CHAPTER VIII

CONCLUSION

Our survey of the Roman Empire and of the ancient world of thought which

it represented is finished. We have found reason to believe that hatred

and dread of “magic,” the confusion of science or of philosophy with

magic, the incurring of reputations as wizards by men of learning, were

phenomena not confined to the Middle Ages. We have seen some evidence of

the prominence of magic in the intellectual life of the Roman Empire, in

the writings and in the conduct of physicians and astronomers, of

statesmen and philosophers. Just how prominent magic was one hesitates

to estimate, but one may safely affirm that it was sufficiently

prominent to merit the attention of the student of those times. It is

almost useless to chronicle the events if we do not understand the

spirit of an age.

Can the student of that age, we may ask in concluding, rightly interpret

and appreciate it, can he make proper use of its extant records, unless

he recognizes not merely that men made mistakes then and accepted a mass

of false statements concerning nature, but that the best minds were

liable to be esoteric and mystical, to incline to the occult and the

fantastic, to be befogged by absurd credulity and by great mental

confusion, to be fettered by habits of childish and romantic reasoning

such as occurs in Ptolemy’s _Tetrabiblos_ and in Plato’s _Timaeus_? Have

we a right to attribute to the minds of that age our definiteness and

clarity of thought, our common sense, our scientific spirit? Is it fair

to take the words in which they expressed their thought and to interpret

these according to our knowledge, our frame of mind; to read into their

words our ideas and discoveries; to rearrange their disconnected

utterances into systems which they were incapable of constructing; to

endeavor by nothing else than a sort of allegorical interpretation to

discover our philosophy, our science, our ideals in their writings? Have

not even words a greater definiteness and value now than once? When we

translate a passage from an ancient language are we not apt to

transfigure its thought? These are, however, only questions.

Certainly there was much true scientific knowledge in the Roman Empire.

There was sane medical theory and practice, there was a great deal of

correct information in regard to plants, animals and the stars. Science

was in the ascendant; magic was in its latter stages of decay. We

flatter ourselves that it has now quite vanished away; then its

doctrines were accepted only in part or in weakened form by men of

education. Perhaps, though I am far from asserting this, magic played a

less prominent part then in science and in philosophy than in the later

Middle Ages. Perhaps we may picture to ourselves the minds of men in the

twelfth and thirteenth and succeeding centuries as awakening from a

long, intellectual torpor during the chaotic and dreary “Dark Ages,”

and, eager for knowledge and for mental occupation, but still

inexperienced and rather bewildered, as snatching without discrimination

at whatever came first to hand of the lore of the past. Thus for a time

we might find the most able men of the later age taking on the worst

characteristics of the earlier time. But this again is mere speculation.

Moreover, we must remember that, if magic was accepted only in part by

men of learning in the Roman Empire, there was no thoroughgoing

scepticism. We sought in vain for an instance of consistent disbelief.

If, too, there was an effort to make the magic, which was accepted,

scientific by basing it upon natural laws, as Quintus Cicero, Seneca and

Ptolemy tried to do, there was also, besides the definite approval of

magical doctrines, often a mystical tone in the science and philosophy

of the time. The question of the relative strength of magic and of

science in those days must, then, be left unsettled. It is difficult

enough to judge even a single individual; to tell, for instance, just

how superstitious Cato was.

In closing we may, however, sum up very briefly those elements which we

selected as combining to give a fairly faithful picture of the belief in

magic which then prevailed among educated people. Native superstitions

from which science had not yet wholly freed itself; much fantastical and

mystical lore from Oriental nations; allegorizing and mysticizing in the

interpretation of books—which in Philo went to the length of a belief

that all knowledge could be secured by this means; a portrayal of nature

which attributed to her many magic properties and caused medicine to be

infected with magic ceremony and to be based to some extent on the

principle of sympathetic magic; a widespread and often extreme belief in

astrology; a speculative philosophy which was often favorable to the

doctrines of magic or even advanced some itself; and the system of

Neo-Platonism in especial, with which we may associate the

view—prevalent long before Plotinus, however—that everything in the

universe is in close sympathy with everything else and is a sign of

coming events—these were the forces ready at the opening of the Middle

Ages to influence the future.

-----

Footnote 1:

H. C. Lea, _History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages_ (1887),

vol. iii, p. 437. Mr. Lea’s chapter on “Sorcery and the Occult Arts”

is very interesting and contains much material which it is difficult

to find elsewhere.

Footnote 2:

We speak of persons as jovial or saturnine or mercurial in

temperament; as ill-starred, and so on.

Footnote 3:

The classic on the theme of magic reputations incurred by the learned

in ancient and mediæval times is Gabriel Naudé’s “_Apologie pour tous

les grands personages qui ont esté faussement soupçonnez de Magie_.”

Paris, 1625. That such reputations were often unjustly incurred was

recognized long before Naudé, however. To say nothing now of Apuleius’

_Apologia_, to which we shall refer later, attention may be called to

the fact that even William of Malmesbury, while relating with apparent

credulity the legends in regard to Gerbert, had the grace to admit

that “the common people often attack the reputation of the learned,

and accuse any one of dealing with the devil who excels in his art.”

_Gesta Regum Anglorum_, book ii, secs. 167, 168.

Footnote 4:

_République_, book iv, ch. 2, cited by W. E. H. Lecky, _History of

Rationalism_ (1900), vol. i, p. 28. The chapter upon “Magic and

Witchcraft” contains considerable material bearing upon our theme. A

similar attitude to that of Bodin is found in a political treatise of

about the year 1300, probably written by Pierre du Bois, where an

argument for the universal rule of a French monarch is based on

astrology. N. de Wailly, _Mémoire sur un opuscule anonyme_ (Mémoires

de l’Institut Impérial de France), vol. xviii, pt. ii, p. 442.

Footnote 5:

_Summa Theologica_, pars prima, quæst. 115, arts. 3 and 4.

Footnote 6:

For some data on this point see Hastings Rashdall, _The Universities

of Europe in the Middle Ages_ (1895), vol. i, pp. 240–250; vol. ii,

pp. 290, 452, 458, 459.

Footnote 7:

_Etymologiae_, bk. viii, ch. 9. In Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, vol.

lxxxii.

Footnote 8:

_Ibid._, bk. xvi, _passim_.

Footnote 9:

_Ibid._, bk. iii, ch. 71. He condemned astrology, however. See

_ibid._, and bk. iii, ch. 27.

Footnote 10:

“Liber Numerorum qui in Sanctis Scripturis Occurunt.” (Also in Migne,

vol. lxxxiii, col. 179.) “Non est superfluum numerorum causas in

Scripturis sanctis attendere. Habent enim quamdam scientiae doctrinam

plurimaque mystica sacramenta.”

Footnote 11:

_De Natura Rerum_, ch. 24; _De Temporum Ratione_, ch. 28. The

scientific writing of Bede may be found in vol. vi of his works as

edited by J. A. Giles. London, 1843.

Footnote 12:

_De Tonitruis ad Herefridum_, and _De Minutione Sanguinis sive

Phlebotomia_. Many spurious treatises were attributed to Bede but

there are some reasons for believing these genuine, although they are

not named by Bede in the list of his writings which he gives in his

_Ecclesiastical History_. Giles included them in his edition after

some hesitation.

Footnote 13:

For the predominance of astrology in the mathematics of the 9th, 10th,

11th and 12th centuries, cf. _Histoire Littéraire_, vol. v, p. 183;

vi, 9; vii, 137; ix, 197.

Footnote 14:

_De Naturis Rerum_, bk. ii, ch. 173, and bk. i, ch. 7. Volume xxxiv of

_The Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain_. (The Rolls Series.)

Footnote 15:

_Ibid._, bk. i, ch. 7.

Footnote 16:

_De Naturis Rerum_, bk. ii, ch. 63.

Footnote 17:

_Ibid._, bk. ii, ch. 80.

Footnote 18:

_Ibid._, bk. ii, ch. 3 _et seq._

Footnote 19:

_Ibid._, bk. ii, ch. 88. In chapter 87 he writes: “Chelidonius autem

rufus portantes se gratissimos facit; niger vero gestatus optimum

finem negotiis imponit, et ad iras potentium sedandas idoneus est.”

Footnote 20:

_Ibid._, bk. ii, ch. 89.

Footnote 21:

_Ibid._, bk. ii, ch. 85. “In verbis et herbis et lapidibus multam esse

virtutem compertum est a diligentibus naturarum investigatoribus.

Certissimum autem experimentum fidem dicto nostro facit.”

Footnote 22:

Preface, p. xii in vol. xxxiv of the Rolls Series.

Footnote 23:

My information concerning Michael Scot is mainly derived from his

biography (Edinburgh, 1897) by Rev. J. Wood Brown, who has studied the

manuscript copies of Scot’s works in various European libraries and

has succeeded in dispelling much of the uncertainty which previously

existed concerning the events of Scot’s career and even the dates of

his life. Of Scot’s works the _Physionomia_ exists in printed form;

indeed, eighteen editions of it are said to have been issued between

the years 1477 and 1660.

Footnote 24:

The poem is printed in _Forschungen zur Deutschen Geschichte_, vol.

xviii, (1878) p. 486.

Footnote 25:

The part of the manuscript containing the experiment was written

between 1450 and 1500, Brown thinks, but purports to be a copy “from a

very ancient work.” If spurious, its fabricator at least shows

considerable familiarity with Scot’s life. See Brown, pp. 18–19. The

recipe is given in full in the appendix of Brown’s book.

Footnote 26:

_De Secretis Operibus Artis et Naturae et de Nullitate Magiae_, ch. 7.

Contained in the Appendix of vol. xv of the Rolls Series, edited by J.

S. Brewer, London, 1859.

Footnote 27:

_Opus Maius_, vol. ii, pp. 204–221. Edited by J. H. Bridges, Oxford,

1897–1900. On page 210 _et seq._ Bacon gives an elaborate recipe for

an _elixir vitae_.

Footnote 28:

_Opus Minus_, Rolls Series, vol. xv, pp. 373–4.

Footnote 29:

Bridges, _Opus Maius_, vol. i, pp. 137–139.

Footnote 30:

_Compendium Studii_, Rolls Series, vol. xv, pp. 421–422.

Footnote 31:

Bridges, _Opus Maius_, vol. i, pp. 253–269.

Footnote 32:

_De Secretis_, ch. 3, discusses this question of fascination and also

the power of words and of the human soul. In regard to characters and

incantations, see _De Secretis_, ch. 2, and the _Opus Tertium_, which

is also contained in vol. xv of the Rolls Series, ch. 26.

Footnote 33:

_Opus Tertium_, ch. 27.

Footnote 34:

“Gaspar fert myrram, thus Melchoir, Balthasar aurum.

Haec tria qui secum portabit nomina regum

Solvitur a morbo Christi pietate caduco.”

_Hist. Litt._, vol. xxv, p. 327.

Footnote 35:

See _Liber Mineralium_. _Opera Omnia_, ed. Borgnet (1890), vol. v,

page 23 _et seq._

Footnote 36:

Two good accounts of Arnald are those in the _Histoire Littéraire_,

vol. xxviii and Lea, _History of the Inquisition_, vol. iii, pp.

52–57. Older accounts are generally very misleading.

Footnote 37:

J. M. Rigg, _Giovanni Pico Della Mirandola_, London, 1890, pp. viii-x.

Footnote 38:

Janssen, _History of the German People_, vol. iii, p. 45, of the

English translation by A. M. Christie (1900).

Footnote 39:

Henry Morley, _Life of Agrippa von Nettesheim_ (London, 1856), vol. i,

p. 79. This biography includes a full and instructive outline of

Agrippa’s work on _Occult Philosophy_.

Footnote 40:

A. E. Waite, _Hermetical and Alchemistical Writings of Paracelsus_,

vol. i, p. xii.

Footnote 41:

For Cardan, see the biography in two volumes by Henry Morley, London,

1854, and that in one volume by W. G. Waters, London. 1898.

Footnote 42:

J. L. E. Dreyer, _Tycho Brahe. A Picture of Scientific Life and Work

in the Sixteenth Century_ (Edinburgh, 1890), p. 56. A valuable book.

Footnote 43:

_De Augmentis Scientiarum_, bk. iv, ch. 1.

Footnote 44:

_Ibid._, bk. iv, ch. 3.

Footnote 45:

_Ibid._, bk. iii, ch. 4.

Footnote 46:

Bodin for instance condemned “magic” in his _De Magorum Daemonomania_

(Paris, 1581).

Footnote 47:

Bridges, _Opus Maius_, vol. i, p. 241. See too the _De Secretis

Operibus Artis et Naturae et de Nullitate Magiae_. Rolls Series, vol.

xv, appendix.

Footnote 48:

_Spec. Astron._, ch. 17. Albertus Magnus, _Opera Omnia_, ed. Borgnet

(1890), vol. x, pp. 629 _et seq._ And he finally came to the

conclusion that “concerning books of necromancy the better

judgment—prejudice aside—seems to be that they ought rather to be

preserved than destroyed. For the time is perchance near at hand in

which, for reasons which I now suppress, it will be advantageous to

consult them occasionally. Nevertheless, let their inspectors abstain

from abuse of them.” Ch. 17.

Similarly Roger Bacon, in his _De Secretis_, ch. 3, after mentioning

books of magic to be eschewed, remarked that many books classed as

magic were not such but contained worthy wisdom.

Footnote 49:

_Magiae Naturalis Libri XX._ Lyons, 1651.

Footnote 50:

_De Augmentis_, bk. iii, ch. 4.

Footnote 51:

This view is set forth at length in J. G. Frazer’s _The Golden Bough_

(3 vols., London, 1900). The book also furnishes many illustrations of

the magic of primitive man. Mr. Frazer holds that “religion”

supplanted magic and is in turn itself being supplanted by science.

His definition of religion would probably not be generally accepted.

Footnote 52:

Alfred Maury, in the introduction to his _La Magie et l’astrologie

dans l’antiquité et au moyen âge_, (Paris, 1860), expresses a

practically identical view and has the conception of magic gradually

fading away before the advance of science. (See also the article on

“Magic” in the _Encyclopædia Brittanica_, 9th edition.)

Maury’s work is not, however, as satisfactory as one is led to think

from reading its introduction. Although he has defined magic almost in

so many words as the attitude of primitive man towards the universe,

he himself interprets magic much more narrowly when he comes to write

his book proper, as indeed its title, _Magic and Astrology_, suggests.

In short the thought that science and magic may at one time have

mingled does not seem to impress him, and his work is of little aid to

one considering our present subject. For instance, he cites Pliny only

as an opponent of magic. Maury’s work, moreover, comprising in its

historical portion but a little over two hundred pages—and these

nearly half filled by foot-notes—can hardly be regarded as more than a

brief narrative sketch of the subject.

Considerable erudition is displayed in Maury’s references, especially

those to Greek and Roman writers, and from page 208 to 211 Maury gives

a good bibliography of some of the chief secondary works dealing with

magic. More was written upon the subject shortly before his time than

has been since.

Footnote 53:

“Praeterea iter est, non trita auctoribus via, nec qua peregrinari

animus expetat. Nemo apud nos qui idem temptaverit, nemo apud Graecos

qui unus omnia ea tractaverit.” From his dedication to the Emperor

Vespasian. C. Plinii Secundi, _Naturalis Historiae Libri xxxvii_.

Ludovicus Janus, Lipsiae, 1870. 5 vols. in 3. I shall refer to

passages by the division into chapters found in the editions of

Hardouin, Valpy, Lemaire and Ajasson. Three modes of division are

indicated in the edition of Janus. There is an English translation of

the _Natural History_, with an introductory essay, by J. Bostock and

H. T. Riley, London, 1855, 6 vols. (Bohn Library).

Footnote 54:

“Viginti milia rerum dignarum cura ... ex lectione voluminum circiter

duum milium, quorum pauca admodum studiosi attingunt propter secretum

materiæ, ex exquisitis auctoribus centum inclusimus xxxvi voluminibus,

adiectis rebus plurimis quas aut ignoraverant priores aut postea

invenerat vita.” Also from the dedication. Pliny uses more than one

hundred writers, however.

Footnote 55:

“Homines enim sumus et occupati officiis, subcisivisque temporibus

ista curamus, id est nocturnis, ne quis vestris putet cessatum horis.”

From the dedication.

Footnote 56:

Pliny the Younger to Macer in his _Letters_, bk. iii, ep. 5, ed. Keil,

Leipzig, 1896.

Footnote 57:

Geo. H. Lewes, _Aristotle; a Chapter from the History of Science_,

London, 1864. Lewes also holds that while Aristotle often dwelt upon

the value of experiment and the necessity of having a mass of facts

before making general assertions, he in practice frequently jumped at

conclusions.

Footnote 58:

_Nat. Hist._, bk. xxvi, ch. 9. “Mirum esset profecto hucusque

profectam credulitatem antiquorum saluberrimis ortam initiis, si in

ulla re modum humana ingenia novissent atque non hanc ipsam medicinam

ab Asclepiade repertam probaturi suo loco assemus evectam ultra Magos

etiam. Haec est omni in re animorum condicio, ut a necessariis orsa

primo cuncta pervenerint ad nimium.” _Cf._ also bk. xxviii, ch. 1.

“Quamquam et ipsi consensu prope iudicata eligere laboravimus

potiusque curae rerum quam copiae institimus.” In Pliny’s dedication,

however, occurs a sentence which gives one the impression that he felt

rather in duty bound to accept tradition. “Res ardua, vetustis

novitatem dare, novis auctoritatem, obseletis nitorem, obscuris lucem,

fastiditis gratiam, _dubiis fidem_, omnibus vero naturam et naturae

suae omnia.”

Footnote 59:

Quoted without reference by E. Eggleston, “_The Transit of

Civilization from England to America in the Seventeenth Century_” (N.

Y., 1901), p. 16. This interesting and valuable book contains much

material illustrative of the science and superstitions of the times.

Footnote 60:

_Etymologies_, bk. xvi, Migne, vol. lxxxii.

Footnote 61:

_Alcuini Epistolae_, 103, vol. vi, pp. 431–432, of _Bibliotheca Rerum

Germanicarum_, ed. Philip Jaffé, Berlin, 1873. “Vel quid acutius quam

quod naturalium rerum divitissimus [or devotissimus] inventor, Plinius

Secundus, de caelestium siderum ratione exposuit, investigari valet?”

In Migne’s _Patrologia Latina_, vol. c, col. 278, the letter is given

as number 85. For other references to Pliny by earlier writers, see

_Bibliothèque Latine-Française_, C. L. F. Panckoucke, vol. cvi which

forms the opening volume of Pliny’s work in that set.

Footnote 62:

_Nat. Hist._, bk. xxx, ch. 1. “Auctoritatem ei maxumam fuisse nemo

miretur, quandoquidem sola artium tris alias imperiosissimas humanae

mentis conplexa in unam se redigit.”

Footnote 63:

_Ibid._ He uses the words “mathematicas artes” instead of

“astrologiam” but the words following make his meaning evident: “nullo

non avido futura de sese sciendi atque ea e caelo verissime pati

credente.”

Footnote 64:

_Ibid._ “Natam primum e medicina nemo dubitat ac specie salutari

inrepisse velut altiorem sanctioremque medicinam.”

Footnote 65:

Bk. xxx, ch. 2.

Footnote 66:

Bk. xxvi, ch. 9.

Footnote 67:

Bk. xxx, ch. 2. “Eudoxus qui inter sapientiae sectas clarissimam

utilissimamque eam intellegi voluit.”

Footnote 68:

Bk. xxviii, ch. 23.

Footnote 69:

Bk. xxvi, ch. 9.

Footnote 70:

Bk. xxxvii, ch. 40. The word in this passage which I render as

“potion” is in the Latin “veneficium”—a word difficult to translate

owing to its double meaning. “Venenum” signifies a drug or potion of

any sort, and then in a bad sense a drug used to poison or a potion

used to bewitch. In a passage soon to be cited Pliny contrasts

“veneficæ artes” to “magicæ artes” but I doubt if he always preserved

such a distinction. A similar confusion exists in regard to the Greek

word φάρμακον, as Plato sets forth clearly in his _Laws_. There are,

he says, two kinds of poisons employed by men which cannot be clearly

distinguished. One variety injures bodies “according to a natural

law.” “There is also another kind which persuades the more daring

class that they can do injury by sorceries and incantations....”

_Laws_, bk. xi, p. 933 (Steph.). Jowett’s translation.

Footnote 71:

Bk. xxxvii, ch. 60. “Magorum inpudentiæ vel manifestissimum in hac

quoque exemplum est....”

Footnote 72:

Bk. xxx, ch. 5, 6.

Footnote 73:

Bk. xxviii, ch. 2. Pliny’s own medicine is not prudish, and elsewhere

he gives instances of devotees of magic guarding against defilement.

(Bk. xxx, ch. 6 and xxviii, ch. 19).

Footnote 74:

Bk. xxviii, ch. 23. “Quanta vanitate,” adds Pliny, “si falsum est,

quanta vero noxia, si transferunt morbos!”

Footnote 75:

Bk. xxx, ch. 4.

Footnote 76:

Bk. xxx, ch. 6. “Proinde ita persuasum sit, intestabilem, inritam,

inanem esse, habentem tamen quasdam veritatis umbras, sed in his

veneficas artis pollere non magicas.”

Footnote 77:

Concerning the stag, see bk. viii, ch. 50. On the use of frogs and

fishes to cure fevers, bk. xxxii, ch. 38.

Footnote 78:

Bk. xxvi, ch. 59.

Footnote 79:

Bk. xxi, ch. 105.

Footnote 80:

Bk. xviii, ch. 8.

Footnote 81:

Bk. xxiv, ch. 102.

Footnote 82:

Bk. xxiv, chs. 106, 107, 109, 110, 111. Evidently these last remedies

derive their force not merely from magic powers inherent in

vegetation. The effect of ceremony and of circumstance becomes a

factor.

Footnote 83:

Bk. xxxvii, ch. 36.

Footnote 84:

Bk. xxxvii, ch. 58.

Footnote 85:

Bk. ii, ch. 106.

Footnote 86:

Bk. vii, ch. 2. “... Qui visu quoque effascinent interimantque quos

diutius intueantur, iratis praecipue oculis, quod eorum malum facilius

sentire puberes. Notabilius esse quod pupillas binas in singulis

habeant oculis.”

Footnote 87:

Bk. xxviii, ch. 6. The eggs, however, it should be said, are

represented as being beneath a setting hen.

Footnote 88:

Bk. xxviii, ch. 3. “Ex homine remediorum primum maxumae quaestionis et

semper incertae est, polleatne aliquid verba et incantamenta carminum.

Quod si verum est, homini acceptum fieri oportere conveniat, sed

viritim sapientissimi cuiusque respuit fides. In universum vero

omnibus horis credit vita.... Vestalis nostras hodie credimus nondum

egressa urbe mancipia fugitiva retinere in loco precationibus, cum, si

semel recipiatur ea ratio et deos preces aliquas exaudire aut illis

moveri verbis, confitendum sit de tota coniectione. Prisci quidem

nostri perpetuo talia credidere, difficilimumque ex his etiam fulmina

elici, ut suo loco docuimus.”

Pliny seems inclined to narrow down the problem of the power of words

to the question whether the gods answer prayer or not, a question

which takes us out of the field of magic unless he regarded prayer as

a means of coercing the gods.

Footnote 89:

Bk. xxi, ch. 19.

Footnote 90:

Bk. xxvi, ch. 60. “Experti adfirmavere plurumum referre, si virgo

inponat nuda ieiuna ieiuno et manu supina tangens dicat; ‘Negat Apollo

pestem posse crescere cui nuda virgo restinguat,’ atque ita retrorsa

manu ter dicat totiensque despuant ambo.”

Footnote 91:

Bk. xxviii, ch. 7. “Mirum dicimus, sed experimento facile: si quem

paeniteat ictus eminus comminusve inlati et statim exspuat in mediam

manum qua percussit, levatur ilico in percusso culpa. Hoc saepe

delumbata quadripede adprobatur statim a tali remedio correcto

animalis ingressu.”

Footnote 92:

Bk. xxxii, ch. 1.

Footnote 93:

Bk. xxxvii, ch. 59.

Footnote 94:

Bk. xxviii, ch. 23.

Footnote 95:

Bk. ii, ch. 9. Indeed, in bk. ii, ch. 30, he gives examples of ominous

eclipses of the sun, although it is true that they were also of

unusual length.

Footnote 96:

Bk. vii, ch. 37. “Astrologia Berosus cui ob divinas praedictiones

Athenienses publice in gymnasio statuam inaurata lingua statuere.”

Footnote 97:

Bk. ii, ch. 1. “Mundum ... numen esse credi par est. Sacer est,

aeternus, inmensus, totus in toto, immo vero ipse totum.”

Footnote 98:

Bk. ii, ch. 4. “Hunc esse mundi totius animum ac planius mentem, hunc

principale naturae regimen ac numen credere decet opera eius

aestimantes.”

Footnote 99:

Bk. ii, ch. 16.

Footnote 100:

Bk. ii, ch. 6.

Footnote 101:

Bk. ii, ch. 13.

Footnote 102:

Bk ii, ch. 6. See also bk. ii, ch. 39. “Ut solis ergo natura

temperando intellegitur anno sic reliquorum quoque siderum propria est

quibusque vis et ad suam cuique naturam fertilis.”

Footnote 103:

Bk. ii, ch. 39. For the general physical interaction of earth and

stars as conceived by Pliny see bk. ii, ch. 38. “Terrena in caelum

tendentia deprimit siderum vis, eademque quae sponte non subeant ad se

trahit. Decidunt imbres, nebulae subeunt, siccantur amnes, ruunt

grandines, torrent radii et terram in medio mundi undique inpellunt,

iidem infracti resiliunt et quae potuere auferunt secum. Vapor ex alto

cadit rursumque in altum redit. Venti ingruunt inanes iidemque cum

rapina remeant. Tot animalium haustus spiritum e sublimi trahit, at

ille contra nititur, tellusque ut inani caelo spiritum fundit.”

Footnote 104:

Bk. ii, ch. 41.

Footnote 105:

Bk. ii, ch. 104.

Footnote 106:

Bk. ii, ch. 6. “Huius natura cuncta generantur in terris, namque in

alterutro exortu genitali rore conspergens non terrae modo conceptuus

inplet verum animantium quoque omnium stimulat.”

Footnote 107:

Bk. ii, ch. 6.

Footnote 108:

Bk. ii, ch. 18. “A sidere caelestis ignis exspuitur praescita secum

adferens.”

Footnote 109:

Bk. ii, ch. 23. The part dealing with the shape and position of the

comet reads: “Tibiarum specie musicae arti portendere, obscenis autem

moribus in verendis partibus signorum, ingeniis et eruditioni, si

triquetram figuram quadratamve paribus angulis ad aliquos perennium

stellarum situus edant, venena fundere in capite septentrionalis

austrinaeve serpentis.”

Footnote 110:

Bk. ii, ch. 86. “Numquam urbs Roma tremuit, ut non futuri eventus

alicuius id praenuntium esset.” See also bk. ii, ch. 85.

Footnote 111:

Bk. ii, ch. 54.

Footnote 112:

Bk. xxv, ch. 6. “Turpissima causa raritatis quod etiam qui sciunt

demonstrare nolunt, tamquam ipsis periturum sit quod tradiderint

aliis.”

Footnote 113:

Vol. i, p. 382. Dr. White’s book, which imputes well-nigh every

fantastic feature of mediæval science to Christian institutions and

theology, is written with too little use of primary sources, and

considerable ignorance of the character of ancient science.

Aside from unfairness in the general tone and mode of

presentation,—Cosmas Indicopleustes, for instance, is set forth as a

typical representative of mediæval science of the clerical type, while

Albertus Magnus is not permitted to stand as a representative of

“theological” science at all but is pictured as one inclined to true

science who was frightened into the paths of theology by an

ecclesiastical tyranny bitterly hostile to scientific endeavor—the

author makes some inexcusable mistakes in details. For instance, after

speaking of “theological” methods, he proceeds (vol. i, p. 33): “Hence

such contributions as that the basilisk kills serpents by his breath

and men by his glance,” apparently in serene ignorance of the fact

that this statement about the basilisk was a commonplace of ancient

science. Again (vol. i, p. 386) he tells us that in 1163 the Council

of Tours and Alexander III “forbade the study of physics to

ecclesiastics, which of course in that age meant the prohibition of

all such scientific studies to the only persons likely to make them.”

On turning to the passage cited we find the prohibition to be that

persons who have vowed to lead a monastic life shall not absent

themselves from their monasteries for the purpose of studying

“physica” (which the context indicates means medicine, not physics),

or reading law. The canon does not apply to all ecclesiastics, and it

is as absurd to infer from it that “all such scientific studies were

prohibited to the only persons likely to make them” as to conclude

that henceforth no one could study civil law. To argue from a single

piece of legislation is hazardous in any case. (For the canon, see

Hardouin, vol. vi, pt. ii, p. 1598. Canon viii.)

On the whole the book strikes one as an unscientific eulogy of science

and a bigoted attack on bigotry. The inconsistency of the author’s

professions and practice, to say nothing of the somewhat perplexing

arrangement of his material, reminds one of Pliny’s _Natural History_.

Footnote 114:

_Nat. Hist._, bk. xxx, ch. 2. “Certe Pythagoras, Empedocles,

Democritus, Plato ad hanc discendam navigavere exsiliis verius quam

peregrinationibus susceptis. Hanc reversi praedicavere, hanc in

arcanis habuere.” Philostratus, as we shall see, mentioned the same

men as associating with the magi, although he denied that they

embraced the magic art. (See _infra_, p. 67.)

Footnote 115:

Bk. xxx, ch. 2. “Plenumque miraculi et hoc, pariter utrasque artis

effloruisse, medicinam dico et magicenque, eadem aetate illam

Hippocrate, hanc Democrito inlustrantibus.” Pliny may have got a false

idea of the teachings of Democritus by accepting as genuine works

which were not. He tells us (bk. xxx, ch. 2) that some persons have

vainly tried to save Democritus’ reputation by denying that certain

works are his. “Democritus Apellobechen Coptiten et Dardanum et

Phoenicem inlustravit voluminibus Dardani in sepulchrum eius petitis,

suis vero ex disciplina eorum editis, quae recepta ab ullis hominum

atque transisse per memoriam aeque ac nihil in vita mirandum est. In

tantum fides istis fasque omne deest, adeo ut qui cetera in viro

probant, haec opera eius esse inficientur. Sed frustra. Hunc enim

maxume adfixisse animis eam dulcedinem constat.”

Footnote 116:

Bk. xxiv, ch. 9. “In promisso herbarum mirabilium occurrit aliqua

dicere et de Magicis. Quae enim mirabiliores? Primi eas in nostro orbe

celebravere Pythagoras atque Democritus, consectati Magos.”

Footnote 117:

_De Divinatione_, bk. i, ch. 39, and bk. ii, ch. 42.

Footnote 118:

_Timaeus_, p. 47 (Steph.). The passage may be found in English

translation in vol. iii, p. 466, of B. Jowett’s _Plato’s Dialogues_

(3d edit.), London, 1892.

Footnote 119:

_Timaeus_, pp. 53–56 (Steph.); Jowett, vol. iii, pp. 473–476.

Footnote 120:

_Laws_, bk. xi, p. 933 (Steph.).

Footnote 121:

_Timaeus_, p. 70 (Steph.). The translation is that of Jowett, vol.

iii, p. 492.

Footnote 122:

_Ibid._, p. 71 (Steph.).

Footnote 123:

_Symposium_, p. 188 (Steph.). Translated by Jowett, vol. i, p. 558.

Footnote 124:

_Timaeus_, p. 40 (Steph.). Jowett, vol. iii, p. 459.

Footnote 125:

_Ibid._, pp. 41, 42 (Steph.).

Footnote 126:

W. Windelband, _History of Philosophy_, p. 147. English translation by

J. H. Tufts. Macmillans, 1898.

Footnote 127:

Windelband, _Hist. of Ancient Philos._, p. 272. Eng. transl. by H. E.

Cushman. Scribners, 1899.

Footnote 128:

_Aristotelis De Animalibus Historiae Libri X_ (Graece et Latine. Io.

Gottlob Schneider. Lipsiae, 1811). Vol. i contains the Greek text. In

the following foot-notes I shall refer to the book, chapter and

section by Roman and arabic numerals, but in the text the book and

chapters are denoted by letters of the Greek alphabet. There is an

English translation of the work by Richard Creswell, London, 1862.

(Bohn Library.)

Footnote 129:

Bk. v, ch. xx, sec. 2; bk. vi, ch. xi, sec. 2; bk. vi, ch. xiv, sec.

1; bk. vii, ch. xi; bk. viii, ch. xvii, sec. 4; bk. viii, ch. xx, sec.

12.

Footnote 130:

Bk. v, ch. xix, sec. 4. Γίγνεται δὲ κηρίον μὲν ἐξ ἀνθῶν. κήρωσιν δὲ

φέρσοσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ δακρύου τῶν δένδρων, μέλι δὲ τὸ πίπτον ἐκ τοῦ ἀέρος

καὶ μάλιστα ἐν ταῖς τῶν ἄστρων ἐπιτολαῖς, καὶ ὅταν κατασκήφῃ ἡ ἶρις.

Ὅλως δ’ οὐ γίγνεται μέλι πρὸ πλειάδος ἐπιτολῆς. τὸν μὲν οὖν κηρὸν

ποιεῖ, ὥσπερ εἴρηται, ἐκ τῶν ἀνθέων, τὸ δὲ μέλι ὅτι οὐ ποιεῖ, ἀλλὰ

φέρει τὸ πίπτον, σημεῖον. ἐν μιᾷ γὰρ ἢ ἐν δυσὶν ἡμέραις πλήρη

εὑρίσκουσι τὰ σμήνη οἱ μελιττουργοὶ μέλιτος. Ἔτι δὲ τοῦ μετοπώρου ἄνθη

γίγνεται μὲν, μέλι δ’ οὒ, ὅταν ἀφαιρεθῇ.

Footnote 131:

Bk. v, ch. xvii, sec. 13.

Footnote 132:

Bk. viii, ch. xxviii, sec. 2.

Footnote 133:

Bk. iii, ch. ix, sec. 7 and bk. vi, ch. ii, sec. 4.

Footnote 134:

Bk. v, ch. iv, sec. 7 and bk. vi, ch. ii, sec. 9. See also bk. vi, ch.

xvii, sec. 4.

Footnote 135:

Bk. v, ch. xvii, sec. 2.

Footnote 136:

Bk. ix, ch. xxv, sec 2.

Footnote 137:

Bk. v, ch. xxv, sec. 2.

Footnote 138:

Bk. viii, ch. ix, sec. 1.

Footnote 139:

_De Re Rustica_, chs. 26, 31, 37, 40, 50. Scriptores Rei Rusticae

Veteres Latini. Tomus Primus. Io. Matthias Gesnerus, Lipsiae, 1773.

The speed with which I progressed through the _De Re Rustica_ was

accelerated by the fact that Mr. E. H. Oliver, Ph. D., then of the

School of Political Science, Columbia University, kindly lent me an

English translation which he had made of that work.

Footnote 140:

_De Re Rustica_, ch. 71. See also _ibid._, ch. 70.

Footnote 141:

_De Re Rustica_, ch. 70.

Footnote 142:

_De Re Rustica_, ch. 160. “S. F.” probably means “Sanitas Fracto.” Two

alternative charms are also suggested, namely, “Huat hanat huat ista

pista sista domiabo damnaustra” and “Huat huat huat ista sis tar sis

ardannabon dunnaustra.”

Footnote 143:

Dio Cassius, ch. lii, sec. 36. μαντικὴ μὲν γὰρ ἀναγκαία ἐστί, καὶ

πάντως τινὰς καὶ ἱερόπτας καὶ οἰωνιστὰς ἀπόδειζον, oἷς οἱ βουλόμενοι

τι κοινώσασθαι σονέσονται. τοὺς δὲ δὴ μαγευτὰς πάνυ οὐκ εἶναι

προσήκει. πολλοὺς γὰρ πολλάκις οἱ τοιοῦτοι, τὰ μέν τινα ἀληθῆ, τὰ δὲ

δὴ πλείω ψευδῆ λέγοντες, νευχμοῦν ἐπαίρουσι.

Lecky translates the passage in his _History of European Morals_

(1889), vol. i, p. 399. The next sentence of the passage is also worth

quoting: τὸ δ’ αὐτὸ τοῦτο καὶ τῶν φιλοσοφεῖν προσποιουμένων οὐκ ὀλίγοι

ποιοῦσι.

Footnote 144:

_Apologia_, ch. xxv (Van der Vleet, _Apologia et Florida_. Lipsiae,

1900). “Leges cerimoniarum, fas sacrorum, ius religionum.”

Footnote 145:

_Ibid._, ch. xxvi. “Auditisne, magiam, qui eam temere accusatis, artem

esse diis immortalibus acceptam, colendi eos ac venerandi pergnaram,

piam scilicet et divini scientem, iam inde a Zoroastro et Oromazo,

auctoribus suis nobilem, caelitum antistitam? Quippe qui inter prima

regalia docetur, nec ulli temere inter Persas concessum est magum

esse, haud magis quam regnare.” This definition reminds one of Agrippa

von Nettesheim’s praise of “that science divine beyond all human

tracing.” In a less degree—for with Apuleius magic is the cult of the

gods and not much concerned with material things—it recalls the high

place assigned to magic by Porta and Francis Bacon.

Footnote 146:

Bk. i, ch. 2 of the life of Apollonius in the works of Philostratus as

edited by Gottfridus Olearius. Lipsiae, 1709. ὁμιλήσαντες μάγοις καὶ

πολλὰ δαιμόνια εἴποντες οὔπω ὑπήχθησαν τῇ τέχνῃ.

Footnote 147:

Indeed “magic,” though condemned, was popular, and charlatans calling

themselves “magi” did a thriving business.

Footnote 148:

Suetonius, Aug., ch. xc; _Tiber._, ch. lxix. Cited by W. E. H. Lecky.

_Hist. of European Morals_ (London, 1899), vol. i, p. 367. Lecky gives

a large amount of material on superstition in the Roman Empire.

Footnote 149:

_Nat. Hist._, bk. xxviii, ch. 5.

Footnote 150:

A. Bouché-Leclercq. “L’Astrologie dans le monde romain.” _Revue

Hist._, vol. lxv, pp. 249 _et seq._ If we may believe the Roman

historians, Tiberius was a devotee of astrology; Caligula was warned

of his death by the stars; Nero, among other acts dictated by his

trust in the art, ordered a number of executions in order to avoid the

evils threatened by a comet; Galba, the three Flavians and Vespasian

all had their astrologers; Titus was himself an adept in the art;

Domitian, when disposing of persons whom the stars designated as

dangerous, made the fatal error of sparing Nerva because the

constellations allowed him but a brief additional term of life; _etc._

Footnote 151:

_Revue Hist._, vol. lxv, p. 252.

Footnote 152:

_Nat. Hist._, bk. xxx, ch. 1, and Tacitus, _Annals_, bk. vi, ch. 22

(28 in some editions).

Footnote 153:

Carolus Gottlob Kuhn. _Claudii Galeni Opera Omnia._ (Lipsiae, 1821, 19

vols.), vol. xii, p. 362. _De simplicium medicamentorum temperamentis

ac facultatibus._

Footnote 154:

_De diebus decretoriis_, _ibid._, vol. ix, pp. 901 _et seq._ πάντων

μὲν τῶν ἄνωθεν ἄστρων ἀπολαύομεν τῆς δυνάμεως.

Footnote 155:

“Quod optimus medicus sit quoque philosophus.” _Ibid._, vol. i, p. 53.

Footnote 156:

Vacherot, _L’Ecole d’Alexandria_, vol. ii, p. 115.

Footnote 157:

Ricardus Volkmann, _Plotini Enneades_, Lipsiae (Teubner) 1883. Ennead

ii, ch. iii, sec. 7. ἀλλ’ εἰ σημαίνουσιν οὗτοι τὰ ἐσόμενα, ὥσπερ φαμὲν

πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα σημαντικὰ εἶναι τῶν ἐσομένων, τί ἂν τὸ ποιοῦν εἴη; καὶ

ἡ τάξις πῶς; οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐσημαίνετο τεταγμένως μὴ ἑκάστων γιγνομένων.

ἔστω τοίνυν ὣσπερ γράμματα ἐν οὐρανῷ γραφόμενα ἀεὶ ἢ γεγραμμένα καὶ

κινούμενα, ποιοῦντα μέντοι ἔργον καὶ ἄλλο. ἐπακολουθείτω δὲ τῷδε ἡ

παρ’ αὐτῶν σημασία, ὡς ἀπὸ μιᾶς ἀρχῆς ἐν ἑνὶ ζῴῳ παρ’ ἄλλου μέρους

ἄλλο ἄν τις μάθοι. καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἦθος ἄν τις γνοίη εἰς ὀφθαλμούς τινος

ἰδὼν ἤ τι ἄλλο μέρος τοῦ σώματος καὶ κινδύνους καὶ σωτηρίας. καὶ οὖν

μέρη μὲν ἐκεῖνα, μέρη δὲ καὶ ἡμεῖς. ἄλλα οὖν ἂλλοις. μεστὰ δὲ πάντα

σημείων καὶ σοφός τις ὁ μαθὼν ἐξ ἄλλου ἄλλο. πολλὰ δὲ ἤδη συνηθείᾳ

γιγνόμενα γινώσκεται πάσι. τίς οὖν ἡ οὐνταξις ἡ μία; οὕτω γὰρ καὶ τὸ

κατὰ τοὺς ὄρνεις εὔλογον καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ξῷα, ἀφ’ ὦν σημαινόμεθα ἕκαστα.

συνηρτῆσθαι δὴ δει ἀλλήλοις τὰ πάντα, καὶ μὴ μόνον ἐν ἑνὶ τῶν καθ’

ἕκαστα τοῦ εὖ εἰρομένου σύμπνοια μία, ἀλλὰ πολὺ μᾶλλον καὶ πρότερον ἐν

τῷ παντί. This entire third chapter of the _Ennead_ deals with the

subject. περὶ τοῦ εἰ ποιεῖ τὰ ἄστρα.

See _The Philosophy of Plotinus_, Dunlap Printing Co., Phila., 1896,

page 40, for further references to passages in his works giving his

views anent astrology. He believed that the souls of the dead are

still able to benefit men and to inspire with powers of divination.

_Ennead_, iv, ch. vii, sec. 15.

Footnote 158:

Page 66, note 1.

Footnote 159:

_Apologia_, ch. iii. Even if the oration was a satire and not a speech

actually delivered, the inferences to be drawn from it would be

practically the same.

Footnote 160:

Apuleius may have been guilty of attempting to practice magic.

Certainly he believed in its possibility. He affirmed the existence of

subordinate gods, or demons,—interpreters and ambassadors between

mankind and the superior gods, who live far away from us and have no

direct concern with our affairs. The demons, he believed, were

susceptible to human influence and capable of working marvels. He

stated that the art of divination was due to them. See his _De Deo

Socratis_.

Footnote 161:

_Apologia_, ch. xxvii. Evidently hostility to magic did not commence

with Christianity. Not even, as Roger Bacon thought, did the practice

of confusing philosophy with magic originate among Christian writers.

Bridges, _Opus Maius_, vol. i, p. 29.

Footnote 162:

See Philo’s treatise _De Cherubim_, cited in vol. ii, p. 243, of Rev.

James Drummond’s _Philo Judaeus; or The Jewish-Alexandrian Philosophy

in its Development and Completion_ (2 vols., London, 1888). Concerning

Philo see also Edouard Herriot, _Philon le Juif_ (Paris, 1898), where

a full bibliography of Philonian and Jewish-Alexandrian literature may

be found. A third important secondary book on Philo is by Siegfried:

_Philo von Alexandria_ (Jena, 1875).

Footnote 163:

Drummond, vol. i, p. 13.

Footnote 164:

_Stromata_, bk. v, ch. 9. Nor was such mysticism advocated by

theological writers alone. Roger Bacon—but one instance from

many—declared that one lessened the majesty of knowledge who divulged

its mysteries, and even went to the length of enumerating seven

methods by which the arcana of philosophy and science might be

concealed from the crowd (_a vulgo_), _De Secretis Artis et Naturae et

de Nullitate Magiae_. Rolls Series, vol. xv, pp. 543–544.

Footnote 165:

_De Civitate Dei_, bk. xi, ch. 30.

Footnote 166:

“Aliquando _De Motu Terrarum_ volumen iuvenis ediderim.” L. Annaei

Senecae _Naturalium Quaestionum Libri Septem_, bk. vi, ch. 4. The

edition by G. D. Koeler, Gottingen, 1819 has convenient summaries

indicating contents at the head of each book, and devotes several

hundred pages to a “Disquisitio” and “Animadversiones” upon Seneca’s

work. In Pancoucke’s _Library_, vol. cxxxxvii, a French translation

accompanies the text.

Footnote 167:

“Veniet tempus, quo posteri nostri tam aperta nos nescisse mirentur.

Harum quinque stellarum ... modo coepimus scire.” Bk. vii, ch. 25.

Footnote 168:

Bk. vii, ch. 31. “Non semel quaedam sacra traduntur. Eleusin servat

quod ostendit revisentibus. Rerum natura sacra sua non simul tradit.

Initiatos nos credimus; in vestibule eius haeremus. Illa arcana non

promiscue nec omnibus patent; reducta et in interiore sacrario clausa

sunt.”

Footnote 169:

Bk. iv, ch. 7. “Et apud nos in duodecim tabulis cavetur ne quis

alienos fructus excantassit. Rudis adhuc antiquitas credebat et

attrahi imbres cantibus, et repelli; quorum nihil posse fieri, tam

palam est, ut huius rei causa nullius philosophi schola intranda sit.”

Footnote 170:

Bk. v, ch. 6 for animals being generated in flames.

Bk. ii, ch. 31 for snakes struck by lightning.

Bk. iii, ch. 25 for the Nile. Bk. iii _passim_, for marvelous

fountains, _etc._

Footnote 171:

Bk. iii, ch. 25.

Footnote 172:

Bk. iii, ch. 26.

Footnote 173:

Bk. ii, ch. 32. “Quidquid fit, alicuius rei futurae signum est.”

Footnote 174:

Bk. ii, ch. 46.

Footnote 175:

Bk. i, ch. 1.

Footnote 176:

Bk. vii, ch. 30. “Egregie Aristoteles ait, numquam nos verecundiores

esse debere, quam quum de diis agitur. Si intramus templa compositi,

si ad sacrificium accesuri vultum submittimus, togam adducimus, si in

omne argumentum modestiae fingimur; quanto hoc magis facere debemus,

quum de sideribus, de stellis, de deorum natura disputamus, ne quid

temere, ne quid impudenter, aut ignorantes affirmemus, aut scientes

mentiamur?”

Footnote 177:

Bk. ii, ch. 10.

Footnote 178:

Bk. vii, ch. 28. “Chaldean” was often used to denote an astrologer

without reference to the person’s nationality.

Footnote 179:

Bk. ii, ch. 32. “Quinque stellarum potestatem Chaldaeorum observatio

excepit. Quid tu? tot millia siderum judicas otiosa lucere? Quid est

porro aliud, quod errorem incutiat peritis natalium, quam quod paucis

nos sideribus assignant: quum omnia quae supra nos sunt, partem sibi

nostri vindicent? Submissiora forsitan in nos propius vim suam

dirigunt; et ea quae frequentius mota aliter nos, aliter cetera

animalia prospiciunt. Ceterum et illa quae aut immota sunt, aut

propter velocitatem universo mundo parem immotis similia, non extra

ius dominiumque nostri sunt. Aliud aspice et distributis rem officiis

tractas. Non magis autem facile est scire quid possint, quam dubitari

debet, an possint.”

Footnote 180:

Bk. iii, ch. 29.

Footnote 181:

Bk. ii, ch. 32. Seneca has been describing other manifestations of the

“divina et subtilis potentia” of thunderbolts; he proceeds, “Quid,

quod futura portendunt: nec unius tantum aut alterius rei signa dant,

sed saepe totum fatorum sequentium ordinem nuntiant, et quidem

decretis evidentibus, longeque clarioribus, quam si scriberentur?”

Footnote 182:

His discussion of divination by thunderbolts is contained in bk. ii,

ch. 31–50.

Footnote 183:

The edition of the _Tetrabiblos_ which I used is that by Philip

Melanchthon, 1553. It gives the Greek text, a Latin translation and an

introduction of interest, in which Melanchthon affirms his own more

modest trust in astrology.

Two other treatises of considerable length setting forth the

principles of astrology and which have come down to us from the Roman

Empire, are a poem consisting of five books of about 900 lines each by

Manilius, probably of the Augustan age; and a prose treatise in eight

books, and apparently left unfinished, by Firmicus who was a

Neo-Platonist of about 350 A. D. M. Manilii _Astronomicon_, London,

1828, Delphin edition. Iulii Firmici Materni _Matheseos Libri VIII_,

(ediderunt W. Kroll et K. Skutsch, Lipsiae, 1897, 2 vols., Teubner

edition). The essay on astrology purporting to be by Lucian is

probably spurious.

Footnote 184:

“C’était la capitulation de la science.” _Rev. Hist._, vol. lxv, p.

257, note 3.

Footnote 185:

Roger Bacon, _Opus Minus_, Rolls Series, vol. xv, p. 313, speaks of

“Hermes Mercurius, pater philosophorum.”

Footnote 186:

_Stromata_, bk. vi, ch. 4.

Footnote 187:

Ammianus Marcellinus, however, writing during the latter fourth

century, says of Egypt: “Hic primum homines longe ante alios ad varia

religionum incunabula, ut dicitur, pervenerunt et initia prima

sacrorum caute tuentur condita scriptis arcanis.” Bk. xxii, ch. xvi,

sec. 20. Again, in bk. xxii, ch. xiv, sec. 7, Ammianus speaks of the

Egyptian mystical books as still extant.

Footnote 188:

F. J. Champagny, _Les Antonins_, vol. iii, p. 81 (Paris, 1863).

Footnote 189:

See article on “Hermes” in _La Grande Encyclopédie_ by Berthelot who

has made an extended study of the history of alchemy; and who, in his

_La Chimie au Moyen Age_ holds that Greek alchemistic treatises were

continuously extant in Italy during the Dark Ages—a circumstance which

diminishes the importance of Arabian influence on the study of the

hermetic art in the later Middle Ages.

Footnote 190:

See Anthon’s _Classical Dictionary_, 1855 (no adequate account of

Hermes Trismegistus exists in any of the more recent classical

dictionaries).

Footnote 191:

The _Poemander_ (or _Pymander_) has been reproduced in the Bath

_Occult Reprint Series_ (London, 1884) from the translation “from the

Arabic by Dr. Everard, 1650.” It has an introduction by Hargrave

Jennings, “author of the Rosicrucians,” giving some account of Hermes

Trismegistus. Vol. ii in the same Bath _Occult Reprint Series_—which

seems to have been instituted on behalf of “students of the occult

sciences, searchers after truth and Theosophists”—is Hermes’ _Virgin

of the World_. Besides Berthelot’s article, an account of Hermes may

be found in pages 181–190 of _The Literary Remains of the late Emanuel

Deutsch_ (London, 1879). There is a French translation of the

_Poemander_ by Menard with an introductory essay which, however,

Deutsch characterized as “deplorably shallow.”

Footnote 192:

J. B. Bury, _Later Roman Empire_ (N. Y., 1899), vol. i, p. 208.

Footnote 193:

_De Divinatione_, bk. i, ch. 58. “Haec habui, inquit, de divinatione

quae dicerem. Nunc illa testabor non me sortilegos neque eos qui

quaestus causa hariolentur, ne psychomantia quidem quibus Appius

amicus tuus uti solebat, agnoscere.”

Footnote 194:

For the arguments of Favorinus, see Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_,

bk. xiv; ch. 1. (Delphin & Variorum Classics [1824] ex editione Jacobi

Gronovii.) Fragments of Favorinus’s writings are also to be found in

Stobæus.

The edition of the _Opera_ of Sextus Empiricus which I used was that

by Johannes Albertus Fabricus, (Lipsiae, 1718), giving the Greek text

and a Latin translation.

For Cicero’s arguments, see _De Divinatione_, bk. ii, chs. 42–47.

Footnote 195:

“Adversum istos qui sese chaldæos seu genethliacos appellant, ac de

motu deque positu stellarum dicere posse, quae futura sunt,

profitentur, audivimus quondam Favorinum philosophum Romae Graece

disserentem egregia atque illustri oratione; exercendine autem, anne

ostentandi gratia ingenii, an quod ita serio judicatoque existimaret,

non habeo dicere.” _Noctes Atticae_, bk. xiv, ch. 1, sect. 1. A

foot-note in the Delphin edition expresses preference in place of the

words “exercendine autem, anne ostentendi” for the shorter reading

“exercendi autem, non ostentandi”—which reading is adopted by Hertz in

his edition of the year, 1885.

Footnote 196:

“Disciplinam istam Chaldaeorum tantae vetustatis non esse, quantae

videri volunt; neque eos principes eius auctoresque esse, quos ipsi

ferant: sed id praestigiarum atque offuciarum genus commentos esse

homines aeruscatores, et cibum quaestumque ex mendaciis captantes.”

_Noctes Atticae_, bk. xiv, ch. 1, sect. 2.

Footnote 197:

For instance, the charge that astrologers disregard the differing

aspects of the heavens in different regions does not hold true in the

case of Ptolemy. Also the objection to the doctrine of nativities,

that men born at different times often suffer a common fate in battle

or some such general disaster, is a weak argument at best, for the

fact that you and I are born under different stars does not

necessitate that our careers have absolutely nothing in common, and it

was nullified by Ptolemy’s explanation that great general events like

earthquakes, wars, floods and plagues overrule any contradictory

destiny which the constellations may seem to portend for the

individual. See Bouché-Leclercq, _Rev. Hist._, vol. lxv, p. 268.

Footnote 198:

Similarly Favorinus declared that, if the different fate of twins was

to be explained by the fact that after all they are not born at

precisely the same moment, then to determine one’s destiny the time of

his birth and the position of the stars at the same instant must be

measured with an exactness practically impossible. “Atque id velim

etiam, inquit, ut respondeant: si tam parvum atque rapidum est

momentum temporis, in quo homo nascens fatum accipit, ut in eodem illo

puncto, sub eodem circulo coeli, plures simul ad eamdem competentiam

nasci non queant; et si idcirco gemini quoque non eadem vitae sorte

sunt, quoniam non eodem temporis puncto editi sunt; peto, inquit,

respondeant, cursum illum temporis transvolantis, qui vix cogitatione

animi comprehendi potest, quonam pacto aut consulto assequi queant,

aut ipsi perspicere et deprehendere; quum in tam praecipiti dierum

noctiumque vertigine minima momenta ingentes facere dicant

mutationes.” _Noctes Atticae_, bk. xiv, ch. 1, sect. 10.

Footnote 199:

Favorinus declares that the astrologers may congratulate themselves

that he does not propose such a question to them as that of astral

influence on minute animals; Cicero says that if all animals are to be

subjected to the stars, then inanimate things must be too, than which

nothing could be more absurd.

“Illud autem condonare se iis dicebat, quod non id quoque requireret,

si vitae mortisque hominum rerumque humanarum omnium tempus et ratio

et causa in coelo et apud stellas foret, quid de muscis aut vermiculis

aut echinis, multisque aliis minutissimis terra marique animantibus,

dicerent? An ista quoque isdem, quibus homines, legibus nascerentur,

isdemque itidem exstinguerentur.” Aulus Gellius, _Noctes Atticae_, bk.

xiv, ch. 1, sect. 12.

“Et si ad rem pertinet, quo modo coelo affecto compositisque sideribus

quodque animal oriatur; valeat id necesse est etiam in rebus inanimis.

Quo quid dici potest absurdius?” _De Divin._, bk. ii, ch. 47.

Favorinus, however, does hint in one place that the sole evidence that

we possess of any influence of the stars upon us is a few such causal

connections as that between the phases of the moon and the tides of

the ocean.

Footnote 200:

Ptolemy made a fair retort to this argument by holding that

foreknowledge, even if it could not enable us to avoid the coming

event, at least served the purpose of breaking the news gently and

saving us the more vivid shock which the actual event, if unexpected,

would cause by its raw reality.

Footnote 201:

See T. Schiche, _De Fontibus Librorum Ciceronis qui sunt de

Divinatione_, (Jena, 1875) and K. Hartfelder, _Die Quellen von Ciceros

zwei Büchern de Divinatione_ (Freiburg, 1878).

Footnote 202:

Bk. i, ch. 39. “Neque ante philosophiam patefactam, quae nuper inventa

est, hac de re communis vita dubitavit; et postea, quam philosophia

processit, nemo aliter philosophus sensit, in quo modo esset

auctoritas. Dixi de Pythagora, de Democrite, de Socrate; excepi de

antiques praeter Xenophanem neminem; adiunxi veterem academiam,

peripateticos, stoicos. Unus dissentit Epicurus.” This trust in

tradition, it may be here observed, formed one of the chief grounds

for mediæval belief in magic as well.

Footnote 203:

Bk. ii, ch. 11. “Hoc ego philosophi non arbitror, testibus uti, qui

aut casu veri aut malitia falsi fictique esse possunt. Argumentis et

rationibus oportet quare quidque ita sit docere, non eventis, iis

praesertim quibus mihi liceat non credere.”

Footnote 204:

Bk. ii, ch. 33. “Errabat enim multis in rebus antiquitas.”

Footnote 205:

Bk. ii, ch. 36.

Footnote 206:

As Tully (bk. ii, ch. 5) puts it, “Quae enim praesentiri aut arte aut

ratione aut usu aut conjectura possunt, ea non divinis tribuenda putas

sed peritis.”

Footnote 207:

Bk. i, ch. 50.

Footnote 208:

Bk. ii, chs. 3, 4.

Footnote 209:

We saw Pliny use “mathematicae artes” as an equivalent of divination

or astrology.

Footnote 210:

Bk. ii, ch. 15.

Footnote 211:

Bk. ii, ch. 16. “Urbem philosophiae, mihi crede, proditis dum castella

defenditis. Nam dum aruspicinam veram esse vultis, physiologiam totam

pervertitis. Caput est in jecore, cor in extis: iam abscedet, simul ac

molam et vinum insperseris; deus id eripiet, vis aliqua conficiet, aut

exedet. Non ergo omnium interitus atque obitus natura conficiet; et

erit aliquid quod aut ex nihilo oriatur, aut in nihilum subito

occidat. Quis hoc physicus dixit unquam? Aruspices dicunt? His igitur

quam physicis potius credendum existimas?”

Footnote 212:

Bk. ii, ch. 28.

Footnote 213:

Bk. ii, ch. 12.

Footnote 214:

Bk. ii, ch. 19.

Footnote 215:

Bk. ii, ch. 12. “Atqui divina cum rerum natura tanta tamque praeclara

in omnes partes motusque diffusa, quid habere potest commune, non

dicam gallinacum fel (sunt enim qui vel argutissima haec exta esse

dicant) sed tauri opimi jecur aut cor aut pulmo, quid habet naturale,

quo declarari possit quid futurum sit?”

Footnote 216:

“Deinde est hominum generi prosperus et salutaris ille fulgor qui

dicitur Jovis. Tum rutilus horribilisque terris, quem Martium dicitis.

Deinde subter mediam fere regionem Sol obtinet, dux et princeps et

moderator luminum reliquorum, mens mundi et temperatio,” _etc._

Footnote 217:

“Nam cum aetas tua septenos octies solis anfractus reditusque

converterit, duoque hi numeri, quorum uterque plenus, alter altera de

causa habetur, circuitu naturali summam tibi fatalem confecerint,

_etc._”

Footnote 218:

These recipes are given in Frazer’s _Golden Bough_, vol. i, p. 23,

from the _De Medicamentis_ of Marcellus, bk. xv, ch. 82 and bk. xxxiv,

ch. 100.

Footnote 219:

Ammianus Marcellinus. _Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt._ F.

Eyssenhardt recensuit. Berlin, 1871. Book xxviii, ch. iv, sec. 24.

“Multi apud eos negantes esse superas potestates in caelo, nec in

publico prodeunt nec prandent nec lavari arbitrantur se cautius posse,

antequam ephemeride scrupulose sciscitata didicerint, ubi sit verbi

gratia signum Mercurii, vel quotam cancri sideris partem polum

discurrens optineat luna.” Very likely, however, Ammianus—whom we

shall see defending divination in general—himself cherished a moderate

trust in astrology and was rather satirizing the infidelity of the

nobles—their inconsistency in so minutely ruling their lives by the

planets when they denied the existence of “superas potestates _in

caelo_.” There is an English translation of Ammianus by C. D. Yonge

(London, 1862; Bohn Library).

Footnote 220:

_Ibid._, bk. xxii, ch. xvi, sec. 18. “Pro omni tamen experimento

sufficiat medico ad commendandam artis auctoritatem, si Alexandriae se

dixerit eruditum.”

Footnote 221:

_Ibid._, bk. xxii, ch. xvi, sec. 17. “Et quamquam veteres cum his,

quorum memini floruere conplures, tamen ne nunc quidem in eadem urbe

doctrinae variae silent; nam et disciplinarum magistri quodam modo

spirant et nudatur ibi geometrico radio quidquid reconditum latet,

nondumque apud eos penitus exaruit musica nec harmonica conticuit, et

recalet apud quosdam adhuc licet raros consideratio mundani motus et

siderum, doctique sunt numeros haud pauci; super his scientiam callent

quae fatorum vias ostendit.”

Footnote 222:

Bk. xxii, ch. xii, sec. 8.

Footnote 223:

Bk. xxi, ch. i, sec. 7. “Et quoniam erudito et studioso cognitionum

omnium principi malivoli praenoscendi futura pravas artes adsignant,

advertendum est breviter unde sapienti viro hoc quoque accidere

poterit doctrinae genus haud leve. Elementorum omnium spiritus, utpote

perennium corporum praesentendi motu semper et ubique vigens ex his

quae per disciplinas varias affectamus, participat nobiscum munera

divinandi; et substantiales potestates ritu diverso placatae, velut ex

perpetuis fontium venis vaticina mortalitati subpeditant verba.”

Footnote 224:

Bk. xxi, ch. i, sec. 13.

Footnote 225:

Bk. xxi, ch. i, sec. 14. “Unde praeclare hoc quoque ut alia Tullius

‘signa ostenduntur’ ait ‘a dis rerum futurarum.’” “Dis” seem to be

practically identical in Ammianus’s mind with natural forces.

Footnote 226:

Περὶ ἐνυπνίων. (_On Dreams_) ch. 2. _Synesii Cyrenâei Quae Extant

Opera Omnia._ Io. Georgius Krabinger. Landishuti, MDCCCL. Tomus I. All

following references to and quotations from the works of Synesius

apply to this edition. There is a French translation with several

introductory essays by H. Druon, Paris, 1878. For an account in

English of Synesius and his writings see W. S. Crawford, _Synesius the

Hellene_, London, 1901. See also, H. O. Taylor, _Classical Heritage of

the Middle Ages_, pp. 78–82, New York, 1901. This interesting work

gives illustrations in various fields of the continuity of culture

during the transition from Roman times to the Middle Ages.

Footnote 227:

Περὶ ἐνυπνίων (_On Dreams_) ch. 3. Ἔδει γαρ, οἶμαι, τοῦπαντὸς τούτου

συμπαθοῦς τε ὄντος καὶ σύμπνου τὰ μέρη προσήκειν άλλήλοις, ἅτε ἑνὸς

ὅλου τὰ μέλη τυγχάνοντα. Καὶ μή ποτε αἱ μάγων ἵυγγες αὖται· καὶ γὰρ

θέλγεται παρ άλλήλων, ὢσπερ σημαίνεται· καὶ σοφὸς ὁ εἰδὼς τὴν τῶν

μερῶν τοῦ κόσμου συγγένειαν. Ἔλκει γὰρ ἄλλο δἰ ἄλλου, ἔχων ἐνέχυρα

παρόντα τῶν πλεῖστον ἀπόντων, καὶ φωνὰς, καὶ ὔλας καὶ σχήματα....

Evidently Synesius did not regard the magi as mere imposters.

Footnote 228:

Περὶ ἐνυπνίων, ch. 3. Καὶ δὴ καὶ θεῷ τινὶ τῶν εἴσω τοῦ κόσμου λίθος

ἐνθένδε καὶ βοτάνη προσήκει, οἴς ὁμοιοπαθῶν εἴκει τῇ φύσει καὶ

γοητεύεται. In his _Praise of Baldness_ (Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον), ch. 10,

Synesius tells how the Egyptians attract demons by magic influences.

Footnote 229:

Περι ἐνυπνίων, ch. 1. Αὐται μὲν ἀποδείξεις ἔστων τοῦ μαντείαν ἐν τοῖς

ἀρίστοις εἶναι τῶν ἐπιτηδευομένων ἀνθρώποις.

Footnote 230:

_Ibid._, ch. 18.

Footnote 231:

Φαλάκρας ἐγκώμιον, ch. 10.

Footnote 232:

Αἰγύπτιοι ἤ περὶ προνοίας, bk. ii, ch. 7.

Footnote 233:

Πρὸς παιόνιον περί τοῦ δώρον, ch. 5.

Footnote 234:

Δίων, ch. 7. Περι ἑνυπνίων, ch. 4. Ἐπιστολαί, 4 and 49.

Footnote 235:

“Universa philosophiae integritas.” Commentary on _Dream of Scipio_,

bk. ii, ch. 17. For Macrobius on Virgil see T. R. Glover, _Life and

Letters in the Fourth Century A. D._ (Cambridge, Eng., 1901), p. 181,

and Macrobius, _Saturnalia_, bk. i, ch. xvi, sec. 12. Macrobius has

been edited in French and Latin by Nisard. Paris, 1883.

Footnote 236:

_Commentary_, bk. i, chs. 5 and 6; ii, ch. 1 and 2.

Footnote 237:

_Ibid._, bk. i, ch. 7.

Footnote 238:

_Ibid._, bk. i, ch. 19.

Footnote 239:

_Commentary_, bk. i, ch. 14.

Footnote 240:

Glover, _op cit._, p. 178.

Footnote 241:

Glover, _op cit._, p. 187, note 1.

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------------------------------------------------------------------------

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and variations in

spelling.

2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed.

3. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_.