THE HOME OFFICE.
In a well furnished room, on the first-floor of the Home Office, sate
the Secretary of State for that Department.
The room was spacious and lofty. The walls were hung with the portraits
of several eminent statesmen who had, at different times, presided over
the internal policy of the country. A round table stood in the middle of
the apartment; and at this table, which groaned beneath a mass of
papers, was seated the Minister.
At the feet of this functionary was a wicker basket, into which he threw
the greater portion of the letters addressed to him, and over each of
which he cast a glance of such rapidity that he must either have been a
wonderfully clever man to acquire a notion of the contents of those
documents by means of so superficial a survey, or else a very neglectful
one to pay so little attention to affairs which were associated with
important individual interests or which related to matters of national
concern.
The time-piece upon the mantel struck twelve, when a low knock at the
door of the apartment elicited from the Minister an invitation to enter.
A tall, thin, middle-aged, sallow-faced person, dressed in black, glided
noiselessly into the room, bowed obsequiously to the Minister, and took
his seat at the round table.
This was the Minister's private secretary.
The secretary immediately mended a pen, arranged his blotting-paper in a
business-like fashion before him, spread out his foolscap writing paper,
and then glanced towards his master, at much as to say, "I am ready."
"Take that pile of correspondence, if you please," said the Minister,
"and run your eye over each letter."
"Yes, my lord," said the Secretary; and he glanced cursorily over the
letters alluded to, one after the other, briefly mentioning their
respective objects as he proceeded. "This letter, my lord, is from the
chaplain of Newgate. It sets forth that there is a man of the name of
William Lees at present under sentence of death in that prison; that
William Lees, in a fit of unbridled passion, which bordered upon
insanity, murdered his wife; that the conduct of the deceased was
sufficient to provoke the most temperate individual to a similar deed;
that he had no interest in killing her; and that he committed the crime
in a moment over which he had no control."
"Do you remember anything of the case?" demanded the Home Secretary.
"For my part, I have no time to read trials."
"Yes, my lord," replied the Secretary. "This William Lees is a barber;
and his wife was of vile and most intemperate habits. He murdered her in
a fit of exasperation caused by the discovery that she had pledged every
thing moveable in the house, to obtain the means of buying drink."
"Oh! a barber--eh?" said the Home Secretary, yawning.
"Yes, my lord. Your lordship will remember that young Medhurst, who
assassinated a school-fellow in a fit of passion, was only condemned to
three years' imprisonment."
"Ah! but that was quite a different thing," exclaimed the Minister.
"Medhurst was a gentleman; but this man is only a barber."
"True, my lord--very true," said the Secretary. "I had quite forgotten
that."
"Make a memorandum, that the law in the case of William Lees must take
its course."
"Yes, my lord;"--and the Secretary, having endorsed the note upon the
letter, referred to another document. "This, my lord, is a petition from
a political prisoner confined in a county gaol, and who sets forth that
he is compelled to wear the prison dress, associate with felons of the
blackest character, and eat the prison allowance. He humbly submits--"
"He may submit till he is tired," interrupted the Minister. "Make a
memorandum to answer the petition to the effect that her Majesty's
Secretary of State for the Home Department does not see any ground for
interfering in the matter."
"Very good, my lord. This letter it from a pauper in the---- Union,
stating that he has been cruelly assaulted, beaten, and ill-used by the
master; that he has applied in vain to the Poor Law Commissioners for
redress; and that he now ventures to submit his case to your lordship."
"Make a note to answer that the fullest inquiries shall be immediately
instituted," said the Minister.
"Shall I give the necessary instructions for the inquiry, my lord?"
asked the Secretary.
"Inquiry!" repeated the Minister: "are you mad? Do you really imagine
that I shall be foolish enough to permit any inquiry at all? Such a
step would be almost certain to end in substantiating the pauper's
charge against the master; and then there would be a clamour from one
end of the country to the other against the New Poor Laws. We must
smother all such affairs whenever we can; but by writing to say that the
fullest inquiries shall be instituted, I shall be armed with a reply to
any member who might happen to bring the case before Parliament. My
answer to the charge would then be _that her Majesty's Government had
instituted a full inquiry into the matter, and had ascertained that the
pauper was a quarrelsome, obstreperous, and disorderly person, who was
not to be believed upon his oath_."
"True, my lord," said the Secretary, evidently struck by this display of
ministerial wisdom. "The next letter, my lord, is from a clerk in the
Tax Office, Somerset House. He complains that his income is too small,
and that the Commissioners of Taxes refuse to augment it. He states in
pretty plain terms, that unless he receives an augmentation, he shall
not hesitate to publish the fact, that the Dividend Books of the Bank of
England are removed to the Tax-Office every six months, in order that an
account of every fundholder's stock in the government securities may be
taken for the information of the Treasury and the Tax Commissioners: he
adds that such an announcement would convulse the whole nation with
alarm at the awful state of _espionnage_ under which the people exist;
and he states these grounds as a reason for purchasing his silence by
means of an increase of salary."
"This is serious--very serious," said the Minister: "but the letter
should have been addressed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer. You must
enclose it to my colleague."
"Yes, my lord," replied the Secretary.
At this moment a gentle knock was heard at the door of the apartment.
The Secretary hastened to respond to the summons, and admitted two
persons dressed in plain but decent attire. One was a short, stout,
red-faced, consequential-looking man: the other was a tall, raw-boned,
ungainly person, and seemed quite confounded at the presence in which he
found himself.
The former of these individuals was an inspector of police: the latter
was a common police-officer. Indeed, the reader has been already
introduced to them, in the fourteenth chapter of this narrative.
Having ushered these individuals into the room, the private secretary
hastened to breathe a few words in an under tone to the ear of his
master.
"Oh! these are the men, are they?" said the Minister aloud.
"Yes, my lord," replied the Secretary; then, addressing the
police-officers, he exclaimed. "Step forward, my men--step forward.
There--that's right: now sit down at that side of the table, and let the
one who can write best make notes of the instructions that will be
immediately given to you."
Both the Minister and Secretary were cautious enough not to give those
instructions in their own handwriting.
The men sate down, as they were desired; and the inspector whispered to
his companion an order to assume the duties of amanuensis on the
occasion.
"You are aware, my good fellows," said the Minister, "that there is to
be a great political meeting to-morrow evening somewhere in Bethnal
Green?"
"Yes, my lord," replied the inspector.
"It is necessary to the purposes of her Majesty's Government," continued
the Minister, "that discredit should be thrown upon all political
meetings when very liberal sentiments are enunciated."
"Yes, my lord," said the inspector. "Shall Crisp put that down, my
lord?"
"There is no necessity to make a note of my observations, only of my
instructions," answered the Minister, with a smile. "The best method of
throwing discredit upon those meetings is to create a disturbance. You,
Mr. Inspector, will therefore take care and have at least a dozen of
your men in plain clothes at the assembly to-morrow evening."
"Yes, my lord. Put that down, Crisp."
"You will direct your men, Mr. Inspector, to applaud most vehemently all
the inflammatory parts of the speeches made upon the occasion."
"Yes, my lord. Put that down, Crisp."
"You will contrive that Mr. Crisp, whom my secretary states to be a
proper man for the purpose, shall himself make a speech to-morrow
evening."
"Yes, my lord. Put that down, Crisp."
"This speech must be of the most violent and inflammatory kind: it must
advocate the use of physical force, denounce the aristocracy, the
government, and the parliament in the most blood-thirsty terms; it need
not even spare her most gracious Majesty. Let the cry be _Blood_; and
let your men, Mr. Inspector, applaud with deafening shouts, every period
in this incendiary harangue."
"Yes, my lord. Put that down, Crisp."
"The well-disposed portion of the audience will remonstrate. Your men in
plain clothes can thus readily pick a quarrel; and a quarrel may be
easily made to lead to blows. Then let a posse of constables in uniform
rush in, and lay about them with their bludgeons most unsparingly. The
more broken heads and limbs, the better. Be sure to have some of the
audience taken into custody; and on the following morning, appear
against them before the police-magistrate."
"Yes, my lord. Put that down, Crisp."
"You will take especial care to denounce the individuals so captured, as
the ringleaders of the riot, and the ones who made themselves most
conspicuous in applauding the inflammatory speeches uttered on the
occasion--especially those which advocated rebellion, bloodshed, and
death to monarchy and aristocracy."
"Yes, my lord. Put that down, Crisp."
"If the magistrate asks you--as he will be certain to do," continued the
Minister, "whether you are acquainted with the prisoners at the bar, you
can say that they are well known to the police as most dangerous and
disorderly characters."
"Yes, my lord. Put that down, Crisp."
"You see," said the Minister, turning towards his own private secretary,
"it is ten to one that the individuals so arrested will be respectable
tradesmen; and as they will thus obtain a taste of the treadmill (for we
must send our private instructions to the magistrates at Lambeth Street,
to that effect) the warning will be a most salutary one throughout the
whole district--especially at a moment when the Spitalfields weavers are
reduced to desperation by their dreadfully distressed condition."
"Of course, my lord," replied the Secretary. "Such a proceeding will
sicken men of political meetings. Has your lordship any farther
instructions for these officers?"
"None," said the Minister. "I may, however, add, that if they acquit
themselves well in this respect, the inspector shall become a
superintendent, and the constable a serjeant."
"Thank your lordship," exclaimed the inspector. "You may put that down,
too, Crisp--and express your gratitude to his lordship for his
kindness."
Mr. Crisp acted in all respects as he was desired; and having each made
an awkward bow, the two officers retired.
"Now proceed with the correspondence," said the Minister.
"Yes, my lord," replied the Secretary. "Here is a letter from the mayor
of ----, stating that the experiment of making the prisoners, tried and
untried, who are confined in the gaol of that town, wear black masks
whenever they are compelled to mingle together, works well. The mayor
moreover states, that out of two hundred prisoners subjected to the
_solitary system_, since the introduction of the plan into the gaol,
only nineteen have gone mad, and of those only three have died raving.
He therefore recommends the solitary system. He adds that all personal
identity is now destroyed in the prison, and prisoners are known by
_numbers_ instead of by their _names_. He concludes by inquiring whether
these regulations shall continue in force?"
"Most assuredly," answered the Minister. "Make a note that a reply is to
be sent to that effect. I am glad the system of solitary confinement,
black cloth masks, and numbers instead of names, works well. I shall
gradually apply it to every criminal prison in England. At the same
time, I must endeavour to throw the odium of the introduction of that
system upon the justices in quarter sessions assembled--in case I should
be assailed on the subject in the House."
"Certainly, my lord. This letter is from the secret agent, sent down to
Manchester to inquire into the constitution and principles of the
Independent Order of Rechabites. He obtained admission into a lodge, and
was regularly initiated a member of the Brotherhood. He finds that the
Rechabites are about eighty thousand in number, having lodges in all the
great cities and towns of England, with the head-quarters at Manchester.
The Order is not political; but is formed of sections of the Teetotal
Societies. The government need not entertain any fears of this
combination. The agent sends up a detailed account of the secrets and
signs connected with the Order, accompanied by a copy of the rules and
regulations."
"These Teetotalers must not be encouraged. They are seriously injuring
the Excise-revenues. Proceed."
"This letter, my lord, is from the principal agent sent down into the
mining districts, to encourage a spirit of discontent amongst the
pitmen. He says that he has no doubt of being enabled to produce a
disturbance in the north, and thus afford your lordship the wished-for
opportunity of sending more troops in that direction. When once
over-awed by the presence of a formidable number of bayonets, the pitmen
will be compelled to submit to the terms dictated by the coal-mine
proprietors; and your lordship's aims will be thus accomplished."
"I am glad of that. The coal-mine proprietors are rich and influential
men, whom it is necessary to conciliate," said the Minister. "What
next?"
"Here is a letter, my lord," continued the Secretary, "from Sir Joseph
Gosborne, stating that his daughter, Miss Gosborne, was taken into
custody yesterday morning on an accusation of stealing a jar of
anchovies from an oilman's shop. The magistrate refused to take bail,
and remanded the young lady until next Monday. Sir Joseph is anxious
that his daughter should be admitted to bail, because, in that case,
should he fail to settle with the prosecutor, he can keep his daughter
out of the way when the day of trial arrives, and pay the money for the
estreated recognizances. He is moreover desirous that the case should be
sent to the Sessions, because, if by any accident the matter _should_ go
to trial, a verdict of acquittal is certain at the hands of a
Clerkenwell jury, but by no means sure with an Old Bailey one."
"Make a memorandum to write to the magistrate who will hear the case
next Monday, to take bail--_moderate bail_, mind--and to refer the
matter to the Sessions. We must not refuse to oblige Sir Joseph
Gosborne."
While the private secretary was still writing, a servant entered and
informed the Minister that Mr. Teynham was waiting, and solicited an
audience.
"Ah! the new magistrate at Marlborough Street," exclaimed the Home
Secretary. "Show him in."
Mr. Teynham, a middle-aged gentleman attired in black, was introduced
accordingly. He bowed very low to the Minister, and, when desired to
take a chair, obsequiously seated himself upon the very edge.
"I have recommended you to Her Majesty, Mr. Teynham," said the Minister,
"as a fit and proper person to fill the situation of police-magistrate
and justice of the peace at the Marlborough Street Court; and her
Majesty has been most graciously pleased to confirm the appointment."
Mr. Teynham bowed very low, and became entangled in a labyrinth of
acknowledgments, with which "deep gratitude"--"sense of
duty"--"impartial distribution of justice," and such like phrases were
blended.
"It is necessary," said the Minister, after a pause, "that I should give
you a few instructions with respect to the functions upon which you are
about to enter. You are aware, Mr. Teynham, that the young gentlemen of
the aristocracy are occasionally addicted to wrenching off knockers,
pulling down bells, and other innocent little pranks of a similar
nature. These are delicate cases to deal with, Mr. Teynham; but I need
scarcely inform you that the treadmill is _not_ for the aristocracy."
"I understand, my lord. A trifling fine, with a reprimand--and a little
wholesome advice--"
"Precisely, Mr. Teynham--precisely!" cried the Minister: "I see that you
understand your business well. The nice discrimination which you possess
will always teach you whether you have a gentleman to deal with, or not.
If a low person choose to divert himself with aristocratic amusements,
punish him--do not spare him--send him to the treadmill. In the same way
that game is preserved for the sport of the upper classes, so must the
knockers and the bells be saved from spoliation by the lower orders."
"I fully comprehend your lordship," said the newly-made magistrate. "I
should like, however, to know your lordship's sentiments in one
respect."
"Speak, Mr. Teynham," said the Minister, with the most condescending
affability, or the most affable condescension--whichever the reader
likes best.
"Suppose, my lord, that a young nobleman or well-born gentleman wrenches
off a knocker, and throws it into the street; then suppose, my lord,
that a poor man, passing by, picks up the knocker and carries it off to
a marine-store dealer's to sell it for old iron, in order to procure his
family a meal; and then if your lordship will be kind enough to suppose
that both those persons are brought up before me--the nobleman for
wrenching off the knocker and throwing it away, and the poor man for
picking it up and selling it,--how am I to act in such a case?"
"Very ingenious--very ingenious, indeed, Mr. Teynham," said the
Minister: "you will make an excellent magistrate! Your course in the
case propounded is clear; the nobleman is fined five shillings for being
drunk and disorderly--because all noblemen and gentlemen who wrench off
knockers are drunk and disorderly; and the poor man must be committed to
the House of Correction for three months. Nothing is plainer, Mr.
Teynham."
"Nothing, my lord. Has your lordship any farther instructions?"
"Oh! decidedly," returned the Minister. "When any individual connected
with a noble or influential family gets into a scrape, and is brought
before you, hear the case in private, and exclude the reporters. Again,
never commit such a person for trial, unless you are absolutely
compelled. Let him go upon bail: it will be ten to one if you are ever
troubled any more with the case. There is another point to which I must
direct your attention. The practice of shoplifting among ladies has
increased lately to a fearful degree. But, after all, it is only a
_little eccentricity_--indeed one might almost call it an _amiable
weakness_. The fact is, that many ladies will go into a shop, purchase a
hundred-guinea shawl, and secrete an eighteen-penny pair of gloves.
Prudent husbands and fathers avert the tradesman, with whom their wives
and daughters deal, beforehand; and these trifling abstractions are duly
entered in the running accounts; but now and then a lady _does_ get
taken up. In such a case you must show her every possible distinction.
Order her a chair in the dock: and before the business comes on, permit
her to remain with her friends in the 'magistrates' private room.' Then,
if the prosecutor hesitates in giving his evidence, fly into a passion,
tell him that he is prevaricating and not worthy to be believed upon his
oath, and indignantly dismiss the case. The accused lady can then step
into her carriage, and drive off comfortably home."
"Your lordship's instructions shall be complied with to the very
letter," said Mr. Teynham.
"In a word," continued the Minister, "you must always shield the upper
classes as much as possible; and in order to veil their little
peccadilloes, bring out the misdeeds of the lower orders in the boldest
relief. This is the only way to support the doctrine that the poor
_must_ be governed by the rich. Whenever young boys or girls appear as
witnesses, ask them if they know the value of an oath; and if they reply
in the negative, expatiate upon the frightful immorality prevalent among
the poorer classes, so that the reporters may record your observations.
This does good--and enables the Bishops to make long speeches in the
House of Lords on the necessity of religious instruction, and the want
of more churches. If you attend to these remarks of mine, Mr. Teynham,
you will make an excellent magistrate."
"Your lordship may rely upon me," was the submissive answer.
"There is one more point--I had almost forgotten it," said the Home
Secretary. "You must invariably take the part of the police. Remember
that the oath of one police-officer is worth the oaths of a dozen
defendants. This only applies to the collision of the police with the
lower orders, mind. As a general rule, remember that the police are
always _in the right_ when the poor are concerned, and always _in the
wrong_ when the rich are brought before you. And now, Mr. Teynham, I
have nothing more to say."
The newly-made magistrate rose, bowed several times, and withdrew,
walking obsequiously upon the points of his toes for fear his boots
should creak in the awful presence of the Home Secretary.
But if "his worship" were thus meek and lowly before his patron, he
afterwards avenged himself for that constraint, when seated in the
magisterial chair, upon the poor devils that appeared before him!
The private secretary was about to proceed with the correspondence
addressed from different quarters to the Minister, when a servant
entered the room, and placed a card upon the table before this great
officer of state.
"The Earl of Warrington?" said the Minister. "I will receive him."
The servant withdrew, and the private secretary retired to an inner
apartment.
In a few moments the Earl of Warrington was announced.
When the usual civilities had been exchanged between the two noblemen,
the Earl of Warrington said, "I have called, my lord, upon a matter
which, I hope from the knowledge I have of your lordship's character,
will be considered by you as one of importance to the whole nation."
"The estimate your lordship forms of any business can be no mean guide
to my own opinion," answered the Minister.
"I am not quite aware whether I am acting in accordance with official
etiquette, to bring the matter alluded to under the notice of your
lordship, or whether it would have been more regular in me to have
addressed myself direct to the Postmaster-General or the Prime Minister;
but as I have the honour of being better acquainted with your lordship
than with any of your colleagues in the administration, I made up my
mind to come hither."
"I shall be most happy to serve your lordship in any way in my power,"
said the Minister.
"Then I shall at once come to the point," continued the Earl of
Warrington. "A friend of mine--a lady who resides in London--has
corresponded for some months past with a lady living in the state of
Castelcicala; and there is every reason to believe that the letters
addressed to my friend in London, have been opened during the transit."
"Indeed," said the Minister, not a muscle of whose countenance moved as
he heard this communication. "May I ask what is the nature of the proofs
that such is the fact?"
"I believe," returned the Earl of Warrington, "that the letters have
been opened at the English Post-office."
"The English Post-office!" ejaculated the Minister, with an air of great
surprise--whether real or affected, we must leave our readers to
determine.
"Yes, my lord--the English Post-office," said the Earl of Warrington,
firmly. "The proofs are these;"--and, extracting the letters from his
pocket, he pointed out to the Minister the same appearances which he had
ere now explained to Mrs. Arlington.
"On this last letter," said the Minister, "I perceive the ducal arms of
Castelcicala."
"The present Grand Duchess of that state is the correspondent of Mrs.
Arlington, to whom, your lordship may perceive, these letters are
addressed."
[Illustration]
"And her Serene Highness is a relative of your lordship, I believe?"
observed the Minister inquiringly.
"Which circumstance, united with my friendship for Mrs. Arlington, has
determined me to inquire into this matter--nay, to sift it to the very
bottom."
"Your lordship can scarcely suppose that the contents of letters are
violated by the sanction of the Post-Master General?" said the Minister,
darting a keen glance upon the earl.
"I will not take upon myself to accuse any individual directly," was the
answer.
"Nor is it worth while to scrutinise a matter which will probably
terminate in the discovery that the impertinent curiosity of some clerk
has led to the evil complained of," said the Minister.
"No, my lord--this violation of private correspondence has been
conducted too systematically to be the work of a clerk surrounded by
prying eyes and hurried with the fear of detection every moment. Here
are two distinct coats of wax on several of the letters; and yet the
impressions of the original seals are retained. Those impressions were
not taken by artificial process in an instant, nor without previous
preparation."
"Then whom does your lordship suspect?" inquired the Minister, with a
trifling uneasiness of manner.
"I come to ask your lordship to furnish me with a clue to this mystery,
and not to supply one. Were I acquainted with the real truth, I should
know what course to pursue."
"And what course would that be?"
"In the next session of Parliament, I would rise in my place in the
House of Lords, and proclaim to the whole nation--nay, to the entire
world--the disgraceful fact, that England, the land of vaunted freedom,
possesses an institution where the most sacred ties of honour are basely
violated and trampled under foot."
"But suppose, my lord--I only say suppose," cried the Minister, "that
her Majesty's government should consider it vitally important to English
interests to be acquainted with the contents of certain
letters,--suppose, I say, my lord, that such were the case,--would you
then think it necessary to publish your discovery,--presuming that your
lordship has made such discovery,--of that necessary proceeding on the
part of her Majesty's government?"
"I am afraid that your lordship has now afforded me a clue to the
mystery which has perplexed me," said the Earl of Warrington coldly.
"And as a nobleman devoted to your country, your lordship must recognise
the imperious necessity of adopting such a course, at times, as the one
now made known to you."
"As a nobleman devoted to my country," exclaimed the Earl of Warrington
proudly, "I abhor and detest all underhand means of obtaining
information which serves as a guide for diplomatic intrigue, but which
in nowise affects the sterling interests of the state."
"Your lordship speaks warmly," said the Minister.
"And were I in my place in Parliament, I should speak more warmly--far
more warmly still. I am, however, here in your lordship's apartment, and
the laws of courtesy do not permit me to express my feelings as I
elsewhere _should_ do--and as I elsewhere _shall_ do."
"Your lordship will reflect," said the Minister, now really
alarmed,--"your lordship will reflect--maturely--seriously----"
"It requires no reflection to teach me my duty."
"But, my dear earl----"
"My lord?"
"The peace of the country frequently depends upon the information which
we acquire in this manner."
"Then had the peace of the country better be occasionally menaced, than
that the sacred envelope of a letter should be violated?"
"Your lordship is too severe," said the Minister.
"No--my lord: I am not, under the circumstances, severe enough. Behold
the gross injustice of the system. The law forbids us to transmit sealed
letters through any other medium than the Post-office; and yet that very
Post-office is made the scene of the violation of those sacred missives.
My lord, it is impossible to defend so atrocious a proceeding. Now, my
lord, I have spoken as warmly as I feel."
"Really, my dear earl, you must not permit this little business to go
any further. You shall have for your friends every satisfaction they
require: their correspondence shall be strictly inviolate in future. And
now, my lord," continued the Minister, with a smile whose deceptive
blandness Mr. Greenwood would have envied, "let me request attention to
another point. The Premier has placed your lordship's name on the list
of peers who are to be raised to a more elevated rank ere the opening of
the next session; and your lordship may exchange your coronet of an
earldom against that of a marquisate."
"Her Majesty's government," replied the earl with chilling--freezing
_hauteur_, "would do well to reserve that honour in respect to me, until
it may choose to reward me when I shall have performed a duty that I owe
my country, and exposed a system to express my full sense of which I
dare not _now_ trust my tongue with epithets. Good morning, my lord."
And the Earl of Warrington walked proudly from the room.
On the following day a cabinet council was held at the Home Office.