"It affects, more or less, the whole west of Europe, from the head of

the Gulf of Bothnia to the most southern promontory of Sicily, from the

Oder and the Adriatic to the Hebrides and to Lisbon. It is true that the

language spoken over a large portion of this place is not predominantly

German; but even in France and Italy, and Spain, the influence of the

Franks, Burgundians, Visigoths, Ostrogoths, and Lombards while it has

colored even the language, has in blood and institutions left its mark

legibly and indelibly. Germany, the Low Countries, Switzerland, for the

most part Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, and our own islands are all in

language, in blood, and in institutions German most decidedly. But all

South America is peopled with Spaniards and Portuguese; all North

America and all Australia with Englishmen. I say nothing of the

prospects and influence of the German race in Africa and in India; it is

enough to say that half of Europe and all America and Australia are

German, more or less completely, in race, in language, or in

institutions, or in all."

By the middle of the fifth century Germanic nations had settled

themselves in many of the fairest regions of the Roman Empire, had

imposed their yoke on the provincials, and had undergone, to a

considerable extent, that moral conquest which the arts and refinements

of the vanquished in arms have so often achieved over the rough victor.

The Visigoths held the North of Spain, and Gaul south of the Loire.

Franks, Alemanni, Alans, and Burgundians had established themselves in

other Gallic provinces, and the Suevi were masters of a large southern

portion of the Spanish peninsula. A king of the Vandals reigned in

North Africa; and the Ostrogoths had firmly planted themselves in the

provinces north of Italy. Of these powers and principalities, that of

the Visigoths, under their king Theodoric, son of Alaric, was by far the

first in power and in civilization.

The pressure of the Huns upon Europe had first been felt in the fourth

century of our era. They had long been formidable to the Chinese empire,

but the ascendency in arms which another nomadic tribe of Central Asia,

the Sienpi, gained over them, drove the Huns from their Chinese conquest

westward; and this movement once being communicated to the whole chain

of barbaric nations that dwelt northward of the Black Sea and the Roman

Empire, tribe after tribe of savage warriors broke in upon the barriers

of civilized Europe. The Huns crossed the Tanais into Europe in 375, and

rapidly reduced to subjection the Alans, the Ostrogoths, and other

tribes that were then dwelling along the course of the Danube. The

armies of the Roman Emperor that tried to check their progress were cut

to pieces by them, and Pannonia and other provinces south of the Danube

were speedily occupied by the victorious cavalry of these new invaders.

Not merely the degenerate Romans, but the bold and hardy warriors of

Germany and Scandinavia, were appalled at the number, the ferocity, the

ghastly appearance, and the lightning-like rapidity of the Huns. Strange

and loathsome legends were coined and credited, which attributed their

origin to the union of

"Secret, black, and midnight hags"

with the evil spirits of the wilderness.

Tribe after tribe and city after city fell before them. Then came a

pause in their career of conquest in Southwestern Europe, caused

probably by dissensions among their chiefs, and also by their arms being

employed in attacks upon the Scandinavian nations. But when Attila--or

Atzel, as he is called in the Hungarian language--became their ruler,

the torrent of their arms was directed with augmented terrors upon the

West and the South, and their myriads marched beneath the guidance of

one master-mind to the overthrow both of the new and the old powers of

the earth.

Recent events have thrown such a strong interest over everything

connected with the Hungarian name that even the terrible renown of

Attila now impresses us the more vividly through our sympathizing

admiration of the exploits of those who claim to be descended from his

warriors, and "ambitiously insert the name of Attila among their native

kings." The authenticity of this martial genealogy is denied by some

writers and questioned by more. But it is at least certain that the

Magyars of Arpad, who are the immediate ancestors of the bulk of the

modern Hungarians, and who conquered the country which bears the name of

Hungary in A.D. 889, were of the same stock of mankind as were the Huns

of Attila, even if they did not belong to the same subdivision of that

stock. Nor is there any improbability in the tradition that after

Attila's death many of his warriors remained in Hungary, and that their

descendants afterward joined the Huns of Arpad in their career of

conquest. It is certain that Attila made Hungary the seat of his empire.

It seems also susceptible of clear proof that the territory was then

called Hungvar, and Attila's soldiers Hungvari. Both the Huns of Attila

and those of Arpad came from the family of nomadic nations whose

primitive regions were those vast wildernesses of High Asia which are

included between the Altaic and the Himalayan mountain chains.

The inroads of these tribes upon the lower regions of Asia and into

Europe have caused many of the most remarkable revolutions in the

history of the world. There is every reason to believe that swarms of

these nations made their way into distant parts of the earth at periods

long before the date of the Scythian invasion of Asia, which is the

earliest inroad of the nomadic race that history records. The first, as

far as we can conjecture, in respect to the time of their descent, were

the Finnish and Ugrian tribes, who appear to have come down from the

Altaic border of High Asia toward the northwest, in which direction they

advanced to the Uralian Mountains. There they established themselves;

and that mountain chain, with its valleys and pasture lands, became to

them a new country, whence they sent out colonies on every side; but the

Ugrian colony which under Arpad occupied Hungary and became the

ancestors of the bulk of the present Hungarian nation did not quit

their settlements on the Uralian Mountains till a very late period, and

not until four centuries after the time when Attila led from the primary

seats of the nomadic races in High Asia the host with which he advanced

into the heart of France. That host was Turkish, but closely allied in

origin, language, and habits with the Finno-Ugrian settlers on the Ural.

Attila's fame has not come down to us through the partial and suspicious

medium of chroniclers and poets of his own race. It is not from Hunnish

authorities that we learn the extent of his might: it is from his

enemies, from the literature and the legends of the nations whom he

afflicted with his arms, that we draw the unquestionable evidence of his

greatness. Besides the express narratives of Byzantine, Latin, and

Gothic writers, we have the strongest proof of the stern reality of

Attila's conquests in the extent to which he and his Huns have been the

themes of the earliest German and Scandinavian lays. Wild as many of

those legends are, they bear concurrent and certain testimony to the awe

with which the memory of Attila was regarded by the bold warriors who

composed and delighted in them.

Attila's exploits, and the wonders of his unearthly steed and magic

sword, repeatedly occur in the sagas of Norway and Iceland; and the

celebrated _Nibelungenlied_, the most ancient of Germanic poetry, is

full of them. There Etsel, or Attila, is described as the wearer of

twelve mighty crowns, and as promising to his bride the lands of thirty

kings whom his irresistible sword had subdued. He is, in fact, the hero

of the latter part of this remarkable poem; and it is at his capital

city, Etselenburg, which evidently corresponds to the modern Buda, that

much of its action takes place.

When we turn from the legendary to the historic Attila, we see clearly

that he was not one of the vulgar herd of barbaric conquerors.

Consummate military skill may be traced in his campaigns; and he relied

far less on the brute force of armies for the aggrandizement of his

empire than on the unbounded influence over the affections of friends

and the fears of foes which his genius enabled him to acquire. Austerely

sober in his private life--severely just on the judgment

seat--conspicuous among a nation of warriors for hardihood, strength,

and skill in every martial exercise--grave and deliberate in counsel,

but rapid and remorseless in execution, he gave safety and security to

all who were under his dominion, while he waged a warfare of

extermination against all who opposed or sought to escape from it. He

watched the national passions, the prejudices, the creeds, and the

superstitions of the varied nations over which he ruled and of those

which he sought to reduce beneath his sway: all these feelings he had

the skill to turn to his own account. His own warriors believed him to

be the inspired favorite of their deities, and followed him with fanatic

zeal; his enemies looked on him as the preappointed minister of heaven's

wrath against themselves; and though they believed not in his creed,

their own made them tremble before him.

In one of his early campaigns he appeared before his troops with an

ancient iron sword in his grasp, which he told them was the god of war

whom their ancestors had worshipped. It is certain that the nomadic

tribes of Northern Asia, whom Herodotus described under the name of

Scythians, from the earliest times worshipped as their god a bare sword.

That sword-god was supposed, in Attila's time, to have disappeared from

earth; but the Hunnish King now claimed to have received it by special

revelation. It was said that a herdsman, who was tracking in the desert

a wounded heifer by the drops of blood, found the mysterious sword

standing fixed in the ground, as if it had darted down from heaven. The

herdsman bore it to Attila, who thenceforth was believed by the Huns to

wield the Spirit of Death in battle, and their seers prophesied that

that sword was to destroy the world. A Roman, who was on an embassy to

the Hunnish camp, recorded in his memoirs Attila's acquisition of this

supernatural weapon, and the immense influence over the minds of the

barbaric tribes which its possession gave him. In the title which he

assumed we shall see the skill with which he availed himself of the

legends and creeds of other nations as well as of his own. He designated

himself "ATTILA, Descendant of the Great Nimrod. Nurtured in Engaddi. By

the grace of God, King of the Huns, the Goths, the Danes, and the Medes.

The Dread of the World."

Herbert states that Attila is represented on an old medallion with a

teraph, or a head, on his breast; and the same writer adds: "We know,

from the _Hamartigenea_ of Prudentius, that Nimrod, with a snaky-haired

head, was the object of adoration of the heretical followers of Marcion;

and the same head was the palladium set up by Antiochus Epiphanes over

the gates of Antioch, though it has been called the visage of Charon.

The memory of Nimrod was certainly regarded with mystic veneration by

many; and by asserting himself to be the heir of that mighty hunter

before the Lord, he vindicated to himself at least the whole Babylonian

kingdom.

"The singular assertion in his style, that he was nurtured in Engaddi,

where he certainly had never been, will be more easily understood on

reference to the twelfth chapter of the Book of Revelation, concerning

the woman clothed with the sun, who was to bring forth in the

wilderness--'where she hath a place prepared of God'--a man-child, who

was to contend with the dragon having seven heads and ten horns, and

rule all nations with a rod of iron. This prophecy was at that time

understood universally by the sincere Christians to refer to the birth

of Constantine, who was to overwhelm the paganism of the city on the

seven hills, and it is still so explained; but it is evident that the

heathens must have looked on it in a different light, and have regarded

it as a foretelling of the birth of that Great one who should master the

temporal power of Rome. The assertion, therefore, that he was nurtured

in Engaddi, is a claim to be looked upon as that man-child who was to be

brought forth in a place prepared of God in the wilderness. Engaddi

means a place of palms and vines in the desert; it was hard by Zoar, the

city of refuge, which was saved in the Vale of Siddim, or Demons, when

the rest were destroyed by fire and brimstone from the Lord in heaven,

and might, therefore, be especially called a place prepared of God in

the wilderness."

It is obvious enough why he styled himself "By the Grace of God, King of

the Huns and Goths," and it seems far from difficult to see why he added

the names of the Medes and the Danes. His armies had been engaged in

warfare against the Persian kingdom of the Sassanidæ, and it is certain

that he meditated the invasion and overthrow of the Medo-Persian power.

Probably some of the northern provinces of that kingdom had been

compelled to pay him tribute; and this would account for his styling

himself king of the Medes, they being his remotest subjects to the

south. From a similar cause he may have called himself king of the

Danes, as his power may well have extended northward as far as the

nearest of the Scandinavian nations, and this mention of Medes and Danes

as his subjects would serve at once to indicate the vast extent of his

dominion.[24]

The immense territory north of the Danube and Black Sea and eastward of

Caucasus, over which Attila ruled, first in conjunction with his brother

Bleda, and afterward alone, cannot be very accurately defined, but it

must have comprised within it, besides the Huns, many nations of Slavic,

Gothic, Teutonic, and Finnish origin. South also of the Danube, the

country, from the river Sau as far as Novi in Thrace, was a Hunnish

province. Such was the empire of the Huns in A.D. 445; a memorable year,

in which Attila founded Buda on the Danube as his capital city, and rid

himself of his brother by a crime which seems to have been prompted not

only by selfish ambition, but also by a desire of turning to his purpose

the legends and forebodings which then were universally spread

throughout the Roman Empire, and must have been well known to the

watchful and ruthless Hun.

The year 445 of our era completed the twelfth century from the

foundation of Rome, according to the best chronologers. It had always

been believed among the Romans that the twelve vultures, which were said

to have appeared to Romulus when he founded the city, signified the time

during which the Roman power should endure. The twelve vultures denoted

twelve centuries. This interpretation of the vision of the birds of

destiny was current among learned Romans, even when there were yet many

of the twelve centuries to run, and while the imperial city was at the

zenith of its power. But as the allotted time drew nearer and nearer to

its conclusion, and as Rome grew weaker and weaker beneath the blows of

barbaric invaders, the terrible omen was more and more talked and

thought of; and in Attila's time, men watched for the momentary

extinction of the Roman State with the last beat of the last vulture's

wing. Moreover, among the numerous legends connected with the foundation

of the city, and the fratricidal death of Remus, there was one most

terrible one, which told that Romulus did not put his brother to death

in accident or in hasty quarrel, but that

"He slew his gallant twin

With inexpiable sin,"

deliberately and in compliance with the warnings of supernatural powers.

The shedding of a brother's blood was believed to have been the price at

which the founder of Rome had purchased from destiny her twelve

centuries of existence.

We may imagine, therefore, with what terror in this the twelve hundredth

year after the foundation of Rome the inhabitants of the Roman Empire

must have heard the tidings that the royal brethren Attila and Bleda had

founded a new capital on the Danube, which was designed to rule over the

ancient capital on the Tiber; and that Attila, like Romulus, had

consecrated the foundations of his new city by murdering his brother; so

that for the new cycle of centuries then about to commence, dominion had

been bought from the gloomy spirits of destiny in favor of the Hun by a

sacrifice of equal awe and value with that which had formerly obtained

it for the Roman.

It is to be remembered that not only the pagans but also the Christians

of that age knew and believed in these legends and omens, however they

might differ as to the nature of the superhuman agency by which such

mysteries had been made known to mankind. And we may observe with

Herbert, a modern learned dignitary of our Church, how remarkably this

augury was fulfilled; for "if to the twelve centuries denoted by the

twelve vultures that appeared to Romulus we add, for the six birds that

appeared to Remus, six _lustra_ or periods of five years each, by which

the Romans were wont to number their time, it brings us precisely to the

year 476, in which the Roman Empire was finally extinguished by

Odoacer."

An attempt to assassinate Attila, made, or supposed to have been made,

at the instigation of Theodoric the Younger, the emperor of

Constantinople, drew the Hunnish armies, in 445, upon the Eastern

Empire, and delayed for a time the destined blow against Rome. Probably

a more important cause of delay was the revolt of some of the Hunnish

tribes to the north of the Black Sea against Attila, which broke out

about this period, and is cursorily mentioned by the Byzantine writers.

Attila quelled this revolt, and having thus consolidated his power, and

having punished the presumption of the Eastern Roman Emperor by fearful

ravages of his fairest provinces, Attila, in 450 A.D., prepared to set

his vast forces in motion for the conquest of Western Europe. He sought

unsuccessfully by diplomatic intrigues to detach the king of the

Visigoths from his alliance with Rome, and he resolved first to crush

the power of Theodoric, and then to advance with overwhelming power to

trample out the last sparks of the doomed Roman Empire.

A strange invitation from a Roman princess gave him a pretext for the

war, and threw an air of chivalric enterprise over his invasion.

Honoria, sister of Valentinian III, the emperor of the West, had sent to

Attila to offer him her hand and her supposed right to share in the

imperial power. This had been discovered by the Romans, and Honoria had

been forthwith closely imprisoned. Attila now pretended to take up arms

in behalf of his self-promised bride, and proclaimed that he was about

to march to Rome to redress Honoria's wrongs. Ambition and spite against

her brother must have been the sole motives that led the lady to woo the

royal Hun; for Attila's face and person had all the natural ugliness of

his race, and the description given of him by a Byzantine ambassador

must have been well known in the imperial courts. Herbert has well

versified the portrait drawn by Priscus of the great enemy of both

Byzantium and Rome:

"Terrific was his semblance, in no mould

Of beautiful proportion cast; his limbs

Nothing exalted, but with sinews braced

Of Chalybean temper, agile, lithe,

And swifter than the roe; his ample chest

Was overbrow'd by a gigantic head,

With eyes keen, deeply sunk, and small, that gleam'd

Strangely in wrath as though some spirit unclean

Within that corporal tenement install'd

Look'd from its windows, but with temper'd fire

Beam'd mildly on the unresisting. Thin

His beard and hoary; his flat nostrils crown'd

A cicatrized, swart visage; but, withal,

That questionable shape such glory wore

That mortals quail'd beneath him."

Two chiefs of the Franks, who were then settled on the Lower Rhine, were

at this period engaged in a feud with each other, and while one of them

appealed to the Romans for aid, the other invoked the assistance and

protection of the Huns. Attila thus obtained an ally whose coöperation

secured for him the passage of the Rhine, and it was this circumstance

which caused him to take a northward route from Hungary for his attack

upon Gaul. The muster of the Hunnish hosts was swollen by warriors of

every tribe that they had subjugated; nor is there any reason to suspect

the old chroniclers of wilful exaggeration in estimating Attila's army

as seven hundred thousand strong. Having crossed the Rhine probably a

little below Coblentz, he defeated the king of the Burgundians, who

endeavored to bar his progress. He then divided his vast forces into two

armies, one of which marched northwest upon Tongres and Arras and the

other cities of that part of France, while the main body, under Attila

himself, advanced up the Moselle, and destroyed Besançon and other towns

in the country of the Burgundians.

One of the latest and best biographers of Attila well observes that,

"having thus conquered the eastern part of France, Attila prepared for

an invasion of the West-Gothic territories beyond the Loire. He marched

upon Orleans, where he intended to force the passage of that river, and

only a little attention is requisite to enable us to perceive that he

proceeded on a systematic plan: he had his right wing on the north for

the protection of his Frank allies; his left wing on the south for the

purpose of preventing the Burgundians from rallying and of menacing the

passes of the Alps from Italy; and he led his centre toward the chief

object of the campaign--the conquest of Orleans, and an easy passage

into the West-Gothic dominion. The whole plan is very like that of the

allied powers in 1814, with this difference, that their left wing

entered France through the defiles of the Jura, in the direction of

Lyons, and that the military object of the campaign was the capture of

Paris."

It was not until the year 451 that the Huns commenced the siege of

Orleans; and during their campaign in Eastern Gaul, the Roman general

Aetius had strenuously exerted himself in collecting and organizing such

an army as might, when united to the soldiery of the Visigoths, be fit

to face the Huns in the field. He enlisted every subject of the Roman

Empire whom patriotism, courage, or compulsion could collect beneath the

standards; and round these troops, which assumed the once proud title of

the legions of Rome he arrayed the large forces of barbaric auxiliaries,

whom pay, persuasion, or the general hate and dread of the Huns brought

to the camp of the last of the Roman generals. King Theodoric exerted

himself with equal energy. Orleans resisted her besiegers bravely as in

after-times. The passage of the Loire was skilfully defended against the

Huns; and Aetius and Theodoric, after much manoeuvring and difficulty,

effected a junction of their armies to the south of that important

river.

On the advance of the allies upon Orleans, Attila instantly broke up the

siege of that city and retreated toward the Marne. He did not choose to

risk a decisive battle with only the central corps of his army against

the combined power of his enemies, and he therefore fell back upon his

base of operations, calling in his wings from Arras and Besançon, and

concentrating the whole of the Hunnish forces on the vast plains of

Châlons-sur-Marne. A glance at the map will show how scientifically this

place was chosen by the Hunnish general as the point for his scattered

forces to converge upon; and the nature of the ground was eminently

favorable for the operations of cavalry, the arm in which Attila's

strength peculiarly lay.

It was during the retreat from Orleans that a Christian hermit is

reported to have approached the Hunnish King and said to him, "Thou art

the Scourge of God for the chastisement of the Christians." Attila

instantly assumed this new title of terror, which thenceforth became the

appellation by which he was most widely and most fearfully known.

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