CHAPTER II

NEW SCOTLAND’S BEGINNINGS

It is a fact worth emphasis, but too little considered, that

New Scotland sprang, as it were, direct from the loins of

Old Scotland, and that both Old and New England looked

on as non-agents passively.

To-day of the Provinces which make up the Dominion

of Canada, New Scotland is the only one boasting a flag of

its own, owing nothing in its composition to either the flag

of England or that of France. Here one may see unfurled

a white flag with a blue St. Andrew’s Cross (saltier) dividing

the “field” in four, while in the centre is the double-tressured

lion of Scotland, the ruddy lion rampant in gold.

This is the flag of New Scotland, and these were the arms

of Sir William Alexander, still figuring in part of the

arms of the Baronets of Nova Scotia, to which famed

order Sir Arthur Wardour, one remembers, was proud to

owe allegiance.

To Sir William Alexander the grant was made by

James VI. of Scotland of lands lying between New

England and Newfoundland, “to be holden of us _from our

Kingdom of Scotland as a part thereof_;”[3] on the 29th

September, 1621, the Charter passed under the Great

Seal. Sir William Alexander was appointed hereditary

Lieutenant-General of the colony, which was in all future

time to have the name of New Scotland, or, as appears in

the courtly Latin of the charter, Nova Scotia, the first time

such name appears in history, and at this day itself the only

permanent memorial of the undertaking.

[Footnote 3: _Sir William Alexander and the Scottish attempt to

colonise Acadia_, by the Rev. George Patterson, D.D.]

The charter goes on to say: “As it is very important

that all our beloved subjects who inhabit the said Province

of New Scotland or its borders may live in the fear of

Almighty God, and at the same time in His true worship,

and may have an earnest purpose to establish the Christian

religion therein, and also to cultivate peace and quiet with

the native inhabitants and savage aborigines of these lands,

so that they, and any others trading there, may safely,

pleasantly, and quietly hold what they have got with great

labour and peril. We ... give and grant to the said

Sir William Alexander and foresaids ... free and absolute

power of arranging and securing peace, alliance, friendship,

mutual conferences, assistance, intercourse, &c.” The

charter also granted the power of attacking suddenly,

invading, expelling, and by arms driving away ... all and

singly those who without their special license should attempt

to occupy these lands, or trade in the said Province of

New Scotland. Authorisation was also given them to

construct “forts, fortresses, castles, &c., with posts and

naval stations, and also ships of war:” to “establish

garrisons of soldiers, and generally to do all things for the

acquisition, increase, and introduction of people and persons

to preserve and govern New Scotland ... as the King

might do if present in person.” The right of regulating

and coining money was also granted: and these and other

privileges involved only the annual payment of “one penny

of Scottish money, if so much be demanded.”

Sir William, soon after obtaining his patent, arranged

for the transfer of his rights in the island of Cape Breton,

which originally was included in the Province of New

Scotland, to his friend Sir Robert Gordon, of Lochinvar.

The latter, with his son Robert, obtained a royal charter

(dated 8th November, 1621) to this, which was styled the

barony of New Galloway.

No time was lost by Sir William in taking the necessary

steps for the settling of his territory. Fitting out a ship

in London, in March, 1622, he sent it round the coast to

Kirkcudbright, hoping to obtain there a body of emigrants,

through the influence of Sir Robert Gordon, whose lands

lay in that direction. The meagre inducements offered,

however, could hardly attract persons possessed of the

ordinary comforts of home life. Purchasers of land were

the only ones to have any rights in the soil. Farmers

might obtain leases; but all, after a specified time, were

constrained to pay a one-thirteenth part of the revenue from

the land to the Lieutenant-General. Artisans might

receive holdings, but only for their lives. So it is recorded

that there was only one artisan, a blacksmith, took part in

the expedition, the other emigrants being generally agricultural

labourers of the lowest class. It is unlikely, however,

that more favourable terms were offered in any of the

early attempts at settlement in America, or that the

material engaged in them was any better. If Sir William

had offered lands in fee his prospective emigrants would

probably have been of an altogether different class—of the

class of men who, being possessed of the means of subsistence,

could have become attached to the soil, and who in time

would have built up a free and prosperous society. But a

system such as this was totally opposed to the social ideas

of the times—times when the most prevalent idea was to

establish overseas a state of society similar to that of

mediæval Europe, the soil in the possession of certain lords

paramount, and the settlers holding their lands in a condition

little above that of serfs.

The two colonising expeditions undertaken in consequence

of the charter cost Alexander a large sum of money,

and both ended in failure, owing to ill-management. This

failure by no means dampened Sir William’s zeal. In 1624

he issued a small work entitled, _An Encouragement to

Colonies_, which was furnished with a map of New Scotland.

The names given on this show the determination to reproduce

the peculiarities of Scotland, even in minor ways.

In this manner the St. Croix River appears as the Tweed,

while another, flowing from its head into the St. Lawrence,

is named the Solway. The river doubtless intended for

the St. John is called the Clyde, and the inlet of the sea

on the coast of New Brunswick is put down as the Forth.

In this work Sir William depicts New Scotland as having

“very delecate meadowes,” “with roses white and red,”

and “very good, fat earth,” as the voyagers in the _St. Luke_

had seen it along the coast. As a further inducement for

early occupation, he added a mention of rich grains, and an

abundance of fowls and fishes. Scotland he referred to as

like a bee-hive, sending out swarms of her people yearly,

who expended their energies in foreign wars. He then

invited Scotsmen to settle in a new country, where successful

commerce might be prosecuted by the merchant, where

the sportsman might enter into a paradise of his own, and

where the Christian might have ample scope for missionary

enterprise.

“Where,” was his argument, “was euer Ambition

baited with greater hopes than here, or where euer had

Vertue so large a field to reape the fruits of Glory, since any

man who doth goe thither of good qualitie, able at first

to transport a hundred persons with him, furnished with

things necessary, shall have as much Bounds as may serve

for a great Man, whereupon he may build a Towne of his

owne, giving it what forme or name he will, and being the

first Founder of a new estate, which a pleasing industry

may quickly bring to a perfection, may leaue a faire inheritance

to his posteritie, who shall claime unto him as the

author of their Nobilitie there, rather than to any of his

Ancestours that had preceded him, though neuer so nobly

borne elsewhere?”

But despite the glowing prospects enumerated in this

_Encouragement to Colonies_, little enthusiasm was excited

on behalf of the undertaking. When the English treasury

refused to compensate Alexander for losses in a matter in

which it had no concern, a new method was suggested,

whereby his embarrassments might be relieved and the

undertaking carried on. James, since his accession to

the English throne, had systematically replenished his

revenues by the simple method of selling titles. A particular

instance of this was the colonisation of Ulster; when

he shortly before created an order of knights baronets, of

which English landowners might become members on their

paying into the exchequer the sum of £1100. By this

means some 205 persons had obtained the new dignity

between 1611 and 1622, the profit to the treasury being

£225,000. This suggested to Sir William that the expenses

of his colony might be provided for by the establishment

of a new order—the baronets of New Scotland—while

less costly terms might serve as inducements for the Scottish

landowners and the sons of the Scottish nobility to become

members. His recommendation of this plan in due course

brought forth a royal letter, which informed the Privy

Council of Scotland that the King had determined to take

a personal interest in the colonisation of New Scotland, and

to establish a new order of baronets in connection therewith.

The Privy Council were invited to assist in the

carrying out of the royal intention.

The council, influenced by Sir William, approved the

royal order, and replied to the King on the 23rd November,

1624, indicating a scheme for following His Majesty’s

wishes. “We are given to understand that the country

of New Scotland, being dividit into twa Provinces and eache

Province into several Dioceises or Bishoprikis, and each

Diocese in thrie Counteyis, and each Countey into ten

Baroneyis, every baronie being three myle long vpon the

coast and ten myle up into the countrie, dividit into sax

paroches, and each paroche contening sax thousand aikars

of land; and that every Baronett is to be ane Barone of

some one or other of the saidis Barroneis, and is to haif

therein ten thousand aikars of propertie, besidis his sax

thousand aikars belonging to his bur^t (burgh) of baronie,

to be holden free blanshe, and in a free baronie of His

Majesty as the baronies of the kingdome.” The conditions

imposed were “the setting furth of six men towardis His

Maiestie’s Royall Colonie, armed, apparelld and victualled

for two yeares, and every baronet paying Sir William

ane thousand markis Scottis money only toward his past

charges and endevouris.”

As for these Nova Scotia baronetcies, great efforts were

made to induce likely persons to accept them. In 1629

six were created and thirteen in the two years following.

The Commissioners were impowered to fill up the dates

of patents at their discretion, “so that those unwilling

to occupy a lower place on the rolls might be reckoned

amongst the earliest creations.” Nor was the outer attractiveness

of the order neglected. Under date of the 17th

November, 1629, the King authorises “everie one of them

and thare heires male to weare and carry about their

neckis, in all time coming, ane orange tauney ribbane,

whairon shall hing pendant on a skutchion _argent_, a saltoire

_azeur_ thereon, ane inscutcheune of the armes of Scotland,

with ane imperiall croune above the scutchone, and incircled

with this motto: ‘Fax Mentis Honestæ Gloria.’” This

was to be proclaimed publicly at the market cross of

Edinburgh. And any one who should, “out of neglect

or contempt, presume to tak place or precedence of the

said baronettes, thare wifes or childring, or to weare thare

cognoissance,” was in the same paper threatened with fine

and imprisonment.

A Scottish settlement was planted on the shores of

Annapolis Basin; but the settlers seem to have been little

prepared for the rigours of a Nova Scotian winter and the

enmity of the Indians, for no fewer than thirty of the

pioneers died. Meanwhile, Sir William Alexander’s son,

bearing the same name, had succeeded; and, arriving in

New Scotland, proceeded to put affairs into better order.

He dealt so dexterously with the aborigines, that their

chief consented to make a journey to England with his

wife and son, where they enjoyed the absurd titles of King,

Queen, and Prince of New Scotland. In the December of

1629, Sir James Bagg, Governor of Plymouth, was directed

by royal letter to conduct to Court “one of the commanders

(or chiefs) of Canada, attended by some others of that

countrie.” In a letter from Christ College, dated the

12th of February, 1630, the Rev. Joseph Mead wrote:—

“There came last week to London the king, queen,

and young prince of New Scotland. This king comes to

be of our king’s religion, and to submit his kingdom to

him, and to become his hostage for the same, that he

may be protected against the French in Canada. Those

savages arrived at Plymouth, were a while entertained at

my Lord Poulet’s in Somersetshire, much made of, especially

my lady of the savage queen. She came with her to the

coach, when they were come to London, put a chain about

her neck with a diamond valued by some at near £20.

The savages took all in good part, but for thanks or acknowledgment

made no sign or expression at all.”

Meanwhile Biencourt, the representative of De Monts

and the original French settlers, together with two enterprising

spirits named De la Tour, father and son, were

holding on for King Louis in Acadia. When Biencourt

died, Charles De la Tour meditated striking a blow for

French supremacy. In this he was perpetually foiled, his

father was captured by Admiral Kirke and taken to England,

where he was caressed and cajoled, married a Court lady,

and was created a Baronet of Nova Scotia. As Sir Claude

he went out to New Scotland to endeavour to seduce his

son Charles from his allegiance, but in vain. New Scotland,

as a British settlement, was doomed. In 1632 the blow

fell. By the treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye, Nova Scotia

and Canada were ceded back to France by Charles I., who

by this act of treachery achieved what French force had

hitherto failed to accomplish. Nevertheless, the King

wrote a letter to the Privy Council, in which he says:

“lest any mistaking should ensure thereupon, we have

thought it good to declare unto you that it (the Treaty)

is in no ways for quitting the title right or possession of

New Scotland or of any part thereof.” But this, in view

of the actual terms of the Treaty, and of its consequences,

was empty language. The settlers of New Scotland dispersed

or mingled with the French, and the first attempt

to establish a New Scotland ended in failure.

I have dwelt somewhat fully upon this project—the

beginnings of New Scotland—because it is one almost

invariably slurred over by historians, and about which much

ignorance exists. I shall have occasion in later pages to

speak of the essentially Scottish character of New Scotland,

and it is as well to recall its early planting by the Alexanders,

the Frasers, the Gordons, and the MacNeills.

Of the subsequent history of Nova Scotia I can here

touch upon only briefly. England’s next ruler, Oliver

Cromwell, recovered what Charles had basely surrendered,

and Acadia became again Nova Scotia: but this position

was again changed in 1667, when Charles II. gave away

what Cromwell had won, that is to say, “all the country

called Acadia situated in America which the Most Christian

King had formerly enjoyed.” Another war, however,

soon came between England and France, after the expulsion

of James II. Port Royal was compelled to surrender

to a British force from Boston, and Nova Scotia

had again changed hands. The country reverted to the

French through a Treaty of King William III.’s in 1697;

but at the end of a further war, in 1713, the mainland of

Nova Scotia had again passed into the possession of the

British, a position which has never since changed. France

retained her hold on Cape Breton Island and the neighbouring

Isle St. Jean (now Prince Edward Island), until Canada

was conquered in 1759.

To reach these results many battles were fought,

and many interesting historical events happened in New

Scotland—as, for instance, the two sieges of Louisbourg,

and the famous expulsion of the Acadians, celebrated in

Longfellow’s poem “Evangeline.”

[Illustration: MARTELLO TOWER AT HALIFAX.]

When the French power was finally shattered, the total

white population of Nova Scotia was only some 13,000,

of which 2000 were French. The capital, Halifax, was a

little garrison town only fourteen years old, and comprising

some 500 families. Settlers from the neighbouring New

England colonies caused a considerable increase in this

number, and additions came from King George’s German

kingdom of Hanover. Afterward, when the American

colonies had thrown off their allegiance, some 20,000, who

either would not or could not remain in their old homes

under a new flag, migrated to Nova Scotia, calling themselves

the United Empire Loyalists. Many of these,

however, settled on the north-west side of the Bay of

Fundy—a region which, then under the Governor of Nova

Scotia, was afterwards formed into a separate Province,

now known to us as New Brunswick. From that time to

the present day Nova Scotia’s history has been one of

uninterrupted peace.

* * * * *

Thus briefly have I presented to the reader the salient

features in Provincial history, a subject upon which more

than one interesting volume has been penned. Of its

romance—and it is a land teeming with romance—there

is hardly a hill or a valley, a lake, an island, or a headland,

that has not some tradition, some legend, some story of

massacre, of sacrifice, of heroism, or of devotion—I have

so far hinted but little. Its shrines are visited by thousands

of Americans annually. This is the land past which the

British visitor to Canada finds himself whirled, and is

soon at the heart of the great Dominion of the West, without

having seen its smiling crest, or touched its outstretched

hand.

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