CABINET COUNSELS.
In November, 1861, the public mind was wildly agitated by an episode of
the war, which, although without military significance, at one time
threatened to predetermine the final issue of the contest in favor of
the independence of the Southern States, by the accession of a powerful
ally and auxiliary to their cause. It not only seriously imperilled our
existing relations of peace and amity with a foreign power, but came
near converting its declared neutrality into an active sympathy and
co-operation with the Confederacy. This incident, commonly known as the
"Trent" affair, originated in the unauthorized and illegal arrest of the
Confederate Commissioners, Messrs. Mason and Slidell, with their
secretaries, on board a British mail packet, by Capt. Charles Wilkes of
the United States Navy, and their forcible transfer from the protection
of the British flag to the frigate "San Jacinto," under Wilkes's
command.
This arbitrary proceeding, wholly unauthorized by the government and in
flagrant violation of every principle of public law, was received with a
universal outburst of joy and exultation throughout the entire country.
The Confederates saw in this wanton aggression and outrage the
realization of their cherished hopes of an imbroglio--possibly of a
war--between England and the United States. The satisfaction evinced in
the Northern States seemed less comprehensible, as the first outgoing
blockade-runner could easily have supplied substitutes for the captured
and imprisoned Commissioners. Yet for this act, which was acclaimed and
sanctioned by a verdict of popular approval, indorsed by a special
resolution of thanks in the National Legislature, Captain Wilkes was
commended and congratulated in a letter from the chief of his
Department. In fact, every one seemed to vie with every one else in
weaving a civic chaplet to the commander of the "San Jacinto" for his
lawless deed.
Amidst the wild excitement created by this international interlude, the
President alone maintained an imperturbable calmness and composure. From
the very first moment he regarded the capture of the Commissioners as
unwise and inexpedient. He was heard to say repeatedly that it would
lead to dangerous complications with England. "Unfortunately," said he,
"we have played into the hands of that wily power, and placed in their
grasp a whip with which to scourge us." He went on to say further that
the "Trent" affair had occurred at the most inopportune and critical
period of the war, and would greatly tend to its prolongation by
creating a genuine bond of sympathy between England and the insurgent
States.
When interrogated, on one occasion, as to whether it was not a great
humiliation to him to surrender the captured Commissioners on the
peremptory demand of John Bull, Mr. Lincoln replied, "Yes, it was the
bitterest pill I have ever swallowed. There is, however, this
counterbalancing consideration, that England's triumph will not have a
long tenure of life. After our war is over, I trust and believe
successfully to ourselves, we shall be powerful enough to call her to an
account and settlement for the embarrassment and damage she has
inflicted upon us in our hour of trouble; and this reminds me of a story
which I think aptly illustrates the condition of things existing between
their government and ours." He then related the following anecdote:
A sick man in Illinois, the hope of whose recovery was far from
encouraging, was admonished by his friends present that as probably he
had not many hours to live he should bear malice to none, and before
closing his earthly account should make peace with all his enemies.
Turning his face to the wall and drawing a long sigh, the invalid was
lost for a few moments in deep reflection. Giving utterance to a deep
groan as he mentally enumerated the long catalogue of enmities incurred,
which would render the exertion of peace-making a somewhat prolonged
one, he admitted in a feeble voice that he undoubtedly believed this to
be the best course, and added: "The man whom I hate most cordially of
all is Bill Johnson, and so I guess I'll begin with him." Johnson was
summoned, and at once repaired to the bedside of his repentant friend.
The latter extended to him his hand, saying with a meekness that would
have done honor to Moses, that he wanted to die at peace with all the
world, and to bury all his past enmity. Bill, who was much inclined to
the melting mood, here burst into tears, making free use of his
bandanna, and warmly returning the pressure of the dying man's hand,
solemnly and impressively assured him of his forgiveness. As the now
reconciled friends were about to separate, in the expectation of never
again seeing each other on earth, "Stop," exclaimed the penitent invalid
to his departing visitor, who had now reached the door; "the account is
now square between us, Bill Johnson; but, see here, if I _should_ happen
to get well, that old grudge stands!"
In December, about one month after the arrest of the Confederate
Commissioners, when Mr. Lincoln and his Cabinet were in a state of
alarm, fearing a war with England, Mr. Chase one day came to the
President and told him that Mr. Stanton, who had been attorney-general
under Buchanan, had talked with him on the subject of this trouble with
Great Britain, and had expressed the opinion that the action of the
American government in arresting Mason and Slidell was legal and could
be sustained by international law. The President told Mr. Chase that
Stanton did not like him, and had treated him rudely on one occasion;
but that if Mr. Chase thought Stanton would meet him, he would be glad
to have him do so and give his views on the subject. In an hour Mr.
Chase had Stanton in Mr. Lincoln's presence. Mr. Lincoln expressed his
gratification at hearing of Mr. Stanton's views, and asked him to
repeat them. When Mr. Stanton had finished the discussion of the case,
and of the laws bearing thereon, Mr. Lincoln expressed his thanks, and
asked Stanton to put his opinion in writing, which he promised to do by
ten o'clock the next morning. The opinion was brought at the appointed
time. Mr. Lincoln read it and filed it, and then said: "Mr. Stanton,
this is a time of war, and you are as much interested in sustaining the
government as myself or any other man. This is no time to consider mere
party issues. The life of the nation is in danger. I need the best
counsellors around me. I have every confidence in your judgment, and
have concluded to ask you to become one of my counsellors. The office of
the Secretary of War will be vacant, and I want you to accept the
position. Will you do it?"
Stanton was amazed, and said: "Why, Mr. President, you take me by
surprise! This is an embarrassing question, but if you will give me a
day or two to consider, I will give you an answer." Two days later he
called on the President and signified his intention to accept. On the
15th day of January, 1862, the portfolio of Secretary of War was placed
in his hands.[K]
[K] DENVER, COL., May 23, 1885.
_Hon. Wm. A. Wheeler, Malone, N. Y._
MY DEAR SIR,--A few days since I had the pleasure of reading your
"Recollections of Lincoln" from the Malone (N. Y.) "Palladium," in
which you say: "At the extra session of Congress in July, 1861, a
law was passed authorizing the appointment of additional paymasters
for the Army;" that the President assented to your request that
your life-long friend, Major Sabin, should be one of the
appointees; that, in September following, Mr. Lincoln wrote you
saying he had sent the appointment of Mr. Sabin to the Secretary of
War, who would notify him to appear for muster into the Service.
October passed, and no notice came. Then, you say, a letter written
to "Secretary Stanton" failed to bring a response; that the latter
part of November you went to Washington to attend the regular
session of Congress, taking Mr. Sabin with you. You then say: "The
day after my arrival I waited upon Secretary Stanton," etc.; you
then detail the conversation had with Mr. Lincoln, and the fact of
his making a somewhat imperative order to the Secretary to make the
appointment "at once." You say, "I called on Mr. Stanton the next
morning, who on its [the letter's or order's] presentation was
simply furious." And after this you speak of what was said and done
by "Mr. Stanton, the Secretary of War."
Allow me, my dear sir, to assure you that I now entertain, and
always have entertained, for you the most profound respect, and to
express my sincere regret that you were not President instead of
Vice-President of the United States. I therefore venture to hope
that you will pardon me for saying that I am unable to reconcile
the statements purporting to be made by you, alluded to above, with
the historical fact that Mr. Stanton was not appointed Secretary of
War until in January the year following,--namely, 1862. It occurs
to me that there must be a mistake made in your paper, either of
_dates_ or of the name of the Secretary of War. I am certain this
irreconcilable statement was not made by you as was the blunder
made by Sir Walter Scott in his "Ivanhoe" (chap. i.). "The date of
this story," as he says, "refers to a period towards the end of the
reign of Richard I." Richard died in 1199; nevertheless, Sir Walter
makes the disguised Wamba style himself "a poor brother of the
Order of St. Francis," although the Order of St. Francis was not
founded until 1210, and of course the saintship of the founder had
still a later date.
If my recollection serves me correctly, Mr. Stanton, whose memory
is now cherished by the great mass of the Republican party, at the
dates you speak of and refer to was regarded as a Bourbon of the
strictest sect. Up to the time of the capture of the "Trent," with
Mason and Slidell aboard, on the 8th of November, 1861, if Mr.
Stanton had conceived any "change of heart" and cessation of
hostility to the Administration, it never was publicly manifested.
It was something over a month after this capture that he was
consulted by Mr. Lincoln, at the suggestion of Secretary Chase, as
an international lawyer concerning the legality of the capture and
arrest of Messrs. Mason and Slidell, which was the first interview
that was had between Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stanton since the
commencement of the Administration. This interview led to Mr.
Stanton's appointment as Secretary of War. Mr. Lincoln had occasion
for regret about the "Trent" capture, but never for the capture of
Mr. Stanton.
The immortal Shakespeare, like yourself and others, sometimes got
his dates confused; for instance, in his "Coriolanus," he says of
C. Marcius, "Thou wast a soldier even to Cato's will," when in fact
Marcius Coriolanus was banished from Rome and died over two hundred
years before Cato was born. Again, his reference in the same play,
of Marcius sitting in state like Alexander: the latter was not born
for a hundred and fifty years after Coriolanus's death. He also
says in "Julius Caesar," "The clock strikes three," when in truth
and in fact there were no striking clocks until more than eight
hundred years after the death of Caesar. Another inaccuracy is to be
found in "King Lear" in regard to spectacles. Spectacles were not
worn until the thirteenth century. And still another in this
immortal writer's statements in his play of "Macbeth," where he
speaks of cannon: cannon were not invented until 1346, and Macbeth
was killed in 1054.
You will pardon me these citations, for they are made in a spirit
of playful illustration, to show how great minds often become
confused about dates.
"What you have said
I have considered; what you have to say
I will with patience wait to hear."
I read your "Recollections of Lincoln" with great interest, as I do
everything I see written about that most wonderful, interesting,
and unique of all of our public men. I sincerely hope you will
receive this in the same kindly spirit that it is written, prompted
as it is by a curiosity to know how this variance about Mr.
Stanton's official status during the first year of Mr. Lincoln's
Administration can be reconciled. I will regard it as an esteemed
favor if you will drop me a line explaining it.
Your interesting and graphic description of Mr. Lincoln's pardon of
the soldier convicted and condemned for sleeping at his post
interested me very much. I have a curiosity to know whether this
soldier's name was not William Scott? If Scott was his name, I have
a reason to believe he was the person whom Francis De Haes Janvier
immortalized in verse.
I have the honor to be, very sincerely,
Your humble servant,
WARD H. LAMON.
* * * * *
MALONE, N. Y., June 2, 1885.
_Ward H. Lamon, Denver, Col._
MY DEAR SIR,--I thank you most sincerely for your letter of the
23d ultimo, and for the friendly feeling you evince for me.
I am simply mortified at my gross blunder, and can only plead in
mitigation the lapse of more than twenty years since the affairs
alluded to transpired, in which time, aside from having performed a
large amount of hard public and private work, I have experienced an
amount of trouble exceptional to ordinary men, having buried every
one near to me,--father, mother, brothers, and sisters. I have no
one left of nearer kin to me than cousins, and no one to care for
my house except servants. For the last three years I have been an
invalid, confined to my house and for a considerable portion of the
time to my bed: what wonder that "the warder of the brain" should
be sometimes at fault! The mistake must be one of _time_, for the
actors in the transaction are too vividly impressed upon my memory
ever to be forgotten until that faculty is wholly dethroned.
I may be mistaken in the fact that Sabin accompanied me when I went
on for the regular session in December, 1861; but so sure was I of
it that before your letter I would have sworn to it. You have
furnished me with a needed caution. It is unpleasant to find out
that years are telling upon us, but it is healthful nevertheless.
And so I may be mistaken as to the time intervening between the
successive stages of the appointment. Sabin is somewhere in the
West, and I will endeavor to find his whereabouts and get his
statement of the facts. Brevet Brig.-Genl. Chauncey McKeever, now
Assistant Adjutant-General of the Army, was at the time in
Stanton's office in a confidential capacity, and I think will
remember the transaction.
I do not remember the name of the pardoned soldier. One of
Kellogg's sons lives in the southern part of the State; I will
endeavor to get the name, and if successful will write you.
Now, my dear sir, mortified as I am, I feel almost compensated in
having drawn from you such an admirable collection of anachronisms
of famous literary men of the world. I am greatly interested in it,
and shall take the liberty of showing it to my literary friends. In
your readings have you ever encountered the "Deathless City," a
beautiful poem written by Elizabeth A. Allen? I never saw but this
single production from her pen. Who was or is she, and did she
write other things?
My memories of Mr. Lincoln are a source of great pleasure to me.
Many of them recall illustrations just a little "off color."
If you ever come east, I wish you would come across northern New
York and drop in upon me. I should greatly delight to live over the
days of the war with you.
Again thanking you for your letter, and fully reciprocating your
good-will, I am
Very cordially yours,
WM. A. WHEELER.
The appointment of Mr. Stanton in Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet was a great
surprise to the country. Those who were acquainted with the relations
existing between these two men when they were both practising lawyers
were not only astonished at this appointment, but were apprehensive that
there could not possibly be harmony of action and co-operation between
them. There were perhaps seldom, if ever, two really great men who were
as unlike in all respects as Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Stanton. They were
dissimilar in their habits of life, disposition, taste, in fact in every
particular of the general make-up of man. But Mr. Lincoln fully
appreciated Mr. Stanton's great ability, both as a lawyer and as a
Cabinet counsellor under Mr. Buchanan. The President needed the ablest
counsel he could obtain, and allowed no personal consideration to
influence him in selecting the right man for the service.
In order to make the history of this appointment complete in its
personal element, it will be necessary to go back to the year 1858, when
Abraham Lincoln was practising law in Springfield, Illinois, and Edwin
M. Stanton was at the head of his profession in Cincinnati. The
celebrated McCormick Reaper and Mower case was before the United States
Court in Cincinnati. Mr. Stanton had been retained as counsel-in-chief
on one side of the case, and to be associated with him were T. D.
Lincoln of Cincinnati, and Abraham Lincoln of Illinois. When Mr. Lincoln
arrived in Cincinnati to attend the trial, he called upon Mr. Stanton,
who treated him in so impolite and rude a manner that he went to his
client and informed him that he should have to withdraw as his counsel
in the case and stated his reasons therefor. Mr. Lincoln was entreated
to remain in the case, and Mr. Stanton was seen and was talked to about
the matter. Mr. Lincoln happened to be in a room adjoining where this
conversation occurred, and overheard Mr. Stanton say that he would not
associate with such a d----, gawky, long-armed ape as that; if he could
not have a man who was a gentleman in appearance associated with him in
the case, he would himself abandon it. When the client returned, Mr.
Lincoln refunded to him the five-hundred dollar retainer fee,
peremptorily declining to keep it. He then returned to Urbana, Illinois,
where court was in session, and, to explain his unexpected return,
related the fact and his mortification to his associate members of the
bar. After this event, Mr. Lincoln never met Mr. Stanton until the
"Trent" affair brought them together; yet it is certain that Mr. Lincoln
never forgot the gratuitous insult then cast upon him.
To this day there is a settled belief that at this time the
Administration councils manifested a lack of hearty co-operation and
unity of purpose and sentiment. This is a mistake, for throughout Mr.
Lincoln's Administration as much harmony as could reasonably be expected
existed between him and his Cabinet ministers. Differences arose between
them at times in regard to minor considerations of policy, but never to
the extent that the differences were not eventually harmonized,
compromised, or accommodated. To be sure, many things occurred during
the fearful war-struggle about which he and his Cabinet differed in
their estimates and conclusions, and Mr. Lincoln thereby was often
disappointed and grieved. As one instance of his disappointment, may be
mentioned his abandonment of a message to Congress in deference to the
opinion and counsel of his advisers. This occurred directly after his
return from the conference he and Mr. Seward had with Messrs. Stephens,
Campbell, and Hunter at City Point on the James River.
Notwithstanding his hatred of the institution of slavery, Mr. Lincoln
believed that the holder of slaves had a right of property in them which
the government had no right, legally or morally, to interfere with in
the States unless forced thereto by the necessities of war. He gladly
approved the action of Congress in providing for the payment of
compensation for the slaves liberated in the District of Columbia. The
message above referred to recommended an appropriation of three hundred
million dollars to be apportioned among the several slave States, in
proportion to slave population, as compensation to the owners of
liberated slaves in the insurgent States, with the condition that the
insurgents should lay down their arms, disband their troops, and return
and renew their allegiance to the United States government. Mr. Seward
at this time was not present, being confined to bed by injuries he had
received by being thrown from his carriage. All the other members of the
Cabinet were present, every one of whom opposed the message. Lincoln
then asked: "How long will this war last?" No reply came. He then
answered his own question, saying: "It will doubtless last one hundred
days longer; we are now spending three million dollars a day, which rate
will aggregate the amount I propose to appropriate in order to put an
end to this terrible blood-shedding." Then with a deep sigh he said,
"Since you are all opposed to me I will not send this message," and
turning round he placed the paper in his drawer. It is rather a curious
coincidence that the war did last just about a hundred days after
Lincoln's remarkable interview with his Cabinet on this subject.
There is also a prevailing opinion that the Secretary of War (Stanton)
at times arbitrarily refused to obey or carry out Mr. Lincoln's orders.
This is also not true. This opinion is largely based upon Mr. Stanton's
refusal of permits to persons desirous of going through the lines into
insurgent districts. The persons who were disobliged in this respect
were very severe in their comments on Mr. Stanton's course, which they
considered harsh, disobliging, and sometimes cruel. On refusal of Mr.
Stanton to accommodate in many such cases, Mr. Lincoln was appealed to,
and his invariable reply was: "I cannot always know whether a permit
ought to be granted, and I want to oblige everybody when I can; and
Stanton and I have an understanding that if I send an order to him which
cannot be consistently granted, he is to refuse it. This he sometimes
does." This state of things caused him to say to a man who complained of
Stanton, "I have not much influence with this Administration, but I
expect to have more with the next."
Not long before the death of Mr. Lincoln, Mr. Stanton tendered his
resignation as Secretary of War. His letter of resignation was couched
in the kindest language, paying a heartfelt tribute to Mr. Lincoln's
uniform and constant friendship, and his faithful devotion to the
country. It stated that the writer had accepted the position of
Secretary of War for the purpose of holding it only till the war should
end, and that now he felt that his work was completed, and that it was
his duty to resign. Mr. Lincoln was greatly moved by the tone of the
letter, and said: "Mr. Stanton, you have been a faithful public officer,
and it is not for you to say when you will be no longer needed here." At
the President's earnest solicitation, the letter of resignation was
withdrawn, and Mr. Stanton continued to occupy the War Office until
after Mr. Lincoln's death.
When Mr. Lincoln submitted his Proclamation of Emancipation for the
consideration of the Cabinet, he had not conferred with any one about
the phraseology of the instrument. He read the document through, without
a single interruption or comment. They all concurred in opinion that it
was an admirable paper. Mr. Chase then said: "Mr. President, you have
invoked the considerate judgment of mankind, but you have not invoked
the blessing of Almighty God on your action in this matter. I believe He
has something to do with this question." Mr. Lincoln then said: "You are
right, Mr. Secretary. I most humbly thank you for that suggestion; it
was an oversight of mine. Do me the favor of taking a pen and paper and
adding what you would have in conclusion." Mr. Chase wrote seven
words,--namely, "and the gracious favor of Almighty God." Mr. Lincoln
then added them to the end of the last paragraph, which made it read as
follows: "And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice,
warranted by the Constitution upon military necessity, I invoke the
considerate judgment of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty
God."[11]
[11] Page 235, line 25, after the word "God."
John W. Crisfield served in Congress with Mr. Lincoln in 1847 and was a
warm friend of Lincoln. Being elected again as Representative in 1861,
he was in Congress when the proposition was made for gradual
emancipation in the border states by paying the loyal owners for their
slaves. Mr. Crisfield was on the committee that was to draft the reply
to this proposition. When he was at the White House one day in July,
1862, Mr. Lincoln said: "Well, Crisfield, how are you getting along with
your report, have you written it yet?" Mr. Crisfield replied that he had
not. Mr. Lincoln--knowing that the Emancipation Proclamation was coming,
in fact was then only two months away--said, "You had better come to an
agreement. Niggers will never be higher."
In referring to the differences of opinion entertained between Mr.
Lincoln and the members of his Cabinet, it will be observed that in the
matter of reconstruction of the State governments his policy was,
according to his proclamation, that the persons who were authorized to
re-establish such governments were to be "the qualified voters of the
respective States before the acts of secession." Mr. Chase alone of all
the Cabinet objected to this clause of the proclamation, and insisted
that it should be changed so as to read, instead of "qualified voters,"
"citizens of the State." But the Attorney-General in the year 1862 had
given an opinion that the colored men born in the United States were
citizens of the United States; and if the phrase "one-tenth of the
qualified voters required to re-organize" were changed to "one-tenth of
the citizens," the organization might have been legally composed
entirely of colored men. Mr. Lincoln was set in his purpose that the
restored governments in the seceded States should be organized by the
"qualified voters" of those States before secession was attempted, and
Mr. Chase had to submit to the inevitable.
The great caution with which Mr. Lincoln approached the important
subject of elective franchise may be shown in his letter to Governor
Hahn:--
(PRIVATE.)
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 13, 1864.
_Hon. Michael Hahn_:
MY DEAR SIR,--I congratulate you on having fixed your name in
history as the first free-state Governor of Louisiana. Now, you are
about to have a convention, which among other things will probably
define the elective franchise. I barely suggest for your private
consideration, whether some of the colored people may not be let
in,--as, for instance, the very intelligent, and especially those
who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help,
in some trying time to come, to keep the jewel of liberty within
the family of freedom. But this is only a suggestion,--not to the
public, but to you alone.
Yours truly,
(Signed) A. LINCOLN.
This would seem to show conclusively that Mr. Lincoln did not intend to
force negro suffrage upon the people in the rebel States. Doubtless, he
desired that the negroes should have the right of suffrage, but he
expected and hoped that the people would confer the right of their own
will. He knew that if this right were forced upon them, it could not or
would not be exercised in peace. He realized in advance that the
experiment of legislative equality was one fraught with difficulties and
dangers, not only to the well-being of the negro, but to the peace of
society. "While I am," said he, "in favor of freedom to all of God's
human creatures, with equal political rights under prudential
restrictions, I am not in favor of unlimited social equality. There are
questions arising out of our complications that trouble me greatly. The
question of universal suffrage to the freedman in his unprepared state
is one of doubtful propriety. I do not oppose the justice of the
measure; but I do think it is of doubtful political policy, and may
rebound like a boomerang not only on the Republican party, but upon the
freedman himself and our common country."
As the war approached its conclusion, and Mr. Lincoln foresaw the
inevitable submission of the insurgents, his mind did not become less
seriously affected by the contemplation of the new responsibilities
which would devolve upon him as Chief Magistrate of the reorganized and
reconstructed nation. His second Inaugural Address mirrored his frame of
mind to a great extent. He was oppressed with great care, resulting from
a consciousness that changes would occur in the near future which would
impose upon him new and difficult duties, in which he might possibly
find himself in conflict not only with the men in his own party who
already persistently opposed him, but with many other public men who had
supported his Administration throughout the existence of the war. There
seemed to be no settled policy for the contemplated new state of things,
and few men thought alike on the subject. There were almost as many
theories as there were distinguished men to advance them. This state of
things devolved the greater responsibility upon Mr. Lincoln, and he
keenly felt the weight of it.
Upon no occasion, either public or private, did Mr. Lincoln hesitate to
express freely his views and sentiments as to the conditions under which
he would have liked the War of the Rebellion to terminate. All that he
desired was that the enemy should cease fighting, lay down their arms,
and return to their homes, their duties, and their allegiance to their
country. He harbored no feeling of revenge, no thirst for the blood of
his erring fellow-countrymen, his highest aspiration being peace and a
restored Union. From what he has been repeatedly heard to declare, he
would gladly have spared to his vanquished foes the humiliation of a
public surrender if the war could otherwise have been brought to a
close. He fondly hoped for a condition of things which would render
reconstruction and love of country assured, fixed, and immutable. In
discussing the question of reconstruction previous to the surrender of
General Lee, I have more than once heard him say: "We cannot hang all
these people, even if they were in our power; there are too many of
them. Think of the consequences of such an act! Since this government
was established, there have been comparatively few trials or executions
for treason or offences against the State. This has been eminently a
government of loyal citizens."
A distinguished gentleman, an earnest advocate for punishment of the
rebels, once asked him what he intended to do when the moment arrived
for him to act. "Do?" said he; "why, reconstruct the machinery of this
government! This is all that I see I can properly do." The gentleman,
with much asperity, exclaimed: "Mr. President, it does appear to some of
your friends, myself included, as if you had taken final leave of your
senses! As if it were intended that treason should henceforth not be
regarded as odious, and the offenders, cut-throats, and authors of this
war should not only go unpunished, but receive encouragement to repeat
their outrages on the government with impunity! They should be hanged
higher than Haman, sir!"
Mr. Lincoln here asked: "Mr. ----, suppose, when the moment has arrived,
the hanging policy you recommend be adopted,--will you agree to be chief
executioner? If so, let me know, and I will at once appoint you a
brigadier-general and prospective public hangman of the United States.
Will you serve, if so appointed?"
"Mr. Lincoln," responded his interlocutor, "I supposed you regarded me
as a gentleman; at least you ought to know better than to ask me to do,
or believe me capable of doing, such dirty work."
"You speak," said Mr. Lincoln, interrupting him, "of being a gentleman.
In this free country of ours, when it comes to rights and duties,
especially in time of war, the gentleman and the vagrant stand on
exactly the same plane; their rights are equal, their duties the same.
As a law-abiding citizen, you are no more exempt from the performance of
what you call 'dirty work' than if you were not a gentleman."
His visitor here arose abruptly and left the room in great indignation,
relieving himself of his pent-up wrath by a torrent of oaths and
imprecations. He was a United States Senator, and I have not at all
exaggerated his profanity or his deportment on the occasion here
narrated. He did not, indeed, intermit his denunciations, which were,
besides, embellished with the choicest specimens of billingsgate, until
a casual rencontre on the Avenue with a member of the lower House
afforded him the solace of exclaiming: "Lincoln is a damned idiot! He
has no spirit, and is as weak as an old woman. He was never fitted for
the position he holds. After this war is over, it would not at all
surprise me if he were to fill the public offices with a horde of these
infernal rebels, and choose for his constitutional advisers the damnable
leaders of the rebellion themselves." I am not aware that this senator
ever again visited the President.
After the capitulation of General Lee, what was to be done with the
leaders of the rebellion became a most serious question. Persons who had
been throughout the war the fiercest and most radical opponents of the
rebels (such men as Horace Greeley and others) became suddenly most
conservative; and the converse course was pursued by many of the most
conservative persons, now urging relentless punishment of the offending
leaders. General Grant asked for special instructions of Mr.
Lincoln,--whether he should try to capture Jefferson Davis, or let him
escape from the country if he wanted to do so. Mr. Lincoln replied by
relating the story of an Irishman who had taken the pledge of Father
Matthew, and having become terribly thirsty applied to a bar-tender for
a lemonade; and while it was being prepared he whispered to the
bar-tender, "And couldn't you put a little brandy in it all unbeknownst
to myself?" Mr. Lincoln told the general he would like to let Jeff Davis
escape all unbeknown to himself: he had no use for him.
On the day of the assassination, General Creswell came to Washington to
see the President in the interest of an old friend who had been located
in the South, and had got into the rebel army, and had been captured by
our troops and imprisoned. He drew an affidavit setting forth what he
knew about the man, particularly mentioning extenuating circumstances
which seemed to entitle him to the generosity or leniency of the
government. General Creswell found the President very happy. The
Confederacy had collapsed. The scene at Appomattox had just been
enacted. He was greeted with: "Creswell, old fellow, everything is
bright this morning. The war is over. It has been a tough time, but we
have lived it out,--or some of us have," and he dropped his voice a
little on the last clause of the sentence. "But it is over; we are going
to have good times now, and a united country."
After a time, General Creswell told his story, read his affidavit, and
said, "I know the man has acted like a fool, but he is my friend, and a
good fellow; let him out, give him to me, and I will be responsible that
he won't have anything more to do with the rebs."
"Creswell," said Mr. Lincoln, "you make me think of a lot of young folks
who once started out Maying. To reach their destination, they had to
cross a shallow stream, and did so by means of an old flatboat. When the
time came to return, they found to their dismay that the old scow had
disappeared. They were in sore trouble, and thought over all manner of
devices for getting over the water, but without avail. After a time, one
of the boys proposed that each fellow should pick up the girl he liked
best and wade over with her. The masterly proposition was carried out,
until all that were left upon the island was a little short chap and a
great, long, gothic-built, elderly lady. Now, Creswell, you are trying
to leave me in the same predicament. You fellows are all getting your
own friends out of this scrape; and you will succeed in carrying off one
after another, until nobody but Jeff Davis and myself will be left on
the island, and then I won't know what to do. How should I feel? How
should I look, lugging him over? I guess the way to avoid such an
embarrassing situation is to let them all out at once."
A somewhat similar illustration he made at an informal Cabinet meeting,
at which was being discussed the disposition of Jefferson Davis and
other prominent Confederates. Each member of the Cabinet gave his
opinion; most of them were for hanging the traitors, or for some severe
punishment. Lincoln said nothing. Finally, Joshua F. Speed, his old and
confidential friend, who had been invited to the meeting, said, "I have
heard the opinion of your Ministers, and would like to hear yours."
"Well, Josh," replied Mr. Lincoln, "when I was a boy in Indiana, I went
to a neighbor's house one morning and found a boy of my own size holding
a coon by a string. I asked him what he had and what he was doing. He
says, 'It's a coon. Dad cotched six last night, and killed all but this
poor little cuss. Dad told me to hold him until he came back, and I'm
afraid he's going to kill this one too; and oh, Abe, I do wish he would
get away!' 'Well, why don't you let him loose?' 'That wouldn't be right;
and if I let him go, Dad would give me hell. But if he would get away
himself, it would be all right.' Now," said Mr. Lincoln, "if Jeff Davis
and those other fellows will only get away, it will be all right. But if
we should catch them, and I should let them go, 'Dad would give me
hell.'"
The President of the Southern Confederacy was, however, afterwards
captured and imprisoned at Fortress Monroe, charged with treason, etc.,
and at length admitted to bail,--Mr. Horace Greeley, the great Radical
journalist, becoming one of his bondsmen. Mr. Davis was never brought to
trial, and eventually the charges against him were ignored. He was a
prisoner of State at Fortress Monroe for two years; in the year 1867 he
was released on bail, went to Canada, but subsequently returned to the
State of Mississippi, where he lived in retirement until his death.
On the night of the 3d of March, 1865, Mr. Lincoln, with several members
of his Cabinet, was in attendance at the Capitol, awaiting the final
passage of bills by Congress, in order that they might receive the
Presidential signature. In the intervals between the reading,
considering, and approving of these bills, the military situation was
freely discussed. Every one appeared to be happy at the prospect of the
early re-establishment of peace, General Grant having just telegraphed a
glowing account of his successes and his control of the situation, and
expressing the hope that a very few days would find Richmond in the
hands of the national forces and the army of General Lee disbanded or
captured. While the members were felicitating one another on the
approaching cessation of hostilities, a second dispatch from General
Grant was handed to Mr. Stanton, who, having read it, handed it to the
President and became absorbed in thought. The telegram advised the
Secretary of the receipt of a letter from General Lee, requesting an
immediate interview, with a view to the re-establishment of peace
between the two sections. The dispatch having been read by others of the
party, Mr. Lincoln's spirits rose to a height rarely witnessed since the
outbreak of the war. All the better and kindlier impulses of his nature
were aroused. The cry, "What is to be done with the rebels when this
cruel war is over?" ceased to ring in his ears. He was unable to
restrain himself from giving expression to the natural impulses of his
heart, or from foreshadowing the magnanimity with which the Confederates
were now to be treated. He did not hesitate to express himself as
favorably disposed towards granting the most lenient and generous terms
to a defeated foe.
Mr. Stanton could now no longer restrain himself; he was in a towering
rage, and turning to the President, his eyes flashing fire, he
exclaimed: "Mr. President, you are losing sight of the paramount
consideration at this juncture, namely, how and by whom is this war to
be closed? To-morrow is Inauguration Day; you will then enter upon your
second term of office. Read again this dispatch: don't you appreciate
its significance? If you are not to be President of an obedient, loyal,
and united people, you ought not to take the oath of office,--you are
not a proper person to be empowered with so high and responsible a
trust. Your work is already achieved,--all but reconstruction. If any
other authority than your own be for a moment recognized; or if terms of
peace be agreed upon that do not emanate from yourself, and do not imply
that you are the supreme head of the nation,--you are not needed. You
should not consent to act in the humiliating capacity of a mere
figure-head, to aid in the acquisition of that fame for others which
rightfully belongs to yourself. By thus doing, you will scandalize every
true friend you possess in the country."
It was now Mr. Lincoln's turn to become thoughtful. He sat at the table
for a few minutes, absorbed in deep reflection, and then, addressing
himself to the Secretary of War, said: "Stanton, you are right; this
dispatch did not, at first sight, strike me as I now consider it." Upon
this he took pen and paper and hurriedly wrote the following dispatch,
handing it to Stanton, and requesting him to date, sign, and send it at
once. The dispatch ran as follows:--
"The President directs me to say to you that he wishes you to have
no conference with General Lee, unless it be for the capitulation
of Lee's army, or on some minor and purely military matter. He
instructs me to say that you are not to decide, discuss, or confer
on any political questions; the President, holding the decision of
these questions in his own hands, will submit them to no military
conference or convention. In the mean time you are to press, to
the utmost of your ability, your military advantage."
The above dispatch was read, signed, and sent by Mr. Stanton
immediately, without one word of comment, and soon afterward the entire
party left the Capitol for their respective homes, there to await
further developments. At the same time, the Secretary of War sent the
following telegram to General Grant:--
WASHINGTON, March 3, 1865.
LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT,--I send you a telegram written by the
President himself, in answer to yours of this evening, which I have
signed by his order. I will add that General Ord's conduct in
holding intercourse with General Longstreet upon political
questions not committed to his charge, is not approved. The same
thing was done, in one instance, by Major Keys, when the army was
commanded by General McClellan, and he was sent to meet Howell Cobb
on the subject of exchanges; and it was in that instance, as in
this, disapproved. You will please, in future, instruct officers
appointed to meet rebel officers to confine themselves to the
matters specially committed to them.
(Signed) EDWIN M. STANTON,
_Secretary of War_.
On the succeeding day a dispatch was received from General Grant in
cipher, of which the following is a translation:--
CITY POINT, March 4, 1865.
Hon. E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War:
Your dispatch of the 3d, midnight, received. I have a letter to
General Lee, copy of which will be sent you by to-morrow's mail. I
can assure you that no act of the enemy will prevent me pressing
all advantages gained to the utmost of my ability. Neither will I,
under any circumstances, exceed my authority, or in any way
embarrass the government. It was because I had no right to meet
General Lee on the subject proposed by him, that I referred the
matter for instructions.
U. S. GRANT,
_Lieutenant-General_.