
served only to precipitate its ruin.
The Spanish sovereigns, having accomplished the object of the campaign,
after stationing part of their forces on such points as would secure the
permanence of their conquests, returned with the remainder to Jaen, where
they disbanded the army on the 4th of January, 1490. The losses sustained
by the troops, during the whole period of their prolonged service, greatly
exceeded those of any former year, amounting to not less than twenty
thousand men, by far the larger portion of whom are said to have fallen
victims to diseases incident to severe and long-continued hardships and
exposure. [23]
Thus terminated the eighth year of the war of Granada, a year more
glorious to the Christian arms, and more important in its results, than
any of the preceding. During this period, an army of eighty thousand men
had kept the field, amid all the inclemencies of winter, for more than
seven months; an effort scarcely paralleled in these times, when both the
amount of levies, and period of service, were on the limited scale adapted
to the exigencies of feudal warfare. [24] Supplies for this immense host,
notwithstanding the severe famine of the preceding year, were punctually
furnished, in spite of every embarrassment presented by the want of
navigable rivers, and the interposition of a precipitous and pathless
sierra.
The history of this campaign is, indeed, most honorable to the courage,
constancy, and thorough discipline of the Spanish soldier, and to the
patriotism and general resources of the nation; but most of all to
Isabella. She it was, who fortified the timid councils of the leaders,
after the disasters of the garden, and encouraged them to persevere in the
siege. She procured all the supplies, constructed the roads, took charge
of the sick, and furnished, at no little personal sacrifice, the immense
sums demanded for carrying on the war; and when at last the hearts of the
soldiers were fainting under long-protracted sufferings, she appeared
among them, like some celestial visitant, to cheer their faltering
spirits, and inspire them with her own energy. The attachment to Isabella
seemed to be a pervading principle, which animated the whole nation by one
common impulse, impressing a unity of design on all its movements. This
attachment was imputable to her sex as well as character. The sympathy and
tender care, with which she regarded her people, naturally raised a
reciprocal sentiment in their bosoms. But when they beheld her directing
their counsels, sharing their fatigues and dangers, and displaying all the
comprehensive intellectual powers of the other sex, they looked up to her
as to some superior being, with feelings far more exalted than those of
mere loyalty. The chivalrous heart of the Spaniard did homage to her, as
to his tutelar saint; and she held a control over her people, such as no
man could have acquired in any age,--and probably no woman, in an age and
country less romantic.
* * * * *
Pietro Martire, or, as he is called in English, Peter Martyr, so often
quoted in the present chapter, and who will constitute one of our best
authorities during the remainder of the history, was a native of Arona
(not of Anghiera, as commonly supposed), a place situated on the borders
of Lake Maggiore in Italy. (Mazzuchelli, Scrittori d'ltalia, (Brescia,
1753-63,) tom. ii. _voce_ Anghiera.) He was of noble Milanese extraction.
In 1477, at twenty-two years of age, he was sent to complete his education
at Rome, where he continued ten years, and formed an intimacy with the
most distinguished literary characters of that cultivated capital. In
1487, he was persuaded by the Castilian ambassador, the count of Tendilla,
to accompany him to Spain, where he was received with marked distinction
by the queen, who would have at once engaged him in the tuition of the
young nobility of the court, but, Martyr having expressed a preference of
a military life, she, with her usual delicacy, declined to press him on
the point. He was present, as we have seen, at the siege of Baza, and
continued with the army during the subsequent campaigns of the Moorish
war. Many passages of his correspondence, at this period, show a whimsical
mixture of self-complacency with a consciousness of the ludicrous figure
which he made in "exchanging the Muses for Mars."
At the close of the war, he entered the ecclesiastical profession, for
which he had been originally destined, and was persuaded to resume his
literary vocation. He opened his school at Valladolid, Saragossa,
Barcelona, Alcalá de Henares, and other places; and it was thronged with
the principal young nobility from all parts of Spain, who, as he boasts in
one of his letters, drew their literary nourishment from him. "Suxerunt
mea literalia ubera Castellae principes fere omnes." His important
services were fully estimated by the queen, and, after her death, by
Ferdinand and Charles V., and he was recompensed with high ecclesiastical
preferment as well as civil dignities. He died about the year 1525, at the
age of seventy, and his remains were interred beneath a monument in the
cathedral church of Granada, of which he was prior.
Among Martyr's principal works is a treatise "De Legatione Babylonica,"
being an account of a visit to the sultan of Egypt, in 1501, for the
purpose of deprecating the retaliation with which he had menaced the
Christian residents in Palestine, for the injuries inflicted on the
Spanish Moslems. Peter Martyr conducted his negotiation with such address,
that he not only appeased the sultan's resentment, but obtained several
important immunities for his Christian subjects, in addition to those
previously enjoyed by them.
He also wrote an account of the discoveries of the New World, entitled "De
Rebus Oceanicis et Novo Orbe," (Coloniae, 1574,) a book largely consulted
and commended by subsequent historians. But the work of principal value in
our researches is his "Opus Epistolarum," being a collection of his
multifarious correspondence with the most considerable persons of his
time, whether in political or literary life. The letters are in Latin, and
extend from the year 1488 to the time of his death. Although not
conspicuous for elegance of diction, they are most valuable to the
historian, from the fidelity and general accuracy of the details, as well
as for the intelligent criticism in which they abound, for all which,
uncommon facilities were afforded by the writer's intimacy with the
leading actors, and the most recondite sources of information of the
period.
This high character is fully authorized by the judgments of those best
qualified to pronounce on their merits,--Martyr's own contemporaries.
Among these, Dr. Galindez de Carbajal, a counsellor of King Ferdinand, and
constantly employed in the highest concerns of state, commends these
epistles as "the work of a learned and upright man, well calculated to
throw light on the transactions of the period." (Anales, MS., prólogo.)
Alvaro Gomez, another contemporary who survived Martyr, in the Life of
Ximenes, which he was selected to write by the University of Alcalá,
declares, that "Martyr's Letters abundantly compensate by their fidelity
for the unpolished style in which they are written." (De Rebus Gestis,
fol. 6.) And John de Vergara, a name of the highest celebrity in the
literary annals of the period, expresses himself in the following emphatic
terms. "I know no record of the time more accurate and valuable. I myself
have often witnessed the promptness with which he put down things the
moment they occurred. I have sometimes seen him write one or two letters,
while they were setting the table. For, as he did not pay much attention
to style and mere finish of expression, his composition required but
little time, and experienced no interruption from his ordinary
avocations." (See his letter to Florian de Ocampo, apud Quintanilla y
Mendoza, Archetypo de Virtudes, Espejo de Prelados, el Venerable Padre y
Siervo de Dios, F. Francisco Ximenez de Cisneros, (Palermo, 1653,)
Archivo, p. 4.) This account of the precipitate manner in which the
epistles were composed, may help to explain the cause of the occasional
inconsistencies and anachronisms, that are to be found in them; and which
their author, had he been more patient of the labor of revision, would
doubtless have corrected. But he seems to have had little relish for this,
even in his more elaborate works, composed with a view to publication.
(See his own honest confessions in his book "De Rebus Oceanicis," dec. 8,
cap. 8, 9.) After all, the errors, such as they are, in his Epistles, may
probably be chiefly charged on the publisher. The first edition appeared
at Alcalá de Henares, in 1530, about four years after the author's death.
It has now become exceedingly rare. The second and last, being the one
used in the present History, came out in a more beautiful form from the
Elzevir press, Amsterdam, in 1670, folio. Of this also but a small number
of copies were struck off. The learned editor takes much credit to himself
for having purified the work from many errors, which had flowed from the
heedlessness of his predecessor. It will not be difficult to detect
several yet remaining. Such, for example, as a memorable letter on the
_lues venerea_, (No. 68,) obviously misplaced, even according to its
own date; and that numbered 168, in which two letters are evidently
blended into one. But it is unnecessary to multiply examples.--It is very
desirable, that an edition of this valuable correspondence should be
published, under the care of some one qualified to illustrate it by his
intimacy with the history of the period, as well as to correct the various
inaccuracies which have crept into it, whether through the carelessness of
the author or of his editors.
I have been led into this length of remark by some strictures which met my
eye in the recent work of Mr. Hallam; who intimates his belief, that the
Epistles of Martyr, instead of being written at their respective dates,
were produced by him at some later period; (Introduction to the Literature
of Europe, (London, 1837,) vol. i. pp. 439-441;) a conclusion which I
suspect this acute and candid critic would have been slow to adopt, had he
perused the correspondence in connection with the history of the times, or
weighed the unqualified testimony borne by contemporaries to its minute
accuracy.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 351, 352, 356.--Mariana, Hist. de
España, tom. ii. lib. 25, cap. 12.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, part. 3,
cap. 95.
[2] Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. p. 76.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos,
cap. 98.--Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, p. 402.--Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique
et d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 298, 299.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1488.
[3] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. pp. 239, 240.--Pulgar,
Reyes Católicos, cap. 100, 101.--During the preceding year, while the
court was at Murcia, we find one of the examples of prompt and severe
exercise of justice, which sometimes occur in this reign. One of the royal
collectors having been resisted and personally maltreated by the alcayde
of Salvatierra, a place belonging to the crown, and by the alcalde of a
territorial court of the duke of Alva, the queen caused one of the royal
judges privately to enter into the place, and take cognizance of the
affair. The latter, after a brief investigation, commanded the alcayde to
be hung up over his fortress, and the alcalde to be delivered over to the
court of chancery at Valladolid, who ordered his right hand to be
amputated, and banished him the realm. This summary justice was perhaps
necessary in a community, that might be said to be in transition from a
state of barbarism to that of civilization, and had a salutary effect in
proving to the people that no rank was elevated enough to raise the
offender above the law. Pulgar, cap. 99.
[4] Ialigny, Hist. de Charles VIII., pp. 92, 94.--Sismondi, Hist. des
Français, tom. xv. p. 77.--Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. p. 61.--
Histoire du Royaume de Navarre, pp. 578, 579.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos,
cap. 102.
In the first of these expeditions, more than a thousand Spaniards were
slain or taken at the disastrous battle of St. Aubin, in 1488, being the
same in which Lord Rivers, the English noble, who made such a gallant
figure at the siege of Loja, lost his life. In the spring of 1489, the
levies sent into France amounted to two thousand in number. These efforts
abroad, simultaneous with the great operations of the Moorish war, show
the resources as well as energy of the sovereigns.
[5] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, ubi supra.
[6] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 91.--Zurita, Anales, tom. iv.
fol. 354.--Bleda, Corónica, fol. 607.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii.
fol. 307.
Such was the scarcity of grain that the prices in 1489, quoted by
Bernaldez, are double those of the preceding year.--Both Abarca and Zurita
mention the report, that four-fifths of the whole population were swept
away by the pestilence of 1488. Zurita finds more difficulty in swallowing
this monstrous statement than Father Abarca, whose appetite for the
marvellous appears to have been fully equal to that of most of his calling
in Spain.
[7] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 2, epist. 70.--Pulgar, Reyes
Católicos, cap. 104.
It may not be amiss to specify the names of the most distinguished
cavaliers who usually attended the king in these Moorish wars; the heroic
ancestors of many a noble house still extant in Spain.
Alonso de Cardenas, master of Saint Jago.
Juan de Zuñiga, master of Alcantara.
Juan Garcia de Padilla, master of Calatrava.
Rodrigo Ponce de Leon, marquis duke of Cadiz.
Enrique de Guzman, duke of Medina Sidonia.
Pedro Manrique, duke of Najera.
Juan Pacheco, duke of Escalona, marquis of Villena.
Juan Pimentel, count of Benavente.
Fadrique de Toledo, son of the duke of Alva.
Diego Fernandez de Cordova, count of Cabra.
Gomez Alvarez de Figueroa, count of Feria.
Alvaro Tellez Giron, count of Ureña.
Juan de Silva, count of Cifuentes.
Fadrique Enriquez, adelantado of Andalusia.
Alonso Fernandez de Cordova, lord of Aguilar.
Gonsalvo de Cordova, brother of the last, known afterwards as the Great
Captain.
Luis Porto-Carrero, lord of Palma.
Gutierre de Cardenas, first commander of Leon.
Pedro Fernandez de Velasco, count of Haro, constable of Castile.
Beltran de la Cueva, duke of Albuquerque.
Diego Fernandez de Cordova, alcayde of the royal pages, afterwards
marquis of Comaras.
Alvaro de Zuñiga, duke of Bejar.
Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza, count of Tendilla, afterwards marquis of
Mondejar.
Luis de Cerda, duke of Medina Celi.
Iñigo Lopez de Mendoza, marquis of Santillana, second duke of Infantado.
Garcilasso de la Vega, lord of Batras.
[8] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 360.--Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes,
tom. iii. p. 241.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 2, epist. 70.--Estrada,
Poblacion de España, tom. ii. fol. 239.--Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos,
lib. 1, cap. 16.
[9] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 106, 107.--Conde, Dominacion de los
Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 40.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 71. Pulgar
relates these particulars with a perspicuity very different from his
entangled narrative of some of the preceding operations in this war. Both
he and Martyr were present during the whole siege of Baza.
[10] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 92.--Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique
et d'Espagne, tom. iii. pp. 299, 300.--Bleda, Corónica, p. 611.--Garibay,
Compendio, tom. ii. p. 664.
Don Gutierre de Cardenas, who possessed so high a place in the confidence
of the sovereigns, occupied a station in the queen's household, as we have
seen, at the time of her marriage with Ferdinand. His discretion and
general ability enabled him to retain the influence which he had early
acquired, as is shown by a popular distich of that time.
"Cardenas, y el Cardenal, y Chacon, y Fray Mortero,
Traen la Corte al retortero."
Fray Mortero was Don Alonso de Burgos, bishop of Palencia, confessor of
the sovereigns. Don Juan Chacon was the son of Gonsalvo, who had the care
of Don Alfonso and the queen during her minority, when he was induced by
the liberal largesses of John II., of Aragon, to promote her marriage with
his son Ferdinand. The elder Chacon was treated by the sovereigns with the
greatest deference and respect, being usually called by them "father."
After his death, they continued to manifest a similar regard towards Don
Juan, his eldest son, and heir of his ample honors and estates. Salazar de
Mendoza, Dignidades, lib. 4, cap. 1.--Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS., bat. 1,
quinc. 2, dial. 1, 2.
[11] Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 304.--Pulgar,
Reyes Católicos, cap. 109.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 2, epist. 73.
--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 92.
[12] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 40.--Mariana, Hist.
de España, tom. ii. lib. 25, cap. 12.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 111.
[13] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 112.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom.
viii. p. 86.
[14] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS.--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 2,
epist. 73, 80.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 113, 114, 117.--Garibay,
Compendio, tom. ii. p. 667.--Bleda, Corónica, p. 64.
The plague, which fell heavily this year on some parts of Andalusia, does
not appear to have attacked the camp, which Bleda imputes to the healing
influence of the Spanish sovereigns, "whose good faith, religion, and
virtue banished the contagion from their army, where it must otherwise
have prevailed." Personal comforts and cleanliness of the soldiers, though
not quite so miraculous a cause, may be considered perhaps full as
efficacious.
[15] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 2, epist. 73.--Pulgar, Reyes
Católicos, cap. 116.
[16] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 118.--Archivo de Simancas, in Mem. de
la Acad. de Hist., tom. vi. p. 311.
The city of Valencia lent 35,000 florins on the crown and 20,000 on a
collar of rubies. They were not wholly redeemed till 1495. Señor Clemencin
has given a catalogue of the royal jewels, (see Mem. de la Acad. de Hist.,
tom. vi. Ilustracion 6,) which appear to have been extremely rich and
numerous, for a period anterior to the discovery of those countries, whose
mines have since furnished Europe with its _bijouterie_. Isabella,
however, set so little value on them, that she divested herself of most of
them in favor of her daughters.
[17] Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 92.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos,
cap. 120, 121.--Ferreras, Hist. d'Espagne, tom. viii. p. 93.--Peter
Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 3, epist. 80.
[18] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 3, epist. 80.--Conde, Dominacion de
los Arabes, tom. iii. p. 242.--Carbajal, Anales, MS., año 1489.--Cardonne,
Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 305.
[19] Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, cap. 124.--Marmol, Rebelion de Moriscos,
lib. 1, cap. 16.
[20] Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 40.--Bleda, Corónica,
p. 612.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 92.--Marmol, Rebelion de
Moriscos, lib. 1, cap. 16.
[21] Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 3, epist. 81.--Cardonne, Hist.
d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 340.--Pulgar, Reyes Católicos, loc.
cit.--Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes, tom. iii. cap. 40.
[22] El Nubiense, Descripcion de España, p. 160, not.--Carbajal, Anales,
MS., año 1488.--Cardonne, Hist. d'Afrique et d'Espagne, tom. iii. p. 304.
--Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., lib. 3, epist. 81.--Conde, Dominacion de los
Arabes, tom. iii. pp. 245, 246.--Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 93.
[23] Zurita, Anales, tom. iv. fol. 360.--Abarca, Reyes de Aragon, tom. ii.
fol. 308.
[24] The city of Seville alone maintained 600 horse and 8000 foot under
the count of Cifuentes, for the space of eight months during this siege.
See Zuñiga, Annales de Sevilla, p. 404.