He bent down with a would-be comical manner of astonishment

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NO. 38.—VOL. I. SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 20, 1884. PRICE 1½_d._]

VACCINATION.

On the western side of Trafalgar Square, beneath the shadow of the

great sea-lion Admiral Lord Nelson, might have been seen, until

recently, the statue of a pensive-looking almost beardless man seated

in a chair. But a new location in Kensington Gardens has been selected

for this statue, which is that of Dr Jenner, the discoverer of

vaccination.

Edward Jenner was born at Berkeley, in Gloucestershire, in 1749, his

father being vicar of that place. He was apprenticed to a doctor at

Sudbury, and afterwards came to London, where for a time he served

under John Hunter. After taking his diploma, he returned to his native

place, and it was here that he practised his profession, and also made

that great discovery which has proved such an inestimable benefit to

mankind. When he had become famous, and universal appreciation bespoke

him a great man, he received many tempting offers and solicitations to

take up his abode in the metropolis; but nothing succeeded in enticing

him from the rural scenes amidst which his medical triumphs had been

conceived. His life sped tranquilly on amidst the rustics he loved so

well until the year 1823, when death somewhat suddenly terminated his

earthly career.

As the village and neighbourhood in which Jenner served his

apprenticeship was mostly a grazing country, he was thrown much amongst

farmers and their servants. At a time when smallpox was raging among

them, his attention was attracted by hearing a milkmaid say that she

had once caught cowpox from the cows, and therefore smallpox wouldn’t

hurt her. He was much struck with this remark; and on making inquiries,

he found it was a common belief about there, that whoever caught

this disease from the cows was not liable to take smallpox. It is

rather curious that just about the time that Jenner was making these

inquiries, the same fact had been noted in Sweden, and some inquiries

were also set on foot there to investigate the matter.

With that talent for close observation and investigation which

distinguished him, he pondered much over this remark of the milkmaid’s,

and made many inquiries of the medical men of the district. From them

he obtained but little encouragement; they had often heard the tale,

but had not much faith in it. The subject seems to have impressed

itself greatly on his mind; for we find him, some three years later,

when he was in London with John Hunter, mentioning it to him; and that

distinguished man appears to have been struck with Jenner’s earnestness

in the matter, and gave him good advice: ‘Don’t think, but try; be

patient; be accurate.’ This advice he perseveringly followed on his

return to his native place; and by careful experiments elaborated the

great life-saving truth, that cowpox might be disseminated from one

human being to another to the almost total extinction of smallpox.

The eastern practice of inoculation was first made known in this

country by Lady Wortley Montagu, who was the wife of our ambassador

at Constantinople, where she had seen it tried with good effect.

Inoculation consisted in transferring the matter of the _smallpox_

pustule from the body of one suffering from the disease to that of

one not as yet affected by the disease. It is a fact that the form

of smallpox thus communicated through the skin was less severe, and

consequently less fatal, than when taken naturally, as was abundantly

proved in this country. But, unfortunately, inoculated smallpox was

as _infectious_ as the natural smallpox—this fact forming the great

distinction between inoculation and vaccination. The inoculated person

became a centre of infection, and communicated it to many others. It

was found after the introduction of inoculation that the mortality from

smallpox increased from seventy-four to ninety-five in one thousand;

and many of those that recovered, lost the sight of one or both eyes,

or were otherwise disfigured. It is not to be wondered at, with such

a state of things as this existing, and the whole medical profession

at their wits’ end for a remedy, that Jenner should be looked upon, as

soon as vaccination became established, as a saviour of his race.

It was while the ravages of smallpox were being felt and deplored

over the whole country, that Jenner was quietly investigating and

experimenting in his native village; and gradually little facts and

incidents relating to cowpox were collected, until in his own mind an

opinion was firmly rooted that this disease communicated by the cow was

a safeguard against smallpox. About the time when he had formed this

opinion, an accidental case of cowpox occurred in his neighbourhood,

and he caused drawings of the pustules to be made, and took them with

him to London. He showed them to some of the most eminent surgeons

and physicians of the day, and explained his views; but from none of

them did he receive any encouragement, and from some, nothing but

ridicule. Fortunately, however, he was not a man to be easily turned

aside from a purpose, or disabused of an opinion that he saw good cause

for entertaining. On returning home, he was still as full of the idea

as ever, and determined to persevere in his efforts; although he saw

he must have proofs before he could get his professional brethren to

listen to his theories.

It was on the 14th May 1796—a day which is still commemorated in

Berlin as a festival—that a boy was vaccinated with matter taken

from the hands of a milkmaid. The disease was thus communicated to

the boy, and he passed through it satisfactorily. But now came the

anxious and critical trial for Jenner. The same boy on the 1st of

July following was inoculated with the smallpox virus, but he did not

take the disease. In 1798 Jenner published his first pamphlet _On

the Causes and Effects of Variola Vaccine_; and later, in the first

year of the present century, he wrote that it was ‘too manifest to

admit of controversy, that the annihilation of the smallpox, the most

dreadful scourge of the human species, must be the final result of this

practice.’ Soon after this, a parliamentary Committee investigated

and reported on the new discovery in terms of the most emphatic

approbation; and a declaration was signed by seventy of the chief

physicians and surgeons in London expressing their confidence in it.

The Royal Jennerian Society was formed, with Jenner as President; and

thirteen stations for the vaccination of the public were opened in

London, in the hope of exterminating smallpox.

Jenner’s essay which explained his discovery had in the meantime been

translated into several foreign languages, and had also found its way

to America, where President Jefferson vaccinated, by the help of his

sons-in-law, about two hundred of his friends and neighbours. From this

time forward, vaccination may be said to have taken a firm hold of the

civilised world.

That vaccination has not done all that was claimed that it would do

by Jenner, is true, as the occasionally recurring epidemics of the

disease only too fatally testify. But the gain from the time when

cities were depopulated and a large percentage of the whole human race

was scarred and disfigured by it, to a time when no such suffering

is now experienced, is a gain indeed, although it be but an imperfect

one. It is, however, almost beyond a doubt that had more attention

been primarily paid to vaccination, and had it not been performed in

the perfunctory manner in which it often was by medical men, we should

now be in a better position with regard to smallpox than we are at the

present moment. For it is a melancholy fact that although the first to

give vaccination to the world, England has not made such good use of

it as most other nations. Feeling secure in the relief which it gave

to the vast amount of mortality, we have in a measure let pretty well

alone, while other nations have meanwhile enormously profited by the

discovery.

It was Mr Simon, the late medical officer of the Privy Council, who

published three admirable Reports on the subject, and probably brought

together more practical truths on vaccination than had ever before been

collected, that gave an impetus some few years ago to further inquiry.

It was stated at that time, and with every appearance of truth, that

the vaccine lymph becomes enfeebled in its protective power by a long

course of transmissions from arm to arm. It was therefore proposed

that means should be taken for establishing a well-devised system of

renewal, which would be likely to give greater certainty of results

and afford more permanent protection. Various attempts and suggestions

were made in this country to introduce vaccine matter from its original

source, the cow, or, better still, from the calf; and Mr Ceeley, a

medical gentleman, who, like Jenner, worked hard at the subject amidst

the worries and anxieties of a private practice, made many experiments,

and did much to popularise the idea.

Early in 1882, the local government Board set up a small establishment

in London for the purpose of affording facilities for vaccination

directly from the animal. Some time previously, a case of spontaneous

cowpox was accidentally discovered at Bordeaux, and from this case our

government procured the virus which they are now imparting to a regular

succession of healthy calves, each of which, before undergoing the

ordeal, is carefully examined by a Privy-council veterinary officer,

to insure its being in perfect health. The animal is then weighed,

and led away for a few days to a comfortable stall, and fed on sweet

hay, new milk, and oil-cake. An animal taken in on Monday would on

Thursday be led into the vaccinating-room, and securely strapped to

the top of a table which is ingeniously constructed to tip down into

a vertical position. The top of the table is then thrown over and

secured horizontally, the calf lying upon its side, and presenting

the under surface of its body conveniently for the surgical part of

the proceeding. The hair is first shaved off, and then some slight

incisions about an inch long are made in the skin, and the virus

introduced. This operation is performed in one part of a large room

divided by a wooden partition. To the other part of the room, parents

will in a few days bring their children, and have them vaccinated

directly from the animal thus prepared, and may thus escape whatever

evils, real or imaginary, pertain to the practice of arm-to-arm

vaccination. The calf having done its involuntary service to humanity,

is, before dismissal, again weighed, and is usually found to have

increased considerably—not, it may be presumed, in consequence of

vaccination, but from the good feeding it has received.

The practical results of vaccination from the animal direct, are in

some respects somewhat dubious. Belgium and Holland have long been

familiar with it; but still there appears to be a lack of trustworthy

records as to the efficacy of the process as compared with the

arm-to-arm system. Whether the animal lymph is as potent a protector

from smallpox as that which has been passed through the human system,

cannot as yet be determined, though there would seem to be no ground

for any reasonable doubt upon the subject. That the humanising

process does in some way, at present quite inscrutable, affect it,

seems evident from the fact that the vaccine from the calf loses its

efficacy somewhat sooner than that from the human subject. It cannot

be stored for so long a time as the humanised lymph, and this renders

its distribution somewhat difficult. The best authorities, however,

are now inclined to the opinion that the difference in this respect is

not after all so great as was at first supposed. The two scientific

men in charge of this station are, however, enthusiasts in this

department of medical investigation, and it may be hoped that with the

enlarged sphere of operations which government is understood to be

contemplating, and aided by a well-appointed laboratory in connection

with this establishment, an important advance may soon be made in their

knowledge of the subject.

Compulsory vaccination has done much in other countries to free them

for long periods from this loathsome disease. Sweden and Denmark

enjoyed absolute immunity for twenty years; and in Austria, where very

stringent measures of compulsion are resorted to, they succeeded in

extirpating smallpox for long periods.

It was in 1853 that compulsion was first established in this country,

and as at first nearly every one obeyed the law, it was attended with

very beneficial results. At the registration of a birth, the registrar

has to give notice of the necessity of having the child vaccinated

within four months, and the penalty for neglect. From the registrar’s

return, it is seen at the local government Board if a medical

certificate attesting the vaccination as duly performed, has been

returned. Assuming that every child is registered, this system no doubt

would answer well; but there is much reason to fear that many children

in London escape being registered, and these do not come within the

cognisance of the local government Board. It is a question whether some

return should not be required from medical men of every child born

alive, with the address of its parents.

Absolute care in vaccination and its universal adoption, combined

with a compulsory re-vaccination on arriving at the age of puberty,

would without doubt have by this time fulfilled Jenner’s most sanguine

expectations, and smallpox would have become extinct. At the same

time, if the government make vaccination compulsory, they have a most

important duty to the public to perform. In the first place, they

should undoubtedly ascertain that every known precaution is taken by

all public vaccinators to protect from harm, or disease likely to arise

from vaccination, those whom they compel to undergo the operation.

Secondly, none but properly certified practitioners should be appointed

to the stations. It is not alone sufficient that they be skilful

vaccinators, they should also be able to take lymph skilfully from the

vesicles without the admixture of the minutest particle of blood. An

ignorant or careless vaccinator may do more harm than it is possible

to trace. Thirdly, no lymph whatever should be used but that which is

microscopically examined by one who thoroughly understands his work,

and the public should be permitted to have a choice of either the

humanised lymph or lymph direct from the calf. If these precautions

were conscientiously carried out, we should soon have less objection to

compulsion, and we should be in a fair way to seeing smallpox stamped

out.

In America, according to the _Asclepiad_, the subject has received

careful attention. The Report of Dr Joseph Jones, President of the

Board of Health, of the State of Louisiana, extends to four hundred

pages, and embraces everything connected with smallpox, vaccination,

and spurious vaccination; while drawings are freely interspersed to

illustrate, from point to point, the author’s histories, views, or

conclusions. Amongst the general conclusions which the author draws

at the close of his treatise, the following are some of the most

important: (_a_) Vaccination, when carefully performed on Jenner’s

method, is as complete a protection from smallpox now as it was in the

early part of the century; (_b_) Without vaccination, the application

of steam and navigation and land travel would have, during the past

fifty years, scattered smallpox in every part of the habitable globe;

(_c_) Vaccination has not impaired the strength and vigour of the human

race, but has added vastly to the sum of human life, happiness, and

health; (_d_) Inoculation for smallpox, which preceded vaccination,

induced a comparatively mild and protective disease, but multiplied the

foci of contagion, kept smallpox perpetually alive, and increased its

fatal ravages among mankind.

BY MEAD AND STREAM.

CHAPTER XLVII.—UNDER-CURRENTS.

Shield had not been so perfectly frank with Philip as the latter

believed him to be. For instance, he had not mentioned that when Coutts

came to him with affected concern on account of the position in which

his brother might be placed by the forged bill, he had not admitted to

him that the signature was a forgery.

What he said to Coutts was: ‘Looks queer—but don’t know. Accustomed to

sign things that come through regular channel without looking close

into them. Will see what Hawkins and Jackson have to say about it and

let you know.’

Then Coutts took from his pocket a note which had been written to his

brother by Austin Shield and placed the two signatures side by side.

‘I do not think that any one looking at these would hesitate to say

that they were not written by the same hand.’

‘Don’t know. My hand shakes at times. Don’t always sign in exactly the

same way. Not always sure of my own signature—when it comes back to me.

Will inquire and let you know.’

‘I am positive that the writing is not yours, Mr Shield; and I should

never have touched the paper if there had been any signature of

yours beside me at the time. Although the amount may not be of much

consequence to you, it will be a heavy loss to me. But I could have no

suspicion of there being anything wrong, when I saw Philip’s name to

the bill.’

‘All right. Will inquire.—Good-day.’

When Coutts left the room, this big bearish man growled fiercely and

the growl ended in this note—‘Skunk.’ He immediately telegraphed for

his friend Mr Beecham; and that was why Beecham had so suddenly quitted

Kingshope.

On the day on which Madge made her memorable visit to London, Mr

Beecham’s conjuring friend, Bob Tuppit, called at Wrentham’s cottage

and asked for Mrs Wrentham. She could not be seen for half an hour; but

Tuppit was ready to wait an hour or more, if Mrs Wrentham’s convenience

should require it. He was accordingly shown into the dining-room—the

place where Wrentham spent the greater part of his evenings at home,

smoking and concocting schemes for the realisation of that grand vision

of his life—a comfortable income and a home somewhere in the sunny

south.

Tuppit was a quick-eyed little man, or he could not have earned his

living as a conjurer; and when he had turned himself round about

twice, he had the character and position of every bit of furniture

photographed on his mind’s eye. He looked longest at a heavy mahogany

desk which was bound with unusually massive brass clasps.

‘What a duffer!’ he said under his breath. ‘He has got something in

there that will do for him; and he puts on those big clasps like

labels, every one saying as plain as plain can be: “Look here, if you

want to find out my little game.” Well, having gone in for this sort

of thing, he might have taken the trouble to learn the ABC of his

business.’

Tuppit’s nimble fingers went round the desk and tried its fastenings.

‘Spring lock, too. So much the worse for him. Dier will pitch on it at

once.’

The door burst open, and little Ada Wrentham bounced in, her pretty

cheeks healthfully flushed, the hoop in her hand indicating how she had

been engaged.

‘O dear!’ she exclaimed, drawing back when she saw that there was a

stranger in the room.

‘Don’t go away—I’m a friend of yours,’ said Tuppit quickly.—‘Don’t you

remember me? I saw you watching me when I was performing on the green

in the summer-time, and you were with your nurse, and you sent me a

penny.’

The child stopped, stared, then advanced a few paces timidly till she

came to a sunbeam which crossed the room, dividing it in two. Then she

put out her pretty hands, moving them to and fro as if laving them in

the sunshine, whilst her eyes were full of wonder.

‘Was it you did all those funny things with the cards and the pigeons

and the pennies, and the orange and the glass of water?’

‘That was me, Ada—you see I know your name—and if you like, I will show

you some more funny things just now whilst I am waiting for your mamma.’

‘I’ll go and bring mamma. She would like to see them too.’

‘No, no; don’t go for her. She will be here as soon as she is ready.

Besides, this is a trick I want to show you all to yourself. You are

not afraid of the magician—are you?’

Little Ada peered at him through the sunbeam. He was such a little man;

and although his cheeks were somewhat hollow and his complexion rather

sallow, there was an expression of frank gentleness in his eyes which

at once inspired confidence. A child might trust him, and a child is

quick to detect untrustworthy persons.

‘I’m not afraid—why should I?’ said Ada laughing.

‘Because you do not know me—at least you do not know me enough to be

quite sure that I am not the wicked magician who tried so hard to kill

Aladdin because he got hold of the wonderful lamp.’

‘But that was a long time ago,’ she said with an air of thoughtfulness;

‘and papa says there are no magicians—no real magicians—and no ghosts

now, and that anybody who pretends to tell fortunes or to do magic

things is’——

The child instinctively paused and turned her face away.

‘Is an impostor, and ought to be taken up by the policeman,’ said

Tuppit, cheerfully completing the sentence for her; ‘and he is quite

right so far. All the same, Ada, there are great magicians always

close by us. There is the Good Magician, Love, who makes you fond of

your father and mother and ready to do kindly things for other people.

Then there are the wicked magicians Anger and Envy, who make you hate

everybody and everybody hate you. But you know I don’t pretend to be

like them; I only make-believe—that is, I perform tricks and tell you

how they are done.’

‘Is that all?’ she said, disappointed, allowing her hands to drop, and

passing through the sunbeam, which had hitherto formed a golden bar

between them.

‘That is all; but you have to work a great deal before you can do so

much.—Now, here is this big desk—your papa opens it by magic; but do

you know how it is done?’

‘O yes; he takes out a nail and pushes something in—but that’s telling.

Could you do it? I have seen papa do it often, and he did not mind me;

but he doesn’t like anybody else to see him, for he was angry one day

when nurse Susan came in without knocking just as he was going to open

it.’

Tuppit was already busy examining the brass screws. He found one the

notch of which indicated that it was more frequently used than the

others. A penknife served his purpose; he took out the screw, thrust a

thin pencil into the hole; pressed it, and the desk opened.

‘Oh, how clever!—That was just the way papa used to do it, only he had

a brass thing for sticking into the hole,’ said the child admiringly.

‘I’ve tried to do it.’

There was nothing in the desk; and Tuppit, with a long-drawn breath of

relief, closed it, replacing the screw as before. But he had kept on

chattering to the child all the time, and muttering parenthetically

observations to himself.

‘You must show your papa that you know how it is done, Ada.... Nothing

in it may tell for or against him.... And he will think it so funny

that we should find it out.... It’s a sign that he knows the game is

up and is making ready to bolt.... But you must tell him that it was

only a little bit of Tuppit’s conjuring, and that he was glad to find

nothing.’

Ada drew back towards the door, a little frightened by the change in

his manner, which betrayed excitement in spite of his self-control.

‘I think—I am beginning to be afraid of you now. You are not like the

good magician any more.’

‘That’s true, Ada,’ he said humbly, as he wiped his brow with that

wonderful silk handkerchief which was of so much use to him in his

professional exploits. Cold as the weather was, he seemed to be

perspiring. ‘But you know the change is only one of my tricks. Now, I

will come back. Hey, Presto, change.... There, am I not smiling the

same as before?’

‘No; you are not. You are looking ugly.’

‘Ah, let me hide my head.’

He bent down with a would-be comical manner of astonishment and

chagrin. The child laughed in a hesitating way, as if not quite

reassured that it was all fun. As he stooped, his eye fell on a

waste-paper basket under the table. He snatched it out, and found in it

a ball of blotting-paper which had been crumpled into that shape by an

impatient hand. This he smoothed out on the table and then held up so

that the sunbeam fell full upon it.

‘This is the thing. Thank heaven, it is in my hands.’ He carefully

folded the paper and put it in his pocket. Then with real heartiness

he turned to the wondering child. ‘Now, Ada, I can laugh again; and if

there was time enough, I would show you some beautiful things. Look

here, for instance. Open your hand; I place that penny in it.—Close

your hand. You are sure you have the penny?’

‘Quite sure.’

‘Presto, change. The penny is gone.’

‘No, it isn’t!’ cried the child, laughing, and opening her hand,

displayed the penny lying on the palm.

‘Keep it, keep it, my child; you deserve it; and take this shilling to

keep it company,’ said poor Bob Tuppit, who in his agitation had failed

in one of the simplest tricks of the prestidigitator, as his brethren

in the craft delight to call themselves. At another time, the failure

would have been humiliating to the last degree; but at present the

conjurer was too much occupied with matters of grave importance to feel

his discomfiture.

Mrs Wrentham entered.

‘I understand you bring a message from my husband, sir,’ she said in

her timid way.

‘Not exactly, ma’am; but I want to speak to you about him. I am a

friend of his, or I should not be here.’

He glanced towards Ada as he spoke, suggesting by the look that the

child should be sent out of the room. But Mrs Wrentham was too simple

to understand the hint, and Tuppit was obliged to take the matter into

his own hand.

‘I’ll tell you what, Ada; you might be a good magician now, if you

like. You could run out to the garden and pluck me a sprig of holly for

my little girl. She is very fond of shrubs and flowers; will you send

her some?’

‘O yes. There is such a nice sprig of holly up at the summer-house that

I was keeping for Christmas; but your little girl shall have it.—Is she

as old as me?’

‘Just about the same age; and now I look at you, she is rather like

you.’

Ada flew out at the door; and Tuppit turned eagerly to Mrs Wrentham,

his little form seeming to enlarge with the earnestness of his speech.

‘You are astonished, ma’am, at the liberty I am taking; but the fact is

your husband has got into ... well, got into a scrape.—Please, don’t

alarm yourself. I hope we shall pull him through all right. I only came

to warn you, knowing that he might have forgotten it.’

‘Warn me about what?’ exclaimed the lady, trembling without knowing why.

‘That a gentleman will call here to-day and make inquiries about your

husband. Answer him frankly, and, if you can manage it, do not look

as if you were afraid of him. He is a good-natured chap, and will not

press you very hard. But you must try to be quite calm and say nothing

about my visit.’

The poor lady became pale immediately; and the first dreadful thought

which occurred to her was that Wrentham had met with a serious

accident of some sort—she had never approved of his horse-racing and

horse-dealing proclivities. This good-natured friend was no doubt

trying to break the horrible truth to her as gently as possible.

‘Oh, please tell me the worst at once. Is he much hurt—is he killed?’

Bob Tuppit stared; but quickly comprehended the mistake which the wife

had made.

‘He is neither hurt nor killed, and is likely to live for a good many

years to come,’ he said reassuringly. ‘He has got into a bother about

some money matters. That is all.’

Tuppit felt ashamed of himself as he uttered the last words. What

would a broken leg or arm, or even a broken neck, have been compared

with the risk and disgrace of penal servitude? But Mrs Wrentham had no

suspicion of such a danger, and was relieved as soon as she heard that

her husband was physically unharmed. As for a difficulty about money,

she was confident that he would easily arrange that; so she promised

that she would answer any questions the gentleman who was coming might

have to ask; for she knew nothing about her husband’s money affairs,

and therefore had nothing to tell.

Bob Tuppit looked at her wistfully, as if inclined to tell her more of

the real position; but just then Ada came bounding in with the holly

and ivy—looking so happy and glad, that the man was unable to reveal

the worst.

‘They’ll know soon enough,’ he said to himself, as he thankfully took

the bundle of shrubs and went his way.

OLD PROVINCIAL FAIRS.

As a survival of one of the earliest institutions of this country, the

provincial fair is of special interest. Although it no longer retains

the functions for which it was originally founded, yet its existence

amongst us points back to a distant period in our history, when it not

only served as an important rendezvous for the furtherance of trade,

but was a centre whence the legislative enactments of the country were

proclaimed. Originally, it would seem the fair was generally held

during the period of a saint’s feast within the precincts of the church

or abbey, when worshippers and pilgrims assembled from all parts.

As the sacred building, too, was frequently in the open country, or

near some village too small to provide adequate accommodation for the

vast throng assembled on this annual festival, tents were pitched and

stalls for provisions set up in the churchyard, to supply the wants of

the visitors. This practice soon induced country pedlars and traders

to come and offer their wares; and hence in course of time it led to

the establishment of the commercial trade-marts known as ‘fairs.’ It

was not long, however, before abuses crept up, unseemly diversions

and excessive drinking causing no small offence. For instance, in

the fourteenth year of Henry III.’s reign, the archdeacon within the

diocese of Lincoln made inquiries into the custom of holding fairs

in churchyards; the result being that they were shortly afterwards

discontinued in this diocese. In the thirteenth year of Edward II.’s

reign, a statute was passed prohibiting the keeping of a fair in any

churchyard. But this law was in a great measure inoperative, for

markets seem to have been held in several Yorkshire churchyards in the

fourteenth and fifteenth centuries; and two hundred years later, the

same customs occurred in Germany.

Whatever the exact origin of our provincial fairs may be, they are

undoubtedly of great antiquity, although, singular to say, their

charters are comparatively of modern date; the first recorded grant

in this country apparently being that of William the Conqueror to

the Bishop of Winchester for leave to hold an annual ‘free fair at

St Giles’s Hill.’ Respecting this old fair, we are told how, on St

Giles’s eve, the mayor, bailiffs, and citizens of Winchester gave up

to the bishop’s officers the keys of the four city gates; and that,

while it lasted, the church appointed its own mayor, bailiff, and

coroner. The rules, too, for its regulation seem to have been very

stringent; officers being stationed on roads and bridges to take toll

upon all merchandise travelling in the direction of Winchester. A

tent of justice known as the Pavilion was held in the centre of the

fair, in which offences of various kinds were tried by the bishop’s

officers. Every precaution, too, was taken that all packages of goods

entering the city gates paid toll to the bishop, who likewise received

the forfeit of any wares that might be sold out of the fair within

a radius of seven miles. ‘Foreign merchants,’ says Mr Morley, ‘came

to this fair and paid its tolls. Monasteries had also shops or houses

in its drapery, pottery, or spicery streets, used only at fair-time,

and held often by lease from the bishop.’ This fair, therefore, apart

from its historical value, is interesting in so far as it was in many

respects the model upon which succeeding ones in other places were

instituted.

Fairs were occasionally granted to towns as a means for enabling them

to recover from the effects of war and other disasters; and also as a

mark of favour from the Crown. Thus, Edward III. founded a fair in the

town of Burnley in Lancashire. An amusing origin is given of ‘Fools’

Fair,’ kept in the Broad Gate at Lincoln on the 14th of September,

for the sale of cattle. It is recorded how King William and his queen

‘having visited Lincoln, made the citizens an offer to serve them in

any way they liked best. They asked for a fair, though it was harvest,

when few people could attend it, and though the town had no trade nor

any manufacture.’ Stourbridge fair, once perhaps the largest in the

world, was specially granted by King John for the maintenance of a

hospital for lepers. Among other origins assigned to fairs, may be

mentioned ‘Pack-Monday fair,’ which was in days gone by celebrated at

Sherborne, on the first Monday after the 10th October. It was ushered

in by the ringing of the great bell at a very early hour, and by the

young people perambulating the streets with cows’ horns. Tradition

asserts that this fair originated at the completion of the building of

the church—at the completion of which the workmen held a fair in the

churchyard, blowing cows’ horns in their rejoicings. There can be no

doubt, however, that in many cases where the true origin of many of our

old fairs has in the course of years been forgotten, another has been

invented in its place, and handed down with every mark apparently of

plausibility.

Perhaps one of the most curious features of our provincial fairs is

to be found in the odd customs associated with them, these possessing

an additional interest, as they help to illustrate the social life of

our forefathers. Thus, from time immemorial, it has been customary

at several of our large fairs—such as those kept up at Portsmouth,

Southampton, Chester, and Macclesfield—to announce their opening by

hoisting a glove of unusual size in some conspicuous place. This, it

has been suggested, is the earliest form of royal charter, denoting

the king’s glove—the custom being thus explained in the _Speculum

Saxonicum_: ‘No one is allowed to set up a market or a mint without the

consent of the ordinary and judge of that place; the king ought also to

send a glove, as a sign of his consent to the same.’ The charter for

Lammas fair at Exeter was formerly perpetuated by a huge glove, stuffed

and carried through the city on a long pole, which was eventually

placed on the top of the Guildhall, where, so long as it remained,

it indicated that the fair was still open. A variation of this usage

prevailed at Liverpool, where, ten days before and after each fair-day,

a hand was exhibited in front of the town-hall—a sign which denoted

that ‘no person coming to or going from the town on business connected

with the fair can be arrested for debt within its liberty.’ Englefield,

in his _Walk through Southampton_ (1805), describing the fair held on

Trinity Monday at Southampton, says it was dissolved by the glove being

taken down, ‘which was at one time performed by the young men of the

town, who fired at it till it was destroyed, or they were tired of the

sport.’ Without enumerating further instances of this practice, there

can be no doubt that, as Mr Leadam has shown in the _Antiquary_ (1880),

the glove is the original ‘sign-manual.’

One of the quaint features of Charlton fair, formerly held on St Luke’s

Day, was the elaborate display of horns; the booths not only being

decorated with them, but most of the articles offered for sale having

representations of this emblem. For a long time, antiquaries were much

divided as to what connection there could be between horns and Charlton

fair, and many conjectures were started without any satisfactory

result. At last, however, light was thrown on this much-disputed

question by an antiquary, who pointed out that a horned ox is the old

medieval symbol of St Luke, the patron of the fair. In support of this

explanation, it was further added, that although most of the painted

glass in Charlton church was destroyed in the troublous times of the

reign of Charles I., yet fragments remained of St Luke’s ox ‘with

wings on his back, and goodly horns on his head.’ As an additional

illustration on this point, we may quote the following extract from

Aubrey’s _Remains of Gentilisme and Judaisme_: ‘At Stoke-Verdon, in the

parish of Broad Chalke, Wilts, was a chapel dedicated to St Luke, who

is the patron saint of the horn-beasts and those that have to do with

them; wherefore the keepers and foresters of the New Forest come hither

at St Luke’s tide with their offerings to St Luke, that they might be

fortunate in their game, the deer, and other cattle.’ Many of those,

also, who visited Charlton fair wore a pair of horns on their heads,

and the men were attired in women’s clothes; a mode of masquerading

thus described by a writer of the last century: ‘I remember being there

upon Horn fair-day; I was dressed in my landlady’s best gown, and other

women’s attire.’ Referring to St Luke’s Day, Drake tells us in his

_Eboracum_ that a fair was annually kept up at York for all sorts of

small-wares, and was popularly known as ‘Dish-fair,’ from the large

quantity of wooden dishes exposed for sale. It was also characterised

by an old custom of ‘bearing a wooden ladle in a sling on two stangs

about it, carried by four sturdy labourers; this being, no doubt, in

ridicule of the meanness of the wares brought to the fair.’ At Paignton

fair, Exeter, it was customary, says a correspondent of _Notes and

Queries_, to draw through the town a plum-pudding of immense size, and

afterwards to distribute it to the crowd. The ingredients which on one

occasion composed this pudding were as follows: four hundred pounds of

flour, one hundred and seventy pounds of beef-suet, one hundred and

forty pounds of raisins, and two hundred and forty eggs. It was kept

constantly boiling in a brewer’s copper from the Saturday morning to

the Tuesday following, when it was placed on a car profusely decorated

and drawn along the streets by eight oxen.

Again, among the numerous other customs which were attached to many of

our fairs may be mentioned that popularly designated as ‘Walking the

Fair.’ Thus, at Wolverhampton, on the eve of the great fair which took

place on the 9th of July, a procession of men in antique armour paraded

the town, preceded by the local authorities. According to tradition,

this ceremony took its rise when Wolverhampton was a great emporium

for wool and resorted to by merchants from all parts of England. These

processions, however, were in all probability the remains of the Corpus

Christi pageantry, which was frequently celebrated at the yearly fairs.

At Avingham fair, held about twelve miles from Newcastle, an amusing

ceremony was celebrated called ‘Riding the Fair.’ Early in the morning

a procession moved from the principal alehouse in the village, headed

by two pipers, known as the ‘Duke of Northumberland’s pipers,’ who,

fancifully dressed up for the occasion, were mounted on horses gaily

caparisoned, and specially borrowed for the day. These pipers, followed

by the Duke of Northumberland’s agent, bailiff, and a numerous escort,

rode through the fair; and after proclaiming it opened, they ‘walked

the boundary of all that was, or had been, common or waste land.’

Riding the boundaries is still annually practised in many provincial

parishes.

We must not omit to mention the ‘Procession of Lady Godiva’—one of the

grandest of these shows, and which has been the distinguishing feature

of Coventry Show Fair, for many years one of the chief marts in the

kingdom. This celebrated fair has generally commenced upon Friday in

Trinity-week, the charter for it having been granted, it is said, by

Henry III. in the year 1218, at the instigation of Randle, Earl of

Chester. It is noteworthy, however, that the tradition of Lady Godiva

is not confined to Coventry fair, a similar one having been handed down

in the neighbourhood of St Briavel’s, Gloucestershire. Thus Rudder, in

his History of this county (1779), tells us how, formerly, after divine

service on Whitsunday, pieces of bread and cheese were distributed to

the congregation at church. To defray the expenses, every householder

in the parish paid a penny to the churchwardens, and this was said to

be for the liberty of cutting and taking wood in Hudnalls. Tradition

affirms that ‘this privilege was obtained of some Earl of Hereford,

then lord of the Forest of Dean, at the instance of his lady, upon

the same hard terms that Lady Godiva obtained the privileges for the

citizens of Coventry.’

Again, at the Whitsuntide fair held at Hinckley in Leicestershire,

one of the principal attractions was the procession of the millers,

who, having assembled from all the neighbouring villages, marched in

grand array with the ‘king of the millers’ at their head. From the

various accounts recorded of this ceremony, it appears that the dresses

were generally most elaborate; and one writer, in 1787, describing

these shows, says: ‘The framework knitters, wool-combers, butchers,

carpenters, &c., had each their plays, and rode in companies bearing

allusions to their different trades.’ Then there was the well-known

practice of ‘Crying the Fair.’ Thus, in connection with Stourbridge

fair we read how in the year 1548 a proclamation was issued by the

university of Cambridge in ‘crying the fair,’ in which it was directed,

among other clauses, that ‘no brewer sell into the fayer a barrell of

ale above two shillings; no longe ale, no red ale, no ropye ale, but

good and holsome for man’s body, under the penaltie of forfeyture.’

Ravenglass fair, celebrated annually at Muncaster in Cumberland, was

the scene of a peculiar ceremony, which is thus described in Lyson’s

_Magna Britannia_: ‘The lord’s steward was attended by the sergeant of

the borough of Egremont with the insignia called the bow of Egremont,

the foresters with their bows and horns, and all the tenantry of the

forest of Copeland, whose special service was to attend to the lord

and his representatives at Ravenglass fair, and remain there during

its continuance.’ In order, also, to attract visitors, various modes

of diversion were contrived; these generally succeeding in bringing

together large concourses of people from outlying districts. Thus,

occasionally, a mock-mayor was appointed, whose duty it was to try

any unfortunate person who on some trumped-up charge might be brought

before him. It has been suggested that these mock-trials may have

originated in the courts which were granted at fairs ‘to take notice

of all manner of causes and disorders committed upon the place, called

pie-powder, because justice was done to any injured person before the

dust of the fair was off his feet.’ A notable instance of this custom

was kept up at Bodmin Riding in Cornwall, on St Thomas à Becket’s

Day. A mock-court having been summoned, presided over by a Lord of

Misrule, any unpopular individual so unlucky as to be captured was

dragged to answer a charge of felony; the imputed crime being such as

his appearance might suggest—a negligence in his attire or a breach

of manners. With ludicrous gravity, we are told in the _Parochial

History of Cornwall_, ‘a mock-trial was then commenced, and judgment

was gravely pronounced, when the culprit was hurried off to receive

his punishment. In this, his apparel was generally a greater sufferer

than his person, as it commonly terminated in his being thrown into the

water or the mire’—‘Take him before the Mayor of Halgaver;’ ‘Present

him in Halgaver Court,’ being old Cornish proverbs.

A similar institution has existed from time immemorial at the little

town of Penryn in Cornwall, at the annual festival of Nutting, when

the ‘Mayor of Mylor’ is chosen. According to popular opinion, says Mr

Hunt, in his _Romances of the West of England_, ‘there is a clause in

the borough charter compelling the legitimate mayor to surrender his

power to the “Mayor of Mylor” on the day in question, and to lend the

town-sergeant’s paraphernalia to the gentlemen of the shears.’ At the

yearly fair, too, held in the village of Tarleton, a mock-mayor was

until a very few years ago elected, this ceremony forming part of the

after-dinner proceedings. ‘Three persons,’ says a correspondent of

_Notes and Queries_, ‘were nominated, and it was the rule that each

candidate on receiving a vote should drink a glass of wine—a “bumper”

to the health of the voter—so that the one elected was not very steady

on his feet when all the company had polled and the newly elected

mayor had to be installed.’

Lastly, referring to the days on which fairs were formerly held, it

appears from _The Book of Fairs_ that they were kept up on Good-Friday

at St Austell, Cornwall; Droitwich, Worcestershire; Grinton,

Yorkshire; High-Budleigh, Devonshire; and at Wimborne, Dorsetshire. A

correspondent of _Notes and Queries_ says that he saw a ‘brisk fair

going on in the little village of Perran’s Porth, Cornwall, not far

from the curious oratory of St Piran, on Good-Friday in 1878.’ In

some places, too, Sunday seems to have been selected; for in Benson’s

_Vindication of the Methodists_ we find the following paragraph, with

special reference to Lincolnshire: ‘Wakes, feasts, and dancing begin in

many parishes on the Lord’s Day, on which also some fairs and annual

markets are held.’

THE LAST OF THE STUARTS.

A MODERN ROMANCE.

I.—THE DISINHERITED PRINCE.

It was the proud boast of the late Mr Charles James Stuart, of

Balquhalloch, N.B., that he was the direct representative and lawful

heir of the unfortunate royal family of Scotland. I do not quite know

how he derived his descent, or from whom; but I feel sure that, had

he lived at the beginning of the eighteenth instead of the nineteenth

century, he would, with considerable confidence, have contested the

right of Queen Anne and the earlier Georges to reign over the northern,

if not also the southern portion of Great Britain. He was not born,

however, until 1796; and at that time there were in the Highlands but

few people who still chafed under Hanoverian rule. When, therefore, as

a young man, he first went to London, instead of plotting rebellion

against the authority of King George III., he fell in love with an

English girl named Eleanor Tudor, who also claimed, and, I think, not

without justice, to be lineally descended from royal ancestors. A

portrait of this lady was until quite recently in the possession of her

daughter, Miss Stuart. She was not beautiful; and I strongly suspect

that Mr Stuart would not have wooed her, had she borne any other name

than Tudor; but the prospect of once more uniting the old kingly stocks

of England and Scotland proved too seductive to be resisted; and in the

summer of 1817, the laird married Miss Tudor at St James’s, Piccadilly,

and at once carried her off to his northern home. In the following

year, Mrs Stuart gave birth to the above-mentioned daughter, who in due

course received the name of Henrietta Maria; and when in 1820 a son was

also born at Balquhalloch, he was, with equal fittingness, baptised

Charles Augustus.

The old laird died in 1861; but in the meantime his son had grown up

and married a pretty but penniless governess; and in 1857 a son, who

was named Charles Edward, had been born to him. Mr Charles Augustus

Stuart, who, I regret to say, had more respect for whisky than for

his magnificent ancestry, was seized with apoplexy in 1878, shortly

afterwards departing this life; and in 1880, when the events which

I am about to narrate began, the only living representatives of the

old laird were his daughter Henrietta Maria, an eccentric lady of

sixty-two; and his grandson Charles Edward, a lively and, I may add,

rather unscrupulous fellow of three-and-twenty.

Chambers's Journal of Popular Literature, Science, and Art, Fifth Series, No. 38, Vol. I, September 20, 1884 · 第 1 / 4 段