Brands Wells’s Articles as Skilful Bolshevik Propaganda

I entered Soviet Russia on April 6, and left it on Oct. 12, when I

crossed the Russian-Latvian line at Sebesh. I arrived in London on Oct.

19, spent some time there recuperating from the effects of months of

semistarvation in Moscow, and reached New York Dec. 23.

During my stay in London I read the diary of Mrs. Clare Sheridan, the

sculptress; Mr. H. G. Wells’s articles on Russia which were published in

the London Sunday Express, and Mr. Winston Churchill’s reply to that

modest gentleman who permitted the newspaper in which his articles

appeared to describe him as “the world’s greatest living author.”

As these articles have doubtless also appeared in American journals, I

venture to believe that the American public will be interested to read

the experiences of a New York business man in Russia (notwithstanding

that he is an Englishman) and compare them with those of Mrs. Sheridan

and Mr. Wells.

I have no aptitude for “sculping”; I lay no claim to literary ability; I

am not endowed with the sweet womanly nature which would render me sad

at the thought that I should never see again that foul, blood-drenched

scoundrel Dzherjinsky; I am simply a business man, and at that have had

no experience of life behind a draper’s counter. Had I had, I should

probably, like Mr. Wells, be able to tell England and the world how to

trade with Russia.

Mrs. Sheridan’s diary, piled with sympathy for the butchers and precious

little for their victims, can be dismissed as a breach of good taste on

the part of a notoriety seeking female, but we cannot thus lightly

dismiss the articles of Mr. Wells. Whereas Mr. Wells’s experience of the

Bolsheviks, according to his own admission, was gained as the result of

a two weeks’ stay in Russia, mine dates from the time of Lenine’s first

attempt, in July, 1917, to overthrow the Kerensky Government.

I regard Mr. Wells’s articles as the most skilful piece of propaganda

which the Bolsheviks have so far put forth. Mr. Wells makes no attempt

to cloak the appalling conditions of life which to-day obtain in

Petrograd and Moscow. In fact he has drawn a very faithful picture of

them. Having done so he proceeds to tell the world that these conditions

were brought about not by Bolshevism but by the imperialism and

capitalism of the Czar’s regime. Nothing could be further from the

truth, and I propose, in the course of this series, to show that the

Bolsheviks, and the Bolsheviks alone, are responsible for the deplorable

condition in which Russia finds herself to-day. In order to do this I

shall take the reader with me on my journey through Russia.

In June, 1917, I travelled from Vladivostok to Petrograd over the

Trans-Siberian Railroad. On that occasion the journey took ten and a

half days, all stops included; this year our actual running time (all

stops excluded) was twenty-eight days.

In 1917 I remained in Russia until September, when I went to New York,

returning to Petrograd in December, where I remained until April, 1918,

when, with my assistants, I was forced to escape on sledges through

Karelia into Finland. In October, 1918, I arrived in Vladivostok and

remained in Siberia, a close observer of the Kolchak regime, until I

crossed the Urals in June this year on my way to Moscow.

In June, 1919, the Ataman Chief Semionov stole from my firm some 5,000

white fox skins at the Station Manchuria, and in July I proceeded to his

headquarters at Chita to negotiate for the return of them. I was

unsuccessful and went to Omsk, where I spent two-and-a-half fruitless

months endeavoring to secure compensation from the Kolchak Government.

_Dictator in Name Only._

During my stay in Omsk, where I came into contact with the leading

members of the Government, I had an opportunity of studying the methods

of Kolchak and his Cabinet. Kolchak, admittedly a man of great personal

courage, was a dictator in name only; he possessed none of the qualities

fitting him for such an onerous position; his Cabinet consisted

principally of unscrupulous adventurers who neglected no opportunity to

enrich themselves at the expense of the cause, which they ultimately, by

their corruption and treachery, destroyed.

In October, realizing that the fall of Omsk was imminent, I left and

went to Chita and reopened negotiations with the bandit of the

Trans-Baikal. My stay in Chita was somewhat unpleasantly disturbed by a

ten days’ sojourn in the Ataman’s jail which was brought about by my

calling him a thief to his face. On my release from prison, which was

secured by the British Military Mission, I remained in Chita until the

first week in December when, having secured a promise from the Ataman

that he would pay for the stolen foxes upon presentation of certain

certified statements, I went to Vladivostok to get them.

I left Vladivostok on the return journey toward the end of January. On

my arrival in Harbin, however, I was called to Tientsin for a conference

with my principals. At this conference they requested me to make an

effort to get to Irkutsk from Chita and endeavor to secure the return of

a large quantity of furs which we then had in Irkutsk and the

surrounding district.

On my return from Tientsin to Harbin I found my friend, Capt. H. S.

Walker, the British Military Mission’s representative in China, who had

recently left there under the impression that Semionov’s days were

numbered. My chances of getting through to Chita looked decidedly small,

and when Consul Gen. Harris with the consular staff, and Col. McMorrow

with the 27th United States Infantry from Verkni-Udinsk blew into the

town with much the same story as Walker’s, they looked even smaller.

However, I decided to try and break through and left on the post train

on the 22d of February for the Station Manchuria, although I was assured

in Harbin that it was impossible to get past that point as the Baikal

Railroad was blocked on both lines with the Czech evacuation. At

Manchuria, by great good fortune, I found Lieut. Lee of the American

Railroad Corps, with a train of flour destined for the coal miners west

of Chita who were supplying coal for the Czechs, and he very kindly

agreed to take me through in his private car. We made the journey in 32

hours, a remarkable performance considering that it had taken evacuating

Americans ten days.

_Saw Remnants of Army._

We got to Chita just in time to witness the arrival of Gen. Voitzikofsky

with the remnants of the Kolchak Army, which had retreated from west of

Omsk, a distance of nearly 3,000 miles, partly on sledges and partly on

foot, in the depth of winter, through a semi-hostile country—a

magnificent feat of courage and endurance.

Those of us who were anti-Semionov had great hopes of Voitzikofsky. We

looked to him to oust the bandit and his pillaging, murdering

associates, and set up a democratic form of government in the

Trans-Baikal. When E. B. Thomas, the American Vice Consul and myself

interviewed Voitzikofsky, a few days after his arrival, he indirectly

led us to believe that he intended to depose the Ataman.

However, he delayed action and his army diminished daily as the result

of wholesale desertions. He was credited with having 27,000 officers and

men when he arrived. Three weeks later this force had dwindled to 7,000

and Semionov, who had been quaking in his shoes, gradually began to

assert himself. When the Japanese finally decided not to evacuate the

Trans-Baikal, which had been their intention as soon as the Czechs had

passed through, Semionov was once more in the saddle and Voitzikofsky

dropped into comparative obscurity.

My negotiations with Semionov came to nothing. It is true he signed an

order on the Finance Department to pay the claim in gold (of which he

had plenty, having stolen it from a Kolchak echelon some months

previously), but when the order was presented the Finance Department

declined to honor it and referred us back to Semionov. The Ataman, who

obviously had no intention of paying, then impudently referred us to the

Czechs for payment, stating that as they had been entrusted with the

safe conveyance of the Russian gold reserve to Vladivostok, they were

the people to apply to. This, of course, had reference to the action of

the Czechs at Irkutsk when, in order to insure the unhampered evacuation

of their forces, they traded Kolchak and the gold in return for

noninterference with their movement eastward.

I applied to the Japanese Military Mission for assistance, but although

the Japanese Foreign Office in Tokio had pledged us, through the

American Embassy, the active assistance of their mission in Chita, the

Military Mission not only declined to intervene but disclosed to the

Ataman private and confidential documents belonging to me, which caused

me great embarrassment and undoubtedly endangered my position in the

town.

_Troops Permitted Thefts._

The Japanese, throughout their occupancy of the Trans-Baikal, acted in a

manner prejudicial to the real interests of the White cause. Their

troops were engaged in guarding the railway, but they never on any

occasion intervened to prevent Semionov from levying on supplies en

route to the front or stealing goods belonging to Russian and Allied

merchants.

The seizure of goods by Semionov reached such proportions during the

summer of 1919 that merchants in Eastern Siberia refused to forward

goods through the Trans-Baikal, and in consequence Western Siberia was

deprived of the supplies which, if they had been forthcoming, would have

done much to win the support of the peasantry and townspeople for the

White cause.

Capt. Walker and his assistant, Capt. R. C. Carthew, returned to Chita

after I had been there a few days, and at once commenced, with the

assistance of the American Railroad Corps, who had a direct wire to

Verkni-Udinsk, to make inquiries in respect to the officers and men of

the British Railway Mission who had been captured by the Bolsheviks at

Krasnoyarsk.

When Capt. Carthew induced the Bolsheviks, through Krassnochokoff, the

Commissar at Verkni, to have these prisoners brought to Irkutsk, he

obtained a safe conduct to proceed there with food, clothing and medical

supplies and kindly offered me a place on his car provided I was able to

procure a similar safe conduct.

I then telegraphed Krassnochokoff intimating that I wished to go to

Irkutsk for the purpose of discussing trading possibilities with the

authorities there, and requested a safe conduct. He telegraphed me back

the Russian Socialistic Federated Soviet Republic’s full safe conduct to

travel to Irkutsk, guaranteeing my liberty of movement while there, and

the right to leave the territory of his Government at my will.

Armed with these documents we said goodby to “Johnny” Walker and Thomas

on a bitterly cold afternoon in April and proceeded with a special train

consisting of our private car and a goods wagon for our interpreters and

servants. We flew a large Union Jack from our observation platform which

created a great deal of attention at the stations at which we stopped.

We met the last Czech echelon east of Moxon and felt that we had then

said goodby to civilization, Carthew for a couple of weeks and

I—indefinitely.

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