CHAPTER X.

A NIGHT OF TERROR AT PITTSBURGH.

The Culmination—A Sea of Fire—Death-Dealing Volleys—The Spirit of

Desolation Lighting the Torch of Destruction—A Horrible Spectacle—A

Reign of Terror—The Commune Gains a Brief but Fearful Ascendancy—The

City Sacked by a Howling Mob—An end of all Lawful Authority—The

Ghouls of Pillage Abroad in the Glare of the Devouring

Fires—Millions of Property Resolved into Smoke and Ashes.

The condition of affairs at Pittsburgh had become alarming in the

extreme. The concentration of military forces instead of having a

tendency to cool down the ardor of the strikers, and overawe the vicious

elements of society, seemed to have a contrary effect. The malcontents

had increased in numbers with astonishing rapidity. The bands of

strikers which numbered no more than a few hundreds at most, the morning

of the preceding day, had been re-enforced by a mob of idlers and tramps

numbering many thousands. The law-abiding citizens were in a state of

alarm and trepidation. To employ the language of Statius: “They stood in

silent astonishment and waited for the fall of the yet doubtful

thunderbolt.”[1] But the surging masses of the strikers and the mob were

neither silent nor astonished. They were intoxicated by an excitement

which prevented reflection. They neither knew when nor cared how the

impending bolt would fall. They were ready to rejoice at the havoc it

would make. Vast multitudes of men of the lowest character, actuated by

the most brutal passions, were assembled for the sole purpose of

inaugurating a reign of terror among the people, and to light the torch

of destruction in the city.

Footnote 1:

Modified in translation. In the original, _Mirantur taciti et dubio

pro fulmine pendent_.

[Illustration: THE GREAT STRIKE DESTRUCTION OF THE UNION DEPOT AND HOTEL

AT PITTSBURGH—DRAWN BY FRED R. SCHELL]

Clamoring for a redress of grievances which they were unable to

formulate, or distinctly specify, the mighty throngs of uneasy spirits

who had been called into action in consequence of the railroad strikes,

were preparing to commit the most heinous crimes against the peace and

order of society. These men had no grievances to be redressed. They were

the vagrants of our modern social organization. They prated of the

downfall of liberty, when in truth they did not have a comprehension of

the meaning of the word. Liberty is a proud spirit; it regards

government as the true instrument of human happiness, and resists it

when it becomes manifestly prejudicial to happiness. But liberty only

flashes out against the government which murders innocent men, and

dishonors women. Liberty is force of character, roused by the sense of

wrong. But it is consistent with a sense of duty and a willingness to

bear just restraint, and uncombined with these it achieves nothing

lasting. Then it becomes the ally of turbulence, the enemy of

discipline. The elements which had combined against law and order in

Pittsburgh were not in rebellion against a government, but against the

whole social organization. They had known no oppression; on the contrary

they enjoyed a liberty which amounted to license—a license that enabled

them to secure a living without labor.

It must be borne in mind that the characters here alluded to, were not

the strikers but the vicious idlers, who had taken advantage of the

strikes to commit lawless deeds. The lawlessness among the strikers was

manifested in another way. They seized the property of their employers,

they violated the fundamental law of the right to private property; they

said in effect, “we are not receiving sufficient pay to sustain life, we

will therefore quit our employment, and will not permit our employers to

secure the services of other men to take our places.” This was violation

of law, and should be unqualifiedly condemned. But it was not a warfare

of destruction. The railroad strikers, as a mass, never had any purpose

of destroying anything. They could have destroyed untold millions of

dollars worth of property, all along the lines of the railroads which

they had seized, and possession of which they retained for many days.

Why could they not have burned every car on the line of the Baltimore

and Ohio Railroad? Why could not the strikers of East St. Louis, during

the five days they held possession, and even guarded property worth

millions of dollars, have destroyed it? There was nothing to prevent

them only their own determination not to destroy. On the contrary, the

whole history of the movement shows conclusively that the railroad men

on a strike had no disposition to destroy. They were not incendiaries,

not thieves, not murderers. They were guardians of the property of their

employers. If they had been actuated by a purpose to lay waste and burn,

there was no adequate force to prevent their executing that purpose. As

a mass, the railroad employes are far more honest than the majority of

railroad managers. They indeed violated law, and in a manner that

subjected them to punishment. But they were less guilty than the

speculators and autocrats, who have plundered the general public to the

extent of millions of dollars. There were bad men among the strikers—men

who would not hesitate at almost any crime. There are had men in all

classes of society. Dangerously bad men are found among those who are

leaders in the commercial and financial world. But because some railroad

laborers are bad men, shall we therefore stigmatize all railroad

laborers as bad? That would be injustice. There were some railroad men,

no doubt, among the mob who resisted the military and applied the torch

to millions of dollars worth of property. Indeed, we have positive

evidence that a few railroad men were active in promoting the riot. But

they were no more representative of the whole body of railroad men than

was William M. Tweed of the whole body of office-holders in the country.

This statement appears necessary because of the efforts which have been

made to fix upon the railroad men the direct responsibility for the

deeds of violence committed by the Pittsburgh mob of roughs. There were

deeds of cruelty perpetrated by soldiers of the Federal and Confederate

armies during the late war. But it would be manifestly unjust to charge

that all soldiers of the Federal and Confederate armies were inhuman and

cruel, and still more repugnant to our sense of fairness, to hold the

whole people of the North and the South responsible for the deeds of

_some_ of the soldiers who were engaged in the war between the two

sections. The violence of the mob, the destruction of property, and the

general subversion of the social order in Pittsburgh, were not

necessarily even consequences of the strike, but were incidents in a

general disturbance. Those railroad men who promoted the violence,

doubtless acted upon their own responsibility, and that ought to

exonerate those who not only did not actively participate in the

extraordinary scenes of that night of terror in Pittsburgh, but who, on

the contrary, expressed their disapproval. It is but justice to say this

in relation to the crime committed at Pittsburgh, there is no evidence

that the railroad strikers, as a mass, were the instigators, or even the

abettors of the deeds of that dreadful occasion.

The storm which had been gathering for two days was ready to burst upon

the city in all its fury by the morning of the 21st of July. At an early

hour of that day, it was apparent that a collision could not be avoided,

and might happen at any time. During the morning the infantry forces of

Alleghany county, which had been called out for duty before, was

re-enforced by two batteries and two troops of cavalry which had been

called out. To these forces were added the First Division of the

National Guards of Pennsylvania, which had been called out at

Philadelphia the preceding night. This force under command of

Major-General Brinton, consisting of infantry, artillery and cavalry,

began to arrive on the scene in the morning, and before evening the

whole number had come up and had been assigned to posts of duty. These

preparations on the part of the Government of the State did not seem to

deter the strikers and the mob, on the contrary, these expressed the

greatest contempt for the military array, and freely mingled with the

soldiers, and boasted of their ability to speedily dispose of the whole

body of militia which had been concentrated to put them down.

Early in the morning a line of pickets was drawn from Twenty-eighth

street to the Union Depot, and civilians of all classes were prohibited

from approaching the tracks of the railroad. Meanwhile the civil

authorities were taking measures to proceed legally against the

ringleaders of the riotous crowds. Judge Ewing of the Court of Common

Pleas issued warrants for the arrest of a number of the most prominent

of the men among the disturbers. The Sheriff undertook to organize a

_posse comitatus_ of one hundred men to serve the warrants. In this he

was unsuccessful. About fifteen persons, mostly the regular deputies in

the Sheriff’s office, responded to the call. Two hundred and fifty

militia-men were ordered to support the civil officers in the discharge

of their duty.

About three o’clock in the afternoon the Sheriff heading his _posse_,

and followed by the military command, started out to execute the writs

which he held. They were never served on the persons, for whom they were

issued, by Sheriff Fife. The web of fate was already being wound around

him. He returned no more from that mission on which he had gone in the

performance of his official duty.

There are a great many statements in regard to the commencement of the

rioting. It is not easy to arrive at the truth in this particular case.

Where all was confusion, it was impossible to preserve a correct record

of events in the order of occurrence. The account here given is believed

to be in strict accordance with the facts, so far as they can be

ascertained at this time. The conflict had been expected to take place

all the morning. At half-past three o’clock in the afternoon Sheriff

Fife, accompanied by a _posse_ of fifteen men, and supported by General

Brinton in command of a considerable body of the Philadelphia militia,

started for the general rendezvous of the strikers and the mob at the

Twenty-eighth street crossing. The plan of procedure agreed upon between

the civil and military authorities, was for Sheriff Fife to proceed to

the rendezvous, attempt the arrest of the persons named in his warrants,

and if, as was anticipated, resistance was offered, to call upon the

militia for assistance. The brigade of General Brinton marched out along

the tracks, the Sheriff with his men preceding them. The Sheriff

arriving at the depot, proceeded to order the crowd to disperse. The mob

met this command with a storm of yells, shouts, threats and jeers. He

then announced his purpose to arrest the persons whom he named.

Meanwhile the military under General Brinton proceeded to clear the

tracks. At that point a large number of strikers and an immense crowd of

spectators had assembled. Much confusion ensued. The crowd of strikers

and the malcontents taunted the militia, and denounced them as “a pack

of sneaks and cowards.” However, they kept at a respectful distance from

the points of the bayonets which the soldiers presented. By this time it

was apparent that the immense throng of rioters could not be dispersed

by reading the riot act, or at the behest of the Sheriff. General

Brinton, Mr. Pitcairn and Sheriff Fife at this stage held a short

consultation. The riot act had been read and disregarded, and it was now

determined to proceed to more decisive measures. The Sheriff had

warrants for the arrest of fifteen persons among the strikers. General

Brinton and Mr. Pitcairn, assistant Superintendent of the Pennsylvania

Railroad, advised the Sheriff to proceed to make the arrest. At this

time the excitement was fearful. The strikers were furious. The vast mob

of the evil disposed elements of society were dangerously determined,

nor were the immense assemblage of substantial citizen-spectators wholly

indifferent as to the result. Their sympathies were with the strikers.

The Sheriff went forward to execute his mission. One man, whose name was

particularly singled out, was arrested. At that moment another man who

was wanted rushed forward, waved his hat aloft, and shouted “At them

boys! at them! give them hell!” As to what followed immediately upon

this movement accounts differ. But it appears before any actual

resistance by act was made, General Brinton ordered his men to fire.

This has been denied; but the weight of evidence favors the correctness

of the statement first made. Another writer who claims to have been

present asserts that the mob made a determined assault upon the

soldiers, by hurling a shower of missiles at them under the leadership

of George Martin, the man for whose arrest the Sheriff had a warrant. At

any rate a terrible fire was opened by the militia on the vast crowd of

strikers, the mob acting in concert with them, and the citizens who had

collected on the hill overlooking the track. The fire of the soldiers

was very destructive, sixteen persons were instantly killed. The

intelligence of this collision spread with amazing rapidity throughout

the city. The whole population was instantly emptied into the streets.

It appears that there was no sufficient cause for the fusilades of the

soldiers in this instance. If we take this account given of it by one

who evidently wrote with a strong bias in favor of the military, still

there does not appear to have been sufficient provocation to justify the

destructive fire into a crowd of people in which were many women and

children. The writer alluded to, says:

“When the line reached the depot they immediately cleared the crossing

amid the jeers and hootings of the strikers, who widely scattered

through the great crowd, there being not less than five thousand people

present. Consultation was then held by the officers in command with

Superintendent Pitcairn and the Sheriff, after which the latter

proceeded to read the riot act. Having warrants for the arrest of

fifteen of the ringleaders, he proceeded to make an arrest. The

particular man for whom the warrant was issued approached, waved his

hat, and calling to the crowd and strikers said, ‘Give them hell.’

Immediately a shower of boulders was hurled into the troops, and one

revolver-shot fired into the ranks. General Brinton then ordered his men

to fire, and the word went along the line from platoon to platoon until

the left of the line was reached, and then the firing was repeated

several times. The crowd fled in dismay, and hid wherever it was

possible. Immediately after the firing, crowds of excited people sprang

up, as if by magic, from all directions, and the imprecations against

the Philadelphia troops, who were blamed by the strikers and the mob as

being responsible for the trouble, were very threatening. It was a

noteworthy fact that hundreds of people in no way connected with the

railroad, expressed their determination to join with the strikers in

driving them from the city. These remarks were interspersed with loud

and bitter threats that the Company’s shops, depots and buildings should

at night be laid in ashes.”

Who “the excited people” were who “sprang up as if by magic, from all

directions,” this writer does not inform us. It could not have been the

terror stricken crowd which had “fled in dismay and hid wherever it was

possible,” but a moment before. Nor is it plain why “hundreds of people

in no way connected with the railroad, expressed their determination to

join with the strikers” in driving the Philadelphia troops from the

city.

The firing was repeated. Platoon after platoon poured showers of bullets

into the terror stricken company assembled on the bank overlooking the

railroad tracks. By this time the excitement had become dreadful, and

extended all over the city. There was a general condemnation of the

action of the militia among the citizens. The general impression was

that they had acted precipitately, and had needlessly sacrificed the

lives of a number of innocent persons. The billows of passion were

rolling with fearful sweep over the city. The night was closing in. The

scenes presented on the streets were intensely exciting. The experience

of the fusilades had produced only a still more dangerous condition of

feeling. The whole population seemed to have joined the rioters. Within

less than half an hour after the firing, the crowd about the

Twenty-eighth street crossing had swelled to fearful proportions. The

position of the Philadelphia troops was critical. The expressions of

bitterness against them was not confined to the strikers alone. The

soldiers were too few to protect the city. At eight o’clock the

multitude at Twenty-eighth street numbered not less than twenty

thousand. The threats were ominous. No pen can describe the scenes

witnessed that evening on the streets of Pittsburgh. The demoniac yells,

the loud profanity, the terrible threats, were united to swell the awful

volume of angry noises. It seemed as if the infernal regions had been

emptied of its myriads of fiends, who were released for the purpose of

enacting on earth the orgies of hell. There was little or no drunkenness

from the use of liquors, but there was an inebriation of terrible

passion in its manifestations. Men, women, old and young, high and low,

both sexes, all conditions, all orders, all classes in life, came forth

and joined the angry, surging tide of humanity that incessantly ebbed

and flowed through the streets of the fated city. Pittsburgh had entered

upon its night of woe. The Commune had risen in its dangerous might, and

threatened a deluge of blood. In the very center from which a large part

of the world’s supply of oil is drawn, the _petroleuses_ were apparently

ready to fill their cans and go forth as messengers of destruction.

Concerning the conflict at Twenty-eighth street which had taken place

between five and six o’clock, and which was one of the factors in, if

not the immediate cause of the terrible excitement which seized upon all

classes of the people, it is but proper to present the statements of

both sides in regard to the commencement. Lieutenant James P. Elliot,

Acting Adjutant General on the staff of General Matthews, commanding the

First Brigade of the First Division, who was a participant and eye

witness of what occurred, gives the following account of the first

encounter between the soldiery and the mob:

“The division under command of General Brinton, landed in Pittsburgh at

1:45 P. M. on Saturday, six hundred strong, the men each furnished with

thirty rounds of ammunition, accompanied by two Gatling guns obtained in

Harrisburg, in charge of the Keystone Battery. When the troops issued

from the cars in the Union Depot, they were met by a large number of

people, who appeared to be in perfect good humor, and even greeted them

with cheers. That the bloodshed that afterwards followed would take

place was, therefore, the last thing that entered the minds of the

soldiers. After luncheon of sandwiches and coffee had been served, the

troops remained in the depot until about half-past three o’clock, when

the First Brigade composed of the First Regiment, Companies B and C of

the Third, the Washington Greys and Weccacoe Legion, marched down the

track as far as Twenty-eighth street, accompanied by Vice President

Cassatt, Mr. Pitcairn, Superintendent of the Western Division of the

Pennsylvania Railroad, Sheriff Fife and forty-five deputies, armed with

writs for the arrest of prominent strikers. At Twenty-eighth street the

head of the column composed of the Weccacoe Legion and the Washington

Greys, found themselves confronted by a mob about two thousand strong,

while on the hill some four hundred feet high that faced the right of

the column, there were ranged an immense multitude at least ten thousand

strong. On the brow of the hill were stationed detachments of the

Fourteenth and Eighteenth Pennsylvania Regiments (Pittsburgh troops),

and immediately above the railroad two pieces of Hutchinson’s Pittsburgh

Battery. Sheriff Fife after in vain endeavoring to serve his writs, read

the riot act, at which the mob jeered and laughed, whereupon the Sheriff

and his deputies and Mr. Cassatt and Mr. Pitcairn retired in profound

disgust.

The troops were then deployed for the purpose of sweeping the mob from

the tracks, the Greys and Weccacoe Legion facing the two thousand or

more strikers that occupied the tracks. At the back of the command was a

train of coal cars, behind which there were about two hundred of the

strikers. In order to force the principal mob back, the soldiers of the

Greys and the Legion crossed their muskets, their intention being to

avoid doing the strikers injury. The crowd laughed and jeered and

finally attempted to wrest the muskets from the soldiers, who then came

to a charge bayonet, and in the melee that necessarily followed, one of

the strikers was wounded by a bayonet thrust. The cry arose from the

mob: ‘Stick to it; give it to them; don’t fall back!’ and the men behind

the coal cars began discharging pistols at the soldiers from under and

between the cars, while the crowd in front began heaving rocks, with

which a number of the soldiers were hit, and Sergeant Bernard of the

Weccacoe Legion seriously wounded. The firing by the troops then began.

There was no order given for it. It began with the discharge of a single

musket, and was immediately followed by an almost simultaneous discharge

from front and rear, right and left of the brigade. The firing lasted

about ten minutes, men continually dropping in the fast-retreating mob.

It was at this time that the Pittsburgh troops threw down their arms and

fraternized with the strikers, Hutchinson’s Battery and a cavalry

company alone excepted. Within five minutes after the firing ceased the

mob was back again, but refrained for a while from further assaults upon

the Philadelphians, and therefore there was no firing upon them. ‘It was

the most persistent mob,’ said Lieutenant Elliot, ‘I ever saw.’ The

brigade remained on the field of battle until six o’clock, when they

were ordered by General Pearson back to the roundhouse, adjoining which

is a building in which was stationed the second brigade.

The occurrence of an event such as that described above, could not fail

to arouse the people. The killing of several members of the Pittsburgh

militia by the Philadelphia troops, had the effect of intensifying the

feelings of animosity against them. The crowds gathering in that part of

the city were every moment becoming more demonstrative. The threats

against the troops were calculated to cause even veterans to feel uneasy

as to the result. The mob now outnumbered the soldiers at least seven to

one. The militia remained on the field of conflict for a time. Then

General Pearson fearing they would be surrounded and massacred by a

merciless mob, ordered a retreat to the roundhouse of the Pennsylvania

Company, and there prepared to resist the terrible mob of infuriated

workingmen and vagrants.

The dangerous propensities of the mob continued to develop. Before nine

o’clock had arrived, the law-abiding citizens of Pittsburgh were fully

sensible of the impending peril. The strikers were resolute and

determined. But the chief danger was in the presence of an immense

number of vagrants and tramps, idle miners, and roughs of every

character. Strange to say, there was a large element in the population

of Pittsburgh, who had the reputation of being respectable

people—tradesmen, householders, well-to-do mechanics and such, who were

witnesses of the progress of the turbulent mob, who not only did not

protest against their proceedings, but openly mingled with them, and

encouraged them to commit further deeds of violence.

About 9:15 o’clock, a large band of the rioters, started on a mission of

plunder. There were in the city a number of gun stores, and a number of

hardware dealers who kept guns and ammunition as a part of their stock

in trade. The location of these places of business, were well known to

the leaders of the predatory mob. They proceeded first to a large gun

and ammunition store, forced open the doors, and took from the premises

some four hundred guns of all classes, many of them being Winchester and

Henry rifles, such as obtained ready sale in the region adjacent to the

Upper Missouri river. A large amount of fixed ammunition was also taken.

Some five hundred repeating pistols with cartridges, were also taken

away by the rioters. The crowd then went successively to every gun and

hardware store in the city. More than two thousand guns of improved

pattern were taken, while the number of pistols, swords and knives, thus

taken could not be estimated. More than a hundred thousand dollars worth

of arms and ammunition, had thus come into the hands of the mob.

Meanwhile the troops had sought shelter and protection in the

roundhouse, where they were advised of the preparations of the mob to

take the offensive, and awaited the expected assault with many

misgivings as to their ability to resist the overwhelming force of the

rioters.

By eleven o’clock, the work of plundering the gun stores had been

completed, and a mob numbering not less than four thousand men, and

organized into something like military order, formed in line and marched

in two columns, one proceeding up Pennsylvania avenue, and the other

taking Liberty street to Twenty-eighth street. Here at least thirty

thousand people had assembled.

The scene presented at this time was truly awe-inspiring. The vast,

surging masses of people, including men, women and children, the fearful

tumult of a great multitude excited by angry passions, the shouts,

taunts, jeers, execrations, and passionate appeals to an already enraged

populace, the shrill screams of women, the cries of children, and the

curses of men, altogether, were calculated to produce a sensation of

alarm and terror, even in the breasts of the bravest.

On arriving at the scene of the late fusilades, at Twenty-eighth street,

the armed mob at once proceeded to attack the troops quartered in the

roundhouse. Volley after volley was poured into the windows, but

elicited no response from the soldiers within. The mob threatened to

massacre the whole division of the troops which had taken refuge there.

The numbers and determination of the armed mob indicated that this

expressed purpose was not merely an idle threat.

It was an hour fraught with momentous events. A city containing a

population of more one hundred and twenty thousand souls was without

law, in the complete possession of a vast mob, armed, vindictive, cruel,

destructive. Immense amounts of valuable property, arrested in transit,

filled long lines of freight cars on the railway tracks. Splendid stores

and luxuriously appointed mansions, were all placed at the mercy of a

mob which had set all law at defiance, a furious throng that

acknowledged responsibility to no authority. Municipal government was at

an end, police authority despised, even the Government of a great State

was set at naught. Three thousand armed militia, infantry, artillery,

and cavalry, the police force of some hundreds, the constabulary, all

were powerless in presence of the armed and enraged multitude of many

thousands. General Pearson and General Brinton, would most certainly

have been murdered if they could have been found. Murders of straggling

soldiers were being committed by the mob, whenever an opportunity

occurred. Sheriff Fife went out to the outer depot to endeavor to stay

the tide of lawlessness in that direction. But he was fated to return no

more alive. His dead body was brought in at a late hour from the place

where he had been shot.

The situation of the besieged militia was dangerous in the extreme. The

now thoroughly infuriated mob was making loud threats of an intention to

massacre the whole body of men. A committee of citizens proceeded to the

roundhouse where they were shut up, and begged them to depart from a

city they could not protect, while their presence only served to further

exasperate an angry populace.

Threats of burning and destroying had been freely indulged in by the bad

elements which composed the greater part of the howling mob that now

frantically assailed the military. These threats were the earnest of a

purpose. Midnight came. But there was no peace in the troubled city.

Then one o’clock, and then the fire-bells rang. The alarm came from

Twenty-eighth street. Everybody knew the dreadful significance of that.

Pittsburgh soon presented a scene terribly grand.

[Illustration: RIOTERS DISTRIBUTING STOLEN WHISKEY.]

Annals of the great strikes in the United States · 第 10 / 32 章