THE FOUNDATIONS OF THE 'ORIGIN OF SPECIES.'
To give an account of the development of the chief work of my father's
life--the _Origin of Species_, it will be necessary to return to an
earlier date, and to weave into the story letters and other material,
purposely omitted from the chapters dealing with the voyage and with his
life at Down.
To be able to estimate the greatness of the work, we must know something
of the state of knowledge on the species question at the time when the
germs of the Darwinian theory were forming in my father's mind.
For the brief sketch which I can here insert, I am largely indebted to
vol. ii. chapter v. of the _Life and Letters_--a discussion on the
_Reception of the Origin of Species_ which Mr. Huxley "was good enough
to write for me, also to the masterly obituary essay on my father, which
the same writer contributed to the Proceedings of the Royal
Society."[125]
Mr. Huxley has well said[126]:
"To any one who studies the signs of the times, the emergence of the
philosophy of Evolution, in the attitude of claimant to the throne of
the world of thought, from the limbo of hated and, as many hoped,
forgotten things, is the most portentous event of the nineteenth
century."
In the autobiographical chapter, my father has given an account of his
share in this great work: the present chapter does little more than
expand that story.
Two questions naturally occur to one: (1)--When and how did Darwin
become convinced that species are mutable? How (that is to say) did he
begin to believe in evolution. And (2)--When and how did he conceive the
manner in which species are modified; when did he begin to believe in
Natural Selection?
The first question is the more difficult of the two to answer. He has
said in the _Autobiography_ (p. 39) that certain facts observed by him
in South America seemed to be explicable only on the "supposition that
species gradually become modified." He goes on to say that the subject
"haunted him"; and I think it is especially worthy of note that this
"haunting,"--this unsatisfied dwelling on the subject was connected with
the desire to explain _how_ species can be modified. It was
characteristic of him to feel, as he did, that it was "almost useless"
to endeavour to prove the general truth of evolution, unless the cause
of change could be discovered. I think that throughout his life the
questions 1 and 2 were intimately,--perhaps unduly so, connected in his
mind. It will be shown, however, that after the publication of the
_Origin_, when his views were being weighed in the balance of scientific
opinion, it was to the acceptance of Evolution not of Natural Selection
that he attached importance.
An interesting letter (Feb. 24, 1877) to Dr. Otto Zacharias,[127] gives
the same impression as the _Autobiography_:--
"When I was on board the _Beagle_ I believed in the permanence of
species, but as far as I can remember, vague doubts occasionally flitted
across my mind. On my return home in the autumn of 1836, I immediately
began to prepare my Journal for publication, and then saw how many facts
indicated the common descent of species, so that in July, 1837, I opened
a note-book to record any facts which might bear on the question. But I
did not become convinced that species were mutable until, I think, two
or three years had elapsed."
Two years bring us to 1839, at which date the idea of natural selection
had already occurred to him--a fact which agrees with what has been said
above. How far the idea that evolution is conceivable came to him from
earlier writers it is not possible to say. He has recorded in the
_Autobiography_ (p. 38) the "silent astonishment with which, about the
year 1825, he heard Grant expound the Lamarckian philosophy." He goes
on:--
"I had previously read the _Zoonomia_ of my grandfather, in which
similar views are maintained, but without producing any effect on me.
Nevertheless, it is probable that the hearing rather early in life such
views maintained and praised, may have favoured my upholding them under
a different form in my _Origin of Species_. At this time I admired
greatly the _Zoonomia_; but on reading it a second time after an
interval of ten or fifteen years, I was much disappointed; the
proportion of speculation being so large to the facts given."
Mr. Huxley has well said (Obituary Notice, p. ii.): "Erasmus Darwin,
was in fact an anticipator of Lamarck, and not of Charles Darwin; there
is no trace in his works of the conception by the addition of which his
grandson metamorphosed the theory of evolution as applied to living
things, and gave it a new foundation."
On the whole it seems to me that the effect on his mind of the earlier
evolutionists was inappreciable, and as far as concerns the history of
the _Origin of the Species_, it is of no particular importance, because,
as before said, evolution made no progress in his mind until the cause
of modification was conceivable.
I think Mr. Huxley is right in saying[128] that "it is hardly too much
to say that Darwin's greatest work is the outcome of the unflinching
application to biology of the leading idea, and the method applied in
the _Principles_ to Geology." Mr. Huxley has elsewhere[129] admirably
expressed the bearing of Lyell's work in this connection:--
"I cannot but believe that Lyell, for others, as for myself, was the
chief agent in smoothing the road for Darwin. For consistent
uniformitarianism postulates evolution as much in the organic as in the
inorganic world. The origin of a new species by other than ordinary
agencies would be a vastly greater 'catastrophe' than any of those which
Lyell successfully eliminated from sober geological speculation....
"Lyell,[130] with perfect right, claims this position for himself. He
speaks of having 'advocated a law of continuity even in the organic
world, so far as possible without adopting Lamarck's theory of
transmutation....
"'But while I taught,' Lyell goes on, 'that as often as certain forms of
animals and plants disappeared, for reasons quite intelligible to us,
others took their place by virtue of a causation which was beyond our
comprehension; it remained for Darwin to accumulate proof that there is
no break between the incoming and the outgoing species, that they are
the work of evolution, and not of special creation.... I had certainly
prepared the way in this country, in six editions of my work before the
_Vestiges of Creation_ appeared in 1842 [1844], for the reception of
Darwin's gradual and insensible evolution of species.'"
Mr. Huxley continues:--
"If one reads any of the earlier editions of the _Principles_ carefully
(especially by the light of the interesting series of letters recently
published by Sir Charles Lyell's biographer), it is easy to see that,
with all his energetic opposition to Lamarck, on the one hand, and to
the ideal quasi-progressionism of Agassiz, on the other, Lyell, in his
own mind, was strongly disposed to account for the origination of all
past and present species of living things by natural causes. But he
would have liked, at the same time, to keep the name of creation for a
natural process which he imagined to be incomprehensible."
The passage above given refers to the influence of Lyell in preparing
men's minds for belief in the _Origin_, but I cannot doubt that it
"smoothed the way" for the author of that work in his early searchings,
as well as for his followers. My father spoke prophetically when he
wrote the dedication to Lyell of the second edition of the _Journal of
Researches_ (1845).
"To Charles Lyell, Esq., F.R.S., this second edition is dedicated with
grateful pleasure--as an acknowledgment that the chief part of whatever
scientific merit this journal and the other works of the author may
possess, has been derived from studying the well-known and admirable
_Principles of Geology_."
Professor Judd, in some reminiscences of my father which he was so good
as to give me, quotes him as saying that, "It was the reading of the
_Principles of Geology_ which did most towards moulding his mind and
causing him to take up the line of investigation to which his life was
devoted."
The _role_ that Lyell played as a pioneer makes his own point of view as
to evolution all the more remarkable. As the late H. C. Watson wrote to
my father (December 21, 1859):--
Now these novel views are brought fairly before the scientific public,
it seems truly remarkable how so many of them could have failed to see
their right road sooner. How could Sir C. Lyell, for instance, for
thirty years read, write, and think, on the subject of species _and
their succession_, and yet constantly look down the wrong road!
"A quarter of a century ago, you and I must have been in something like
the same state of mind on the main question. But you were able to see
and work out the _quo modo_ of the succession, the all-important thing,
while I failed to grasp it."
In his earlier attitude towards evolution, my father was on a par with
his contemporaries. He wrote in the _Autobiography_:--
"I occasionally sounded not a few naturalists, and never happened to
come across a single one who seemed to doubt about the permanence of
species:" and it will be made abundantly clear by his letters that in
supporting the opposite view he felt himself a terrible heretic.
Mr. Huxley[131] writes in the same sense:--
"Within the ranks of biologists, at that time [1851-58], I met with
nobody, except Dr. Grant, of University College, who had a word to say
for Evolution--and his advocacy was not calculated to advance the cause.
Outside these ranks, the only person known to me whose knowledge and
capacity compelled respect, and who was, at the same time, a
thorough-going evolutionist, was Mr. Herbert Spencer, whose acquaintance
I made, I think, in 1852, and then entered into the bonds of a
friendship which, I am happy to think, has known no interruption. Many
and prolonged were the battles we fought on this topic. But even my
friend's rare dialectic skill and copiousness of apt illustration could
not drive me from my agnostic position. I took my stand upon two
grounds: firstly, that up to that time, the evidence in favour of
transmutation was wholly insufficient; and, secondly, that no suggestion
respecting the causes of the transmutation assumed, which had been made,
was in any way adequate to explain the phenomena. Looking back at the
state of knowledge at that time, I really do not see that any other
conclusion was justifiable."
These two last citations refer of course to a period much later than the
time, 1836-37, at which the Darwinian theory was growing in my father's
mind. The same thing is however true of earlier days.
So much for the general problem: the further question as to the growth
of Darwin's theory of natural selection is a less complex one, and I
need add but little to the history given in the _Autobiography_ of how
he came by that great conception by the help of which he was able to
revivify "the oldest of all philosophies--that of evolution."
The first point in the slow journey towards the _Origin of Species_ was
the opening of that note-book of 1837 of which mention has been already
made. The reader who is curious on the subject will find a series of
citations from this most interesting note-book, in the _Life and
Letters_, vol. ii. p. 5, _et seq._
The two following extracts show that he applied the theory of evolution
to the "whole organic kingdom" from plants to man.
"If we choose to let conjecture run wild, then animals, our fellow
brethren in pain, disease, death, suffering and famine--our slaves in
the most laborious works, our companions in our amusements--they may
partake [of] our origin in one common ancestor--we may be all melted
together."
"The different intellects of man and animals not so great as between
living things without thought (plants), and living things with thought
(animals)."
Speaking of intermediate forms, he remarks:--
"Opponents will say--_show them me_. I will answer yes, if you will show
me every step between bulldog and greyhound."
Here we see that the argument from domestic animals was already present
in his mind as bearing on the production of natural species, an argument
which he afterwards used with such signal force in the _Origin_.
A comparison of the two editions of the _Naturalists' Voyage_ is
instructive, as giving some idea of the development of his views on
evolution. It does not give us a true index of the mass of conjecture
which was taking shape in his mind, but it shows us that he felt sure
enough of the truth of his belief to allow a stronger tinge of evolution
to appear in the second edition. He has mentioned in the _Autobiography_
(p. 40), that it was not until he read Malthus that he got a clear view
of the potency of natural selection. This was in 1838--a year after he
finished the first edition (it was not published until 1839), and seven
years before the second edition was issued (1845). Thus the
turning-point in the formation of his theory took place between the
writing of the two editions. Yet the difference between the two editions
is not very marked; it is another proof of the author's caution and
self-restraint in the treatment of his ideas. After reading the second
edition of the _Voyage_ we remember with a strong feeling of surprise
how far advanced were his views when he wrote it.
These views are given in the manuscript volume of 1844, mentioned in the
_Autobiography_. I give from my father's Pocket-book the entries
referring to the preliminary sketch of this historic essay.
"_1842, May 18_,--Went to Maer. _June 15_--to Shrewsbury, and 18th to
Capel Curig. During my stay at Maer and Shrewsbury ... wrote pencil
sketch of species theory."[132]
In 1844, the pencil-sketch was enlarged to one of 230 folio pages,
which is a wonderfully complete presentation of the arguments familiar
to us in the _Origin_.
The following letter shows in a striking manner the value my father put
on this piece of work.
_C. D. to Mrs. Darwin._ Down [July 5, 1844].
... I have just finished my sketch of my species theory. If, as I
believe, my theory in time be accepted even by one competent judge, it
will be a considerable step in science.
I therefore write this in case of my sudden death, as my most solemn and
last request, which I am sure you will consider the same as if legally
entered in my will, that you will devote L400 to its publication, and
further, will yourself, or through Hensleigh,[133] take trouble in
promoting it. I wish that my sketch be given to some competent person,
with this sum to induce him to take trouble in its improvement and
enlargement. I give to him all my books on Natural History, which are
either scored or have references at the end to the pages, begging him
carefully to look over and consider such passages as actually bearing,
or by possibility bearing, on this subject. I wish you to make a list of
all such books as some temptation to an editor. I also request that you
will hand over [to] him all those scraps roughly divided in eight or ten
brown paper portfolios. The scraps, with copied quotations from various
works, are those which may aid my editor. I also request that you, or
some amanuensis, will aid in deciphering any of the scraps which the
editor may think possibly of use. I leave to the editor's judgment
whether to interpolate these facts in the text, or as notes, or under
appendices. As the looking over the references and scraps will be a long
labour, and as the _correcting_ and enlarging and altering my sketch
will also take considerable time, I leave this sum of L400 as some
remuneration, and any profits from the work, I consider that for this
the editor is bound to get the sketch published either at a publisher's
or his own risk. Many of the scraps in the portfolios contain mere rude
suggestions and early views, now useless, and many of the facts will
probably turn out as having no bearing on my theory.
With respect to editors, Mr. Lyell would be the best if he would
undertake it; I believe he would find the work pleasant, and he would
learn some facts new to him. As the editor must be a geologist as well
as a naturalist, the next best editor would be Professor Forbes of
London. The next best (and quite best in many respects) would be
Professor Henslow. Dr. Hooker would be _very_ good. The next, Mr.
Strickland.[134] If none of these would undertake it, I would request
you to consult with Mr. Lyell, or some other capable man for some
editor, a geologist and naturalist. Should one other hundred pounds make
the difference of procuring a good editor, I request earnestly that you
will raise L500.
My remaining collections in Natural History may be given to any one or
any museum where [they] would be accepted....
The following note seems to have formed part of the original letter, but
may have been of later date:
"Lyell, especially with the aid of Hooker (and of any good zoological
aid), would be best of all. Without an editor will pledge himself to
give up time to it, it would be of no use paying such a sum."
"It there should be any difficulty in getting an editor who would go
thoroughly into the subject, and think of the bearing of the passages
marked in the books and copied out [on?] scraps of paper, then let my
sketch be published as it is, stating that it was done several years
ago[135] and from memory without consulting any works, and with no
intention of publication in its present form."
The idea that the Sketch of 1844 might remain, in the event of his
death, as the only record of his work, seems to have been long in his
mind, for in August 1854, when he had finished with the Cirripedes, and
was thinking of beginning his "species work," he added on the back of
the above letter, "Hooker by far best man to edit my species volume.
August 1854."
FOOTNOTES:
[125] Vol. xliv. No. 269.
[126] _Life and Letters_, vol. ii. p. 180.
[127] This letter was unaccountably overlooked in preparing the _Life
and Letters_ for publication.
[128] _Obituary Notice_, p. viii.
[129] _Life and Letters_, vol. ii. p. 190. In Mr. Huxley's chapter the
passage beginning "Lyell with perfect right...." is given as a footnote:
it will be seen that I have incorporated it with Mr. Huxley's text.
[130] Lyell's _Life and Letters_, Letter to Haeckel, vol. ii. p. 436.
Nov. 23, 1868.
[131] _Life and Letters_, vol. ii. p. 188.
[132] I have discussed in the _Life and Letters_ the statement often
made that the first sketch of his theory was written in 1839.
[133] The late Mr. H. Wedgwood.
[134] After Mr. Strickland's name comes the following sentence, which
has been erased, but remains legible: "Professor Owen would be very
good; but I presume he would not undertake such a work."
[135] The words "several years ago and," seem to have been added at a
later date.