THE NEW JURISPRUDENCE.
The impatience of the prince, the prelate, the noble, and the wealthy
burgher at the restraints which the system of the Middle Ages placed
upon his activity as an individual in the acquisition for his own
behoof and the disposal at his own pleasure of wealth, regardless of
the consequences to his neighbour, found expression, and a powerful
lever, in the introduction from Italy of the Roman law in place of the
old canon and customary law of Europe. The latter never regarded the
individual as an independent and autonomous entity, but invariably
treated him with reference to a group or social body, of which he
might be the head or merely a subordinate member; but in any case
the filaments of custom and religious duty attached him to a certain
humanity outside himself, whether it were a village community, a
guild, a township, a province, or the Empire. The idea of a right to
individual autonomy in his dealings with men never entered into the
mediæval man's conception. Hence the mere possession of property was
not recognised by mediæval law as conferring any absolute rights in its
holder to its unregulated use, and the basis of the mediæval notions of
property was the association of responsibility and duty with ownership.
In other words, the notion of _trust_ was never completely divorced
from that of _possession_.
The Roman law rested on a totally different basis. It represented
the legal ethics of a society on most of its sides brutally and
crassly individualistic. That that society had come to an end instead
of evolving to its natural conclusion--a developed capitalistic
individualism such as exists to-day--was due to the weakness of its
economic basis, owing to the limitation at that time of man's power
over nature, which deprived it of recuperative and defensive power,
thereby leaving it a prey not only to internal influences of decay but
also to violent destructive forces from without. Nevertheless, it left
a legacy of a ready-made legal system to serve as an implement for the
first occasion when economic conditions should be once more ready for
progress to resume the course of individualistic development, abruptly
brought to an end by the fall of ancient civilisation as crystallised
in the Roman Empire.
The popular courts of the village, of the mark and of the town, which
had existed up to the beginning of the sixteenth century with all their
ancient functions, were extremely democratic in character. Cases were
decided on their merits, in accordance with local custom, by a body
of jurymen chosen from among the freemen of the district, to whom the
presiding functionaries, most of whom were also of popular selection,
were little more than assessors. The technicalities of a cut-and-dried
system were unknown. The Catholic Germanic theory of the Middle Ages
proper, as regards the civil power in all its functions, from the
highest downward, was that of the mere administrator of justice as
such; whereas the Roman law regarded the magistrate as the vicegerent
of the _princeps_ or _imperator_, in whose person was absolutely vested
as its supreme embodiment the whole power of the State. The Divinity
of the Emperors was a recognition of this fact; and the influence
of the Roman law revived the theory as far as possible under the
changed conditions, in the form of the doctrine of the Divine Right
of Kings--a doctrine which was totally alien to the Catholic feudal
conception of the Middle Ages. This doctrine, moreover, received added
force from the Oriental conception of the position of the ruler found
in the Old Testament, from which Protestantism drew so much of its
inspiration.
But apart from this aspect of the question, the new juridical
conception involved that of a system of rules as the crystallised
embodiment of the abstract "State," given through its representatives
which could under no circumstances be departed from, and which could
only be modified in their operation by legal quibbles that left to
them their nominal integrity. The new law could therefore only be
administered by a class of men trained specially for the purpose, of
which the plastic customary law borne down the stream of history from
primitive times, and insensibly adapting itself to new conditions but
understood in its broader aspects by all those who might be called
to administer it, had little need. The Roman law, the study of which
was started at Bologna in the twelfth century, as might naturally be
expected, early attracted the attention of the German Emperors as a
suitable instrument for use on emergencies. But it made little real
headway in Germany itself as against the early institutions until the
fifteenth century, when the provincial power of the princes of the
Empire was beginning to overshadow the central authority of the titular
chief of the Holy Roman Empire. The former, while strenuously resisting
the results of its application from above, found in it a powerful
auxiliary in their courts in riveting their power over the estates
subject to them. As opposed to the delicately adjusted hierarchical
notions of Feudalism, which did not recognise any absoluteness of
dominion either over persons or things, in short for which neither
the head of the State had any inviolate authority as such, nor
private property any inviolable rights or sanctity as such, the new
jurisprudence made corner-stones of both these conceptions.
Even the canon law, consisting in a mass of Papal decretals dating
from the early Middle Ages, and which, while undoubtedly containing
considerable traces of the influence of Roman law, was nevertheless
largely customary in its character with an infusion of Christian
ethics, had to yield to the new jurisprudence, and that too in
countries where the Reformation had been unable to replace the old
ecclesiastical dogma and organisation. The principles and practice
of the Roman law were sedulously inculcated by the tribe of civilian
lawyers who by the beginning of the sixteenth century infested every
Court throughout Europe. Every potentate, great and small, little as
he might like its application by his feudal over-lord to himself, was
yet only too ready and willing to invoke its aid for the oppression of
his own vassals or peasants. Thus the civil law everywhere triumphed.
It became the juridical expression of the political, economical, and
religious change which marks the close of the Middle Ages and the
beginnings of the modern commercial world.
It must not be supposed, however, that no resistance was made
to it. Everywhere in contemporary literature, side by side with
denunciations of the new mercenary troops, the _Landsknechte_, we
find uncomplimentary allusions to the race of advocates, notaries,
and procurators who, as one writer has it, "are increasing like
grasshoppers in town and in country year by year". Wherever they
appeared, we are told, countless litigious disputes sprang up. He who
had but the money in hand might readily defraud his poorer neighbour
in the name of law and right. "Woe is me!" exclaims one author, "in
my home there is but one procurator, and yet is the whole country
round about brought into confusion by his wiles. What a misery will
this horde bring upon us!" Everywhere was complaint and in many places
resistance.
As early as 1460 we find the Bavarian estates vigorously complaining
that all the courts were in the hands of doctors. They demanded that
the rights of the land and the ancient custom should not be cast
aside; but that the courts as of old should be served by reasonable
and honest judges, who should be men of the same feudal livery and of
the same country as those whom they tried. Again in 1514, when the
evil had become still more crying, we find the estates of Würtemberg
petitioning Duke Ulrich that the Supreme Court "shall be composed of
honourable, worthy, and understanding men of the nobles and of the
towns, who shall not be doctors, to the intent that the ancient usages
and customs should abide, and that it should be judged according to
them in such wise that the poor man might no longer be brought to
confusion". In many covenants of the end of the fifteenth century,
express stipulation is made that they should not be interpreted by a
doctor or licentiate, and also in some cases that no such doctor or
licentiate should be permitted to reside or to exercise his profession
within certain districts. Great as was the economical influence of the
new jurists in the tribunals, their political influence in the various
courts of the Empire, from the _Reichskammergericht_ downwards, was,
if anything, greater. Says Wimpfeling, the first writer on the art of
education in the modern world: "According to the loathsome doctrines of
the new jurisconsults, the prince shall be everything in the land and
the people naught. The people shall only obey, pay tax, and do service.
Moreover, they shall not alone obey the prince but also those he has
placed in authority, who begin to puff themselves up as the proper
lords of the land, and to order matters so that the princes themselves
do as little as may be reign." From this passage it will be seen that
the modern bureaucratic state, in which government is as nearly as
possible reduced to mechanism and the personal relation abolished,
was ushered in under the auspices of the civil law. How easy it was
for the civilian to effect the abolition of feudal institutions may be
readily imagined by those cognisant of the principles of Roman law.
For example, the Roman law of course making no mention of the right of
the mediæval "estates" to be consulted in the levying of taxes or in
other questions, the jurist would explain this right to his too willing
master, the prince, as an abuse which had no legal justification, and
which, the sooner it were abolished in the interest of good government
the better it would be. All feudal rights as against the power of an
over-lord were explained away by the civil jurist, either as pernicious
abuses, or, at best, as favours granted in the past by the predecessors
of the reigning monarch, which it was within his right to truncate or
to abrogate at his will.
From the preceding survey will be clearly perceived the important
rôle which the new jurisprudence played on the continent of Europe in
the gestation of the new phase which history was entering upon in the
sixteenth century. Even the short sketch given will be sufficient to
show that it was not in one department only that it operated; but
that, in addition to its own domain of law proper, its influence was
felt in modifying economical, political, and indirectly even ethical
and religious conditions. From this time forth Feudalism slowly but
surely gave place to the newer order, all that remained being certain
of its features, which, crystallised into bureaucratic forms, were
doubly veneered with a last trace of mediæval ideas and a denser
coating of civilian conceptions. This transitional Europe, and not
mediæval Europe, was the Europe which lasted on until the eighteenth
century, and which practically came to an end with the French
Revolution.
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX A.
The following is a rescript issued by a Commission of the Reichstag
held at Nürnberg in 1522-23, anent the commercial syndicates which
the sudden development of the world-market had recently called into
existence:--
"What the small Commission by order of the great Commission hath
determined concerning the Monopolia or pernicious and prohibited
commerce is hereafter related."
(MSS. of 61 pages in the Ernestine General Archives at Weimar, Margin
E. Quoted by Egelhaaf. Appendix, vol. i.)
"In the first place, concerning the origin of the word Monopolia.
Monopolia is a Greek word, from the word Monos, that is, alone, and
Polonia, that is, a selling. As if one should say: I alone sell this
or that, or my Company or I alone sell. Therefore, such separate
dealing whereby several dealers or traders unite together in such wise
that they alone obtain profit from their handicraft or merchandy is
called Monopolia. This is discoursed of in Lege Unica (?), Cod. de
Monopoliis.
"Item, the aforesaid Monopolia, Uniting, Combining, Associatings and
their Sellings have not now for the first time been found not to be
borne; but the same were regarded and known as very noxious to the
Commonweal, destructive and worthy to be punished, as aforetime by the
Roman Emperors and Jurisconsults, and more especially by the blessed
Emperor Justinian, so that such trespassers should be made to lose all
their goods, and moreover should be adjudged to eternal misery (exile)
from their own homes, as standeth written Lege Unica, Cod. de Monop.
Honorius also and Theodosius forbade those of noble birth and those of
the richer sort from harmful commerce; so that the common folk might
the more easily buy of the Merchants; and in the Reichstag at Köln
in 1512 the matter was much debated by the Emperor Maximilian, the
Electors, the Princes and the Estates, and the aforesaid increase in
the price of Wares was forbidden under great pains and penalties. The
decree of the Reichstag sayeth:--
"And since much great fellowship in Trade hath arisen within the Realm
in the last years, and also there be several and sundry persons who
venture to bring all kinds of Wares and Merchants' goods, such as
Spices, Arras, Woollen Cloth, and such-like into their own hand with
power to trade in them, to set or to make their own advantage out
of them, as it them pleaseth, and do greatly harm thereby the Holy
Empire and all Estates thereof, contrary to the Imperial written Law
and to all honesty: we have ordered and enacted for the furthering
of the common profit and according to necessity, and we do desire
that earnestly, and we will, that such noxious dealing be henceforth
forbidden, and that they abstain [from it], and that henceforth they
may [not] carry it on or exercise it. Those who shall do this contrary
to the aforesaid, their Goods and Chattels shall be confiscated
and fall to the Authority of the place. And the same Companies and
Merchants [shall] henceforth not be conducted [on their journeys] by
any authority in the Empire, nor shall it be lawful for such to do so
with whatsoever words, opinion or clauses the convoy hath been given.
Yet shall it not be forbidden to any man on this account to enter into
company with any other save only if he undertake to bring the Wares
into one hand and to place upon the Wares a worth according to his
own mind and pleasure; or shall pledge the buyer or seller to sell,
to give, or to keep such Wares to or for no man but himself, or that
he shall not give them save such wise as he hath agreed with him.
But when they, to whom it is permitted to pursue such trade, shall
seek to make an unbecoming dearness, the Authority shall with zeal
and earnestness forbid such dearness, and command an honest sale; but
where an Authority be careless, the Fiscal shall exhort the same to
perform his duty within the space of one month, failing such hath the
Fiscal power to enter process against him.
"But the Authority and the Fiscal have neither done their duty, as
is not right nor just, forasmuch as in the present times other small
robbers and thieves are punished sorely, and these rich Companies,
even one of them, do in the year compass much more undoing to the
Commonweal than all other robbers and thieves in that they and their
servants give public display of luxuriousness, pomp and prodigal
wealth, of which there is no small proof in that Bartholomew Rhem
did win, in so short a time and with so little stock of trade, such
notable riches in the Hochstetter Company--as hath openly appeared in
the justifying before the City Court at Augsburg and at the Reichstag
but lately held at Worms. Therefore hath the said Rhem been made
prisoner in Worms, and is even still kept in durance. Moreover shall
he be sent here to Nürnberg that he may bear witness, and that it may
be known with what perils the aforesaid forbidden Monopolies and Trade
be practised, also through what good ways and means such may be set
aside and prevented.
"There are three questions to be discoursed of: (1) Whether the
Monopolies be hurtful to the Holy Empire and therefore are to be
destroyed; (2) Whether all Companies without difference shall be done
away, or whether a measure shall be set to them; (3) By what means
this shall be done, and how these things may be remedied.
"I. Firstly, that the great Companies and the heaping up of their
Stocks are everywhere harmful is the one cause as may be seen from
the Spice, which is the most considerable Merchandise thus dealt and
traded with, in the German nation. It is said with credibility that
the King of Portugal hath not to pay more for one pound's weight
of Pepper sent from the Indies to Antwerp than three shillings in
gold, twenty of which shillings go to a Rhenish Gulden. But also
if a Company in Portugal doth send for Spices it hath no trouble
and excuse. How dear soever the King doth offer or give the Wares,
it payeth him sometimes yet more, but on condition that he shall
not furnish such Wares to them who will hereafter buy, save for a
still greater price. To this example it may be added that he who
hath offered an hundred-weight of Pepper from Portugal for eighteen
ducats hath received for them twenty ducats or even more, with the
condition that the Royal Majesty shall furnish to none other for
the space of one or two years the same Pepper or Wares cheaper than
twenty-four ducats, and thereby one hath so outbidden the other that
the Spice which at the first could be sold but for eighteen ducats
is now sold in Portugal for thirty-four ducats and up-wards. And it
hath become at one time well-nigh as dear as it was ever before. The
same hath also happened to other Spices with which such Merchants
are nothing burdened, nor do they have any loss there-withal, but
great over-abounding gain, the while they, for their part, will sell
as dearly as they may, and none else in the Holy Empire may have or
obtain the same. What loss and disadvantage resulteth to most men,
even to the least, is not hard to be comprehended. We may prove this
from the Nürnberg Spice convoys. The Saffron of most price, so called
from the Catalonian place Saffra, hath cost some years ago, as namely
in the sixteenth year, two and a half Gulden, six Kreutzers; now in
the twenty-second year it costeth five and a half Gulden, fifteen
Kreutzers. The best Saffron, which is called Zymer by the Merchants,
hath cost from 1516 to 1519 two Gulden the pound, and even in 1521
two Gulden, twenty-four to twenty-six Kreutzers; now it costeth four
Gulden; and even so are all Saffrons more dear, Arragonian, Polish,
Avernian, etcetera.
"The Merchants, moreover, do not make dear everything at the same
time, but now with Saffron and Cloves, the one year with Pepper and
Ginger, then with Nutmeg, etcetera, to the intent that their advantage
may not at once be seen of men. It is therefore purposed to make an
enquiry of how much Spices are brought into Germany each year, so
that it may be known how much the tax upon these Spices would bring
in, in so far as the Merchants make a small increase to each pound,
as happeneth very commonly. It hath been ordered to the Merchants to
make estimation thereof, but their estimations were diverse; yet are
the numbers told for the Spices which each year go in from Lisabon
[Lisbon] alone, so that there may be had better knowledge. 36,000
hundred-weight of Pepper and not less but rather the more; 2400
hundred-weight of Ginger, about 1000 balls of Saffron do come from
Lisabon alone, without that which cometh from Venice. For the other
Spices they do not make known the sum. At Antwerp this may be known
the more surely, through the due which is there levied.
"The Companies have paid especial note to such Wares as can be the
least spared; and if one be not rich enough, it goeth for help to
another, and the twain together do bring the Wares, whatsoever they
be, wholly into their own hand. If a poor, small Merchant buy of them
these same Wares, whose worth hath been cunningly enhanced, and if he
desireth to trade with these Wares, according to his needs, then these
aforesaid great hucksters are from that hour upon his neck, they have
the abundance of these same Wares, and can give them cheaper and on
longer borrowing; thereby is this poor man oppressed, cometh to harm
and some to destruction. Ofttimes do they buy back their Wares through
unknown persons, but not to the gain of them that sell; therefore it
is that they have their Storehouses in well-nigh all places in Europe;
and here lieth the cause of the magnificence of the heaping up of
Stock.
"The great Companies do lessen trading and consuming in the lands.
They do all their business in far countries and by letters; where
now there is a great Company, there aforetime did twenty or more
[persons], it may be, nourish themselves, who must all now wander
afar, because they cannot hold a storehouse and servants in other
places. By these means came it to pass that roads, tolls and convoy
dues were multiplied, as innkeepers and all handiworkers of use
and pleasure have knowledge; for many sellers bring good sale and
cheapness into the Wares.
"Furthermore, the good gold and silver Monies are brought out of the
land by the Companies, who everywhere do buy them up and change them.
Within a short time Rhenish gold will have been changed and melted
from far-seeking lust of gain. Therefore are there already in divers
towns risings of the poor man, which, where it be not prevented,
will, it is to be feared, extend further and more.
"II. _Now it be asked, are all Companies to be therefore destroyed?_
We have now already shown cause why the great Companies mighty in
money should be scattered and not be borne with. But, therefore, it is
not said that all Companies and common trading should be wholly cut
away; this were indeed against the Commonweal and very burdensome,
harmful and foolish to the whole German nation; for therefrom would
follow (1) that one should give strength, help and fellowship to
Frenchmen and foreign nations, that they should undertake and carry
out that which with so much pains we have gone forth to destroy.
These foreign nations would then suck out the whole German land. (2)
Furthermore, if each would trade singly and should lose thereby, that
would then be to his undoing, and also to theirs who had entrusted
to him their Goods. That may not happen where divers persons join
together with moderation. (3) Such a forbidding would solely serve
the rich to their advantage, who in all cases everywhere do pluck
the grain for themselves and do leave the chaff for others. Of these
rich, some are so placed that they are able even to do that which now
great Companies do and which is thought to be so sore an oppression.
Therewith would the matter not be bettered, but only a covering would
be set upon it. (4) Trading and industry do bring this with them, that
the Wares should not be sought in one place alone. One man is not
able, and more especially not at the time when there is need thereof.
The issue would be that trade in the land would be forbidden and it
would serve the gain of foreign nations, and especially at this time
[hurt?] the Germans; but to hire servants and to send such in his
stead to another place needs money, and small Stocks will hardly bear
the holding of domestics; many there be, indeed, who are not able to
provide for themselves, let alone for servants.
"III. What proposals are now to be put forth for the staying of the
aforesaid forbidden practice?
"(1) Companies or single persons shall use no more than twenty
thousand, forty thousand, or for the most fifty thousand Gulden Stock
for trade, and shall have no more than three Storehouses outside their
family dwelling.
"(2) They shall be held by their bodily sworn vows to declare to their
Authority that they have no more money in trade.
"(3) Their Stock may not be enhanced by gain; but rather, at farthest,
account must be made every two years and the gain divided, also a
notifying to the Authority must be made that the reckoning and the
distributing hath been fulfilled.
"(4) No Money may be lent with usury for purpose of trade, for this
is ungodly and usurious, also harmful and noxious to the Commonweal,
without weighing of gain and of loss to take or to give monies or
usury.
"(5) No sort of Ware may be brought into one hand.
"(6) Dispersed Companies may not join themselves together, on pain of
losing all their goods.
"(7) No Merchant may buy at one buying more than 100 hundred-weight of
Pepper, 100 hundred-weight of Ginger, and of no manner of Spice which
hath the name, more than 50 hundred-weight; also after such buying he
may not buy or trade any more of the same Ware for the fourth part of
a year.
"(8) Inasmuch as especial nimbleness is used by the great Companies,
the which have their knowledge in many lands, when the Wares spoil
or when they come into greater worth, so as they make foreign
Merchants buy up from others that have such Wares and bring the same
into their hands before the others do know of such loss. Therefrom
there followeth a great dearness of the Ware. For the other part the
punishment may be best set in such wise that should such a harmful
sale be disclosed within four weeks from the making thereof, the buyer
shall be bound thereunto that he surrender his Ware again to the
seller for the one half that was paid therefor; the other half part of
the price falleth to the Authority.
"(9) On pain of loss of the Goods, as hath been determined in Köln,
the seller may not make condition that the buyer shall not dare to
give away the Wares for a lesser price.
"(10) In order that foreign nations may not be healed and bettered
the while German land is oppressed and despoiled, it is commanded
that this ordinance shall bind all foreigners born without who have
their Storehouse within the Empire; so that a foreigner, whether a
Frenchman or whatsoever he may be, that tradeth in the Holy Empire and
is encompassed by this ordinance, shall and must suffer all penalties
even as other Merchants born in this country, that do transgress. This
shall also bind all Principalities, Lordships and Cities, even though
they be free, to the intent that it shall be held equally for all men,
and that none shall therein be spared.
"(11) Through the voyaging of German Merchants to Portugal there
ariseth great evil, in that in Lisabon, because of the shipping from
Portugal to the Indies with Spices and other matters, there be great
Storehouses and very bold buying and selling, such as can in no wise
else exist in one place, and therefore in that place ariseth the great
due and enhancement of every manner of Spice and Ware which are borne
away from thence, the same also with the pennyworths which they use
up even in Portugal, and may not succeed with till they be once more
shipped from the Indies to that city. To this end must every Ware that
cometh from Portugal be ventured on the sea by Germans and be bound
upon the Wheel of Fortune; and the voyage to Portugal is well-nigh
more fearsome and dangerous than is that to the Indies. In few years
on this same sea hath the worth of fifteen hundreds of thousands
of Gulden been drowned and perished; and yet nevertheless are the
Merchant folk, who have inherited but little, become so unspeakably
rich. Therefore shall all shipping to Portugal be forbidden; the
Portuguese shall themselves take in hand the venture and their Wares,
and those that they may not keep they shall bring to Germany; for if
one doth not thus pursue them, they must perforce sell at a lesser
price. Others do affirm, indeed, that if the Portuguese do bring their
Wares to Antorff (Antwerp), then would the great Companies find there
also means to buy up the Wares; and the King of Portugal may be moved
to get the Ware to Danzig or Egen Merten (Aigues Mortes) in France,
so that the Germans must fetch them thence. But others would show,
forsooth, that because of his receiving of the metals he cannot spare
Germany, and without them he can do no trade to the Indies; one must
therefore but hinder his receiving of the metals, and thus shall one
compel him not to trade to France.
"(12) There shall be a fixing of the price of some Wares, to the end
that not merely is it ordered for the common hucksters and Merchant
folk, but also for them that buy these Wares for their own use and
pleasure. It is to fear that also the scattered Companies do agree
together secretly to sell over the price; moreover, hath the King of
Portugal the Spices in his power alone, and since that time can he
set the prices as he will, because for no manner of dearness will
they rest unsold among the Germans. Moreover, it hath been related
from Refel and Lubeck that the King of Denmark and the Fuggers stand
in trade, the one with the other, that all Merchants' goods that have
hitherto come from Muscey (Moscow) into the German trading cities
shall further come to Denmark, and into the might of the King thereof
and of the Fuggers, to the end that they may enhance the same at their
pleasure. Thus far have men not punished such things with just pains,
but have wittingly borne with them. Such can alone be made riddance of
by a forbidding, that they and the Wares may not be sold in Germany
higher than for a price determined. _The Regiment (Imperial Governing
Body) shall tax each Ware by the hundred-weight to a fixed sum._ As
measure shall the customary middle prices serve as they have been
wont to be before the Wares have come into the power of the King of
Portugal and of the great, hurtful, forbidden Companies. But question
may be made: what though the Wares should miscarry? Then shall the
Merchant folk recover themselves in them that do succeed. But what if
there be lack of those Wares? The foreigners can far less spare our
money than we their Wares; therefore is there in the Empire no long
enduring, hurtful lack to be feared; _unless it should be that one
should esteem the not giving out in vain of Money for a lack_. By such
ordinance shall the danger of the overweening raising of prices be
best hindered. In the matter of the dues the remoteness of the places
can be made consideration of, also the diversness of the measures and
the weights; thus will the Pepper in the storehouse in Frankfort be
taxed at one Kreutzer the pound and even so in Nürnberg. The due shall
begin one half-year after the determination thereof by the Imperial
Estates.
"Further, it shall not be that the Merchants shall lend money to the
poor folk upon pledge of the seed that standeth in the field, or upon
the grapes of the vine-stems and other fruits, whereby these poor,
needy people have that taken from them that they do hardly earn.
"Thereupon shall follow penalties for all transgressors as for
careless Authorities; the leave that each may indite before the
Fiscal; the determination that all confiscated goods wherewith
transgressions have been committed shall fall, the half to the
Imperial Fiscus, the half to the [local] Authority. The Fiscal shall
also proceed against the Companies which have enriched themselves
openly against right and justice; if this do befal, it shall not alone
feed the Fiscus but shall also warn others to guard themselves from
such evil hurtfulness. The ordinance concerning the sale, etc., shall
be put in work two months after it hath been proclaimed.
"It be also considered that the safe conduct of the highways is
beneficial to the Merchants' calling, so that all traders may traffic
and travel more safely on the highways of the Holy Empire than hath
befallen for long time past.
"It chanceth that certain Merchants deceitfully in the seeming of
trust and faith do take the Goods of other men by making bankruptcy,
which is like unto a theft, and he who doth of purpose strive after
another man's Money and Goods shall be punished hardly.
"In fine, there be Imperial Measures and Weights needed; for the
falsifying of Cloths and Wares it behoveth a grievous treatment, and
the Estates are warned to beware of cunning and greedy and suborned
procurations, whereby this ordinance may be brought to nought by the
Companies." (N.B.--Hereby is meant according to a notice from another
hand: "by a bribing of the Authorities so that by their _favor_ and
_patrocinium_ the pains of this ordinance may be escaped".)
* * * * *
I have given the above document at length, as it is curious and
instructive, for more than one reason. In the first place, it indicates
the Imperial German centralisation in several ways attempted during
the reigns of Maximilian and Charles V., on the lines of the recent
centralising administrations of England, France and Spain. It also
shows us Germany commanding the bullion of Europe to a great extent.
This was, of course, in consequence of the wealth of the trading
cities, especially of the Hanse and Bavarian towns. The importance of
the spice trade is also strikingly illustrated; and on this point the
document may well give rise to various reflections as to the character
of late mediæval cookery. Last, but not least, we see the hostility
of the proud feudal prince or baron and his legal assessor to the
_Parvenu_ and _Nouveau riche_ then for the first time appearing on the
scene.
_I._ (_IM AUSZUG_).
1522. _Was der Kleine Ausschuss auf Befehl des grossen Ausschusses, der
Monopolia oder schädlichen verbotenen Verkauf halb geratschlagt hat,
wird nachher erzählt._
(_Handschrift von 61 Seiten im Ernestinischen Gesamt Archiv zu Weimar.
Registrande E._)
_Erstlich von dem Ursprung des Wortes Monopolia. Monopolia ist ein
kriegerisch Wort, welches seinen Ursprung hat von dem Worte Monos, das
ist allein, und Polonie, das ist Verkauf. Gleich als spräche jemand:
ich allein verkauf das oder jenes, Oder; meine Gesellschaft oder ich
allein verkaufe. Darum wird solche sonderliche Hantierung, als ob sich
etliche Hantierer oder Kaufleute dermassen vereinigen, dass sie allen
den Nutzen aus ihrem Handwerk oder Kaufmannschaft empfangen, Monopolia
genannt. Davon ist gesagt in lege Vinca (?) Cod. de Monopoliis._
_Item obengemeldete Monopolia, Vereinigung, Verbindung, Gesellschaften
und ihr Verkauf wird nicht allein allererst jetzt dem gemeinen
Nutzen unleidlich und unerträglich erfunden, sondern sind dieselben
wie vor durch den römischen Kaiser und Rechtsetzer und sonderlich
durch den löblichen Kaiser Justinio, dem gemeinen Nutzen als fast
schädlich, verderblich und sträflich geacht und erkannt, dass
dieselben Überführer_ [_Übertreter_] _alle ihre Güter verloren und
dazu ausserhalb ihrer Wohnung in ewiges Elend (Verbannung) verurteilt
sein sollen, als geschrieben steht lege Vinca Cod. de Mono. Auch
Honorius und Theodosius haben denen vom Adel und den Reicheren die
schädliche Kaufmannschaft verboten, damit das gemeine Volk leichter
bei den Kaufleuten kaufen könne, und auf dem Reichstag zu Köln ist
1512 die Sache von Kaiser Maximilian, Kurfürsten, Fürsten und Ständen
hoch bewegt und gemeldete Verteurung der Waren bei grossen Peenen und
Strafen verboten worden. Der Abschied dieses Reichstags sagt:--_
_Und nachdem etwa viel grosse Gesellschaft in Kaufmannschaft in kurzen
Jahren im Reich aufgestanden, auch etliche sondere Personen seien, die
allerlei Waren und Kaufmannsgüter wie Spezerei, Artz, wollene Tücher
und dergleichen in ihre Hand und Gewalt zu bringen unterstehn, Verkauf
damit zu treiben, setzen und machen ihnen zu Vorteil gewertet ihres
Gefallens, fügen damit dem heiligen Reiche und allen Ständen desselben
merklichen Schaden zu, wider gemein geschriebenes kaiserliche Recht
und aller Ehrbarkeit: haben wir zu Förderung gemeinen Nutzens und der
Notdurft nach georduct und gesetzt, und tun das hiermit ernstlich,
und wollen dass solche schädliche Handierung hinfüro verboten und
abstehn und die hinfüro treiben oder üben. Welche herwider solches tun
wurden [werden] der [deren] Habe und Güter soll confisciert und der
Oberkeit jiglichs Orts verfallen sein. Und dieselben Gesellschaften und
Kaufleute hinfüro durch keine Obrigkeit im Reich geleitet werden, sie
auch desselben nicht fähig sein, mit was Worten, Meinung oder Clauseln
solch Geleit gegeben wurden. Doch soll hiedurch niemand verboten sein
sich mit jemand in Gesellschaft zu tun, um Waren die ihm gefallen
zu kaufen und zu verhandieren, dann allein, dass er die Ware nicht
unterstehe in eine Hand zu bringen und derselben Ware einen Wert nach
seinem Willen und Gefallen zu setzen, oder dem Käufer oder Verkäufer
andingen, solche Ware niemandem denn ihm zu kaufen, zu geben oder
zu behalten, oder dass er sie nicht mehr geben will, wie er mit ihm
überein gekommen sei (wa wie er mit ihme überkomen hette). Wenn aber
die, welchen so Kaufmannschaft zu treiben erlaubt ist, unziemliche
Teurung zu machen sich unterstehn, so soll die Oberkeit mit Fleiss und
Ernst, solche Teuerung abschaffen und redlichen Kauf verfügen. Wo aber
eine Oberkeit lässig wäre, soll der Fiscal sie mahnen in Monatsfrist
das Ihre zu tun; andernfalls hat er Macht gegen sie zu procedieren._
_Allein die Oberkeit und der Fiscal haben das Ihre nicht getan, das
denn weder gut noch Recht ist, dieweil doch je zu Zeiten andere kleine
Räuber und Diebe hart (als hertiglich) gestraft werden, und diese
reichen Gesellschaften eine des Jahrs den gemeinen Nutzen viel mehr
weder [als] alle andere Strachräuber und Diebe beschädigen, wie dann
das ihr und ihrer Diener Köstlichkeit, Pracht und überschwenglicher
Reichtum öffentliche Anzeigung gibt. Derselben nicht kleine Anzeigung
hat man auch daraus, dass Bartholome Rhem gar in kurzer Zeit mit so
wenigem Hauptgut in der Hochsteter Gesellschaft als einmerklich Gut
gewonnen hat, wie dann das in der Rechtfertigung am Stadtgericht zu
Augsburg und auf jüngst gehaltenem Reichstag zu Worms offenbar gemacht
ist. Man hat den Rhem deshalb in Worms gefänglich eingebracht, da
er denn noch jetzt gefänglich enthalten wird. Man soll ihn hieher
nach Nürnberg erfordern, damit er Zeugnis ablegt und man erfährt,
mit waserlei Gefährlichkeit obengemeldete verbotene Monopolien und
Verkauf geübt werden, auch durch welche guten Mitteln Wege solchem
zuvorzukommen und abzuwenden ist._
_Drei Fragen sind hierüber zu stellen. (1) Ob die Monopolien dem
heiligen Reiche schädlich und deshalb abzuthun sind. (2) Ob alle
Gesellschaften ohne Unterschied abgethan werden sollen oder ob ihnen
ein Mass zu setzen sei. (3) Durch was für Mittel dieses geschehen und
wie diesen Sachen geholfen werden kann._
_I. Erstlich dass die grossen Gesellschaften und Haufung ihrer
Hauptgüter männiglich nachteilig sind, ist die eine Ursache und will
es an der Spezerei, welches der vornehmste Stücke eines ist, so in
deutscher Nation verführt und hantiert werden, ansehen. Man sagt
glaublich, dass der [dem?] König von Portugal 1 Pfund Pfeffer aus
Indien bis nach Antwerpen zu liefern, über drei Schilling in Gold,
deren zwanzig ein Rheinischer Gulden tut, nicht zu stehen komme. So
aber eine Gesellschaft in Portugal nach Spezerei schickt, so habe sie
keine Beschwerde und Einrede, wie teuer der König solche Waare beut
oder gibt, bezahle ihm sogar zu Zeiten noch mehr, nur mit dem Geding,
dass er solche Ware andern, die hernach kaufen wollen, noch teurer
gebe. Des zu einem Exempel mag gesetzt werden: so der von Portugal
einen Centner Pfeffer um 18 Dukaten etwa geboten hat, haben sie ihm 20
oder noch mehr darum gegeben, doch mit dem Geding, dass die königliche
Würde in einem oder zwei Jahren keinem andern desselben Pfeffer oder
Ware näher [billiger] denn um 24 Dukaten geben soll, und so einer den
andern gesteigert, dass die Spezerei, so erstlich um 18 Dukaten erlangt
werden mochte, itzund [jetzt] in Portugal über 34 Dukaten kauft wird.
Und ist also shier noch einsten [einmal] so teuer geworden als es
vorher gewesen. Dergleichen mit andern Spezereien auch geschehen ist,
davon solchen Kaufleuten nichts gelegen, noch sie einigen Verlust,
sondern grossen überschwänglichen Gewinn haben dieweil sie wiederum,
so teuer sie wollen, geben mögen, und sonst niemand im heiligen
Reiche dieselbe haben oder bekommen mag. Was Schätzung und Nachteil
den meisten bis auf den mindesten daraus erfolgt, ist nicht schwer zu
gedenken. Man kann dies aus den Nürnberger Spezerei-Reisen beweisen.
Der höchste Saffra, so kathelonisch Ort Saffra genannt wird, hat vor
etlichen Jahren, als nämlich im 16, dritthalb Gulden sechs Kreuzer
gegolten; jetzt kostet er, im 22 Jahr, fünfhalb Gulden 15 Kreuzer. Der
beste Saffran, so von den Kaufleuten Zymer genannt wird, hat pro Pfund
1516-1519 2 Gulden und noch 1521 2 Gulden 24-26 Kreuzer gegolten, jetzt
gilt er 4 Gulden; ebenso sind alle Saffrane, arragonischer, polnischer,
avernischer aufgestiegen, u. s. w._
_Die Kaufleute schlagen auch nicht mit allem auf einmal auf, sondern
jetzt mit Saffran und Nägelien, das eine Jahr mit Pfeffer und Ingwer,
dann noch mit Muskatnuß u. s. w., damit ihr Vorteil nicht verstanden
werden soll. Man will deshalb eine Erhebung anstellen, wie viel
Spezerei jährlich nach Deutschland gebracht wird, damit man weiss, so
die Kaufleute auf ein jedes Pfund einen kleinen Anschlag machen, was es
in solch grosser Menge tut, und damit abnehmen kann, was ein Zoll auf
diese Spezerei ertrüge. Man hat auch schon von Kaufleuten sich Angaben
machen lassen, welche aber abweichend waren, doch werden die Ziffern
genannt für die Spezereien, welche allein jährlich aus Lissabon
eingehen, damit man bessere Erkundigung einziehen könne. 36,000
Centner Pfeffer und nicht darunter; che darüber; 2400 Centner Ingwer;
auf 1000 Ballen Saffran kommen allein von Lissabon, ohne das was von
Venedig kommt. Der andern Spezereien wissen sie keine Summe anzuzeigen.
Genaueres kann man in Antwerpen vermittelst des dort erhobenen Zolls
erfahren._
_Die Gesellschaften haben es besonders auf die Waren abgesehen,
deren man am wenigsten geraten [entbehren] mag; und wenn eine nicht
reich genug ist, so nimmt sie eine andere zu Hilfe und beide bringen
dann die betreffende Ware ganz in ihre Hand. Wenn ein armer kleiner
Kaufmann von ihnen dieselbe aufgezurgene Ware kaufen und dann die Ware
andernfalls seiner Nahrung nach vertreiben will, so sind ihm gedachte
grosse Hantierungen von stund an auf dem Nacken, haben den Überschwall
derselben Ware, können sie wohlfeiler, auch auf langem Burgk [Borg]
hingeben; damit wird dieser Armer bedrängt, kommt zu Schaden und
etliche zu Verderb. Manchmal kaufen sie auch ihnen ihre Waren durch
urkundliche Personen, doch nicht ihnen zu gut, wieder ab; das schafft,
dass sie schier an allen Orten im ganzen Europa ihre Gelager halten;
Ursach das ist der Pracht des grossen Haubtgutz._
_Die grossen Gesellschaften mindern die Hantierung und Zehrung in den
Landen. Sie richten alles über Land und in Briefen aus; wo jetzt eine
grosse Gesellschaft ist, da nährten sich sonst wohl 20 oder mehr,
die alle webern und wandeln mussten, weil sie keine Lager und Diener
an andern Orten halten konnten. Dadurch wurden die Strassen gebaut,
Zoll und Geleit gemehrt, desgleichen wie Wirte und alle Handwerk des
Nutzens und Geniessen empfinden; denn viel Verkäufer bringen gut Kauf
und Wohlfeilheit der Waren._
_Weiter kommt die gute goldene und silberne Münz durch die
Gesellschaften, welche sie überall aufkaufen und einwechseln, ausser
Landes. Binnen kurzer Zeit wird aus weit gesuchtem Eigennutz Rheinisch
Gold ausgewechselt, verführt und verschmelzt sein. Deshalb sind auch
schon in etlichen Städten Empörungen des gemainen Mannes entstanden,
was, wo es nicht abgewendet wird, noch weiter und mehr zu besorgen ist._
_Man fragt sich II., sollen deshalb alle Gesellschaften abgetan werden?
Das die grossen geldmächtigen Gesellschaften zu vertrennen und nicht zu
dulden sind ist die Ursach oben angezeigt. Deshalb sollen aber nicht
alle Gesellschaften und versammelte Hantierungen gänzlich abgeschnitten
sein; wär wider gemeinen Nutzen, auch ganzer deutscher Nation sehr hoch
beschwerlich, nachteilig und verfächtlich; dann daraus würde folgen (1)
dass man Franzosen und äussern Nationen Stärke, Hilf und Handreichung
gäbe, dasjenige für zu nehmen und zu treiben, das man jetzt so hoch
beschwerlich abzutun fürhat. Diese fremden Nationen würden das ganze
deutsche Land dann aussaugen. (2) Wenn ferner alle allein handeln
würden und einem Schaden entstünde, so würde ihm das zum Verderben
gereichen, und auch denen, welche ihm das Ihre anvertraut hätten. Das
kann nicht geschehen, wo mehrere Personen mit Mass sich vereinigen.
(3) Würde ein solches Verbot allein den Reichen zum Vorteil dienen,
welche ohnehin allenthalben die Körner für sich ziehen und die Spreu
den andern lassen. Von diesen Reichen sind einige so gestellt, dass
sie eben dasjenige zu tun vermöchten, was jetzt grosse Gesellschaften
tun und was man für so herb beschwerlich achtet. Damit würde der
Sache nicht geholfen, sondern ihr nur ein Deckel aufgesetzt sein. (4)
Hantierung und Gewerb bringen es mit sich, dass man die Ware nicht
blos an einem Orte suchen muss; dazu ist eine einzige Person nicht im
Stande, und namentlich nicht zu der Zeit, wo es etwa Notdurft ist. Die
Folge wäre, dass man dem Handel das Land verbieten, fremden Nationen
Nutzen schaffen, die Deutschen aber drucken und bösern würde. Diener
aber anzunehmen und solche an seiner Statt an andere Orte zu schicken
erfordert Geld, und kleine Hauptgüter ertragen kaum das Halten von
Knechten; viele können sich selbst nicht, zu geschweigen Diener,
hinbringen._
_III. Welche Vorschläge sind nun zur Ablehnung gemeldeter verbotener,
böser Verkäufe zu machen?_
(1) _Es sollen Gesellschaften oder sondere Personen nur bis zu 20,000,
40,000 oder zum meisten 50,000 Gulden Hauptgut zum Handel gebrauchen
und nicht mehr als drei Lager ausserhalb ihrer häuslichen Wohnung
haben._
(2) _Sie sollen gehalten sein, bei ihren leiblichen geschworenen
Eidespflichten ihrer Obrigkeit anzusagen, dass sie nicht mehr Geld im
Handel haben._
(3) _Dieses Hauptgut darf nicht durch Gewinn vermehrt werden; vielmehr
muss längstens alle zwei Jahre Rechnung getan und der Gewinn verteilt,
auch der Oberkeit davon Anzeige gemacht werden, dass die Rechnung und
Austeilung erfolgt ist._
(4) _Es darf zu Handelszwecken kein Geld um Zinskauf entlehnt werden,
da dies ungottlich und wucherlich, auch gemeinem Nutzen nachteilig
und schädlich ist, ohne Wagnis Gewinns und Verlusts Geld oder Zins zu
nehmen oder zu geben._
(5) _Keinerlei Ware darf in eine Hand gebracht werden._
(6) _Zertrennte Gesellschaften dürfen sich nicht vereinigen, bei
Verlierung aller ihrer Güter._
(7) _Kein Kaufmann darf auf einen Kauf mehr über 100 Centner Pfeffer,
100 Centner Ingwer und von keinerlei Spezerei, wie die Namen hat,
über 50 Centner kaufen, auch nach solchem Kauf in einem Vierteljahr
derselben Ware keine mehr führen oder kaufen._
(8) _Nachdem von den grossen Gesellschaften eine sondere Behendigkeit
gebraucht wird, dieweil sie in vielen Landen ihr Wissen haben, wann
die Waren verderben oder in Aufschlag kommen, so machen sie fremde
Kaufleute, die andern, so solche Waren haben, abkaufen, und bringen
dieselben zu ihren Händen, ehe die andern solchs Schadens gewahr
werden. Daraus folgt dann ein grosser Aufschlag der Ware. Dagegen setzt
man am besten die Strafe, dass, so sich ein solcher gefährlicher
Verkauf in vier Wochen den nächsten darnach erfunden, dass dann der
Abkäufer soll verpflichtet sein, dem Verkäufer seine Ware um das halbe
Kaufgeld wieder zuzustellen, weil er es ihm abgekauft hat der andere
halbe Teil der Kaufsumme soll dann der Obrigkeit verfallen sein._
(9) _Bei Strafe des Verlusts der Güter, wie in Köln bestimmt worden
ist, darf der Verkäufer die Bedingung nicht machen, dass der Käufer die
Ware nicht näher [billiger] geben dürfe._
(10) _Damit nicht fremde Nationen geheilt und gebessert, aber das
deutsche Land bezwungen und verderbt werden, ist bedacht, dass diese
Ordnung auch alle Fremden, die Lager im Reiche haben, binden soll.
So indem ein Walch [Welscher], Franzos oder wer er sei, im heiligen
Reich hantierte und in dieser Ordnung begriffen, soll und muss er
alle Strafen wandeln und kehren, wie andere inländische überfahrende
Kaufleute. Dass soll alle Fürstentümer, Herrschaften und Städte, ob die
gleich indem dafür gefreiet wären, auch beflissen und binden, damit es
gegen männiglich gleich gehalten und niemand hierin geschont werde._
(11) _Durch das Fahren deutscher Kaufleute nach Portugal entsteht
grosser Schaden, weil in Lissabon wegen der Schiffung von Portugal
nach Indien mit Spezerei und anderem die grossen Niederlagen und
tapfersten Käufe und Gewerbe sind, die sonst mindert an einigen Orten
bestehen könnten, und deshalb dort die grossen Zoll Schatzung von
allerlei Spezereien und Waren, die von dannen weggeführt werden, der
gleichen auch von der Pfennigwerten [Verkaufsartikeln] die sie in
Portugal selbst verbrauchen und nicht geraten, mögen als die wieder
hinein in India und an den Ort geschifft werden, aufkommen. Dazu muss
alle Ware, welche von Portugal kommt, von Deutschen auf der See gewagt
und aufs Glücksrad gebunden werden, und die Fahrt nach Portugal ist
schier mehr sorglich und gefährlich als die nach Indien; in wenig
Jahren sind auf derselben See über 1,500,000 Gulden Wert ertrunken und
verdorben, und trotzdem sind die Kaufleute, welche wenig ererbt haben,
so unaussprechlich reich geworden. Deshalb soll alle Schiffung nach
Portugal verboten werden; die Portugiesen sollen selbst das Wagnis
übernehmen und ihre Ware, die sie doch nicht behalten können, nach
Deutschland bringen; wenn man ihnen so nicht nachläuft, werden sie
auch billiger verkaufen müssen. Andere bemerken nun freilich, dass
wenn die Portugiesen auch die Ware nach Antorff [Antwerpen] bringen,
so würden die grossen Gesellschaften auch dort Wege finden, die Waren
aufzukaufen; auch könne der König von Portugal bewogen werden, die Ware
nach Danzig oder Egen Merten [Aigues Mortes] in Frankreich zu schaffen,
so dass die Deutschen sie dort holen müssten. Allein andere zeigen an,
dass er wegen des Zugangs der Metalle Deutschland nicht entbehren und
ohne dieselben gegen India nichts schaffen könnte; man dürfe ihm also
nur den Zugang der Metalle versperren, so werde man ihn zwingen können,
nicht nach Frankreich zu handeln._
(12) _Soll eine Satzung etlicher Waren vorgenommen werden, damit nicht
blos für die gemeinen Hantierer und Kaufleute gesorgt ist, sondern
auch für die, so diese Waren zu ihrer Niessung und Gebrauch kaufen. Es
ist zu besorgen, dass auch die getrennten Gesellschaften sich heimlich
über die Preise verständigen; auch hat der König von Portugal die
Spezerei allein in seiner Gewalt, und seither kann er Preise setzen wie
er will, weil sie bei den Deutschen wegen keiner Verteuerung ungekauft
blieben. Auch ist von Refel [Reval] und Lübeck angezeigt worden, dass
der König von Dänemark und die Fucker miteinander in Handlung stehen,
dass alle Kaufmannsgüter, so seither aus der Muscey [Moskau] in
deutsche Handelsstädte kommen, fürder nach Dänemark und in des Königs
und der Fucker Gewalt kommen sollen, damit sie dieselben nach Gefallen
verteuern können. Bisher hat man solche Dinge nicht mit rechter
Peen gestraft, sondern wissiglich geduldet. Dem kann nur ein Verbot
abhelfen, dass die und die Waren in Deutschland nicht höher als zu
einem bestimmten Satz verkauft werden dürften. Das Regiment soll eine
jede Ware den Zentner auf eine Hauptsumme taxieren. Als Massstab sollen
die gewöhnlichen Mittelpreise gelten, wie sie bestanden haben, ehe die
Waren in die Gewalt des Königs von Portugal und der grossen schädlichen
verbotenen Gesellschaften kamen. Man wendet freilich ein; wenn die
Waren missraten? Dann werden die Kaufleute sich bei den wohlgeratenen
erholen. Wenn Mangel an solchen Waren entsteht? Die Fremden können
unser Geld gar viel weniger entbehren, als wir ihre Waren; deshalb
ist im Reich kein langwieriger schädlicher Mangel zu besorgen; man
wollt denn unnütz Geld ausgeben für einen Mangel achten. Durch
solche Satzung wird die Gefahr übermässiger Steigerung der Preise am
besten verhütet werden. Bei den Taxen kann die Entlegenheit der Örter
in Betracht gezogen werden auch die Verschiedenheit der Ellen und
Gewichte; so wird der Pfeffer an der Hand in Frankfurt das Pfund auf 1
Kreuzer taxiert, ebenso in Nürnberg. Die Taxe soll ein halbes Jahr nach
Beschliessung durch die Reichsstände angehen._
_Weiter soll nicht sein, dass die Kaufleute dem armen Volke auf den
Samen, so noch auf dem Feld steht, auf die Trauben an den Stöcken und
andere Frucht Geld leihen; dadurch diesen armen notdürftigen Lenten das
genommen wird, was sie härtiglich erarbeiten._
_Darauf folgen Strafen für alle Überfahrer, für die lässigen
Obrigkeiten; die Erlaubnis, dass jeder Fiskal klagen darf; die
Bestimmung, dass alle konfiszierten Güter hälftig dem Reichsfiskus,
hälftig der Obrigkeit zufallen sollen, darunter solche Verbrechen
geschehen. Der Fiskal soll auch gegen die Gesellschaften, welche sich
seither offenbar widerrechlich bereichert haben, vorgehen; geschicht
dies, so wird das nicht allein den Fiskus speisen, sondern auch
andere warnen; sich vor dergleichen böser Beschädigung zu hüten. Die
Ordnung, betreffend den Verkauf u. s. w. soll zwei Monate nach ihrer
Verkündigung angehen._
_Ist auch bewogen, dass Befriedung der Strassen dem Kaufmannsgewerb
fürträglich sei, damit alle Hantierer auf des heiligen Reichs Strassen
sicherer, dann etliche Zeit her geschehen ist, webern und ziehen
mögen._
_Es kommt vor, dass etliche Kaufleute betrüglich im Schein Trauens und
Glaubens den Leuten das ihre nehmen durch Bankrottieren, was einem
Diebstahl vergleichbar ist, und wer andere fürsätzlich an Geld und Gut
ansetzt soll streng gestraft werden._
_Endlich werden Reichsmasse und-Gewichte gefordert, für Fälschung der
Tücher und Waren eine strengliche Handhabung verlangt und die Stände
gewarnt, gegen arglistige und erkaufte Prokurei auf der Hut zu sein,
wodurch diese Ordnung von den Gesellschaften bekämpft werden kann.
(N.B.--Gemeint ist, nach einer Notiz von andrer Hand, Bestechung der
Obrigkeiten, um durch ihren favor und patrocinium den Folgen dieser
Ordnung zu entgehen.)_
APPENDIX B.
Ten closely printed folio pages of Sebastian Franck's _Chronica_
(published in 1531) are taken up with a seemingly exhaustive narrative
of the incident referred to in the text; albeit Franck himself tells us
that it only represents a small portion--the "kernel," as he expresses
it--of what he had prepared, and indeed actually written, on the
subject, the bulk of which, however, the exigencies of space compelled
him to suppress.
"In the year 1509," says Franck, "the two Orders of the 'Preachers'
(Dominicans) and 'Barefooted Friars' (Franciscans) did wax hot against
one another concerning the conception of Mary. The 'Barefooted'
did hold that she was pure from all original sin and spotless; the
'Preachers,' that she was conceived in original sin even as other
children of men. Now there was much debate thereon, and at Heidelberg
was there a disputation.... In the end came it to pass that the
'Preachers' (Dominicans) did devise to further their matter and opinion
with false signs and wonders."
A certain Dominican preacher, Wigandus by name, who had written a book
against the Immaculate Conception, advised resort to trickery. The
suggestion was adopted in a full Chapter of the Order held at Wimpfen
in 1506. Nürnberg and Frankfort were thought of as suitable places,
but on consideration were rejected on the ground that the townsfolk
of these two commercial centres were too sharp-witted. Eventually,
Bern was decided upon. Accordingly, four Dominicans, the Prior, the
sub-Prior, the chief preacher and another monk, connected with a
foundation possessed by the Order at that place, were instructed to
set about the business. They got hold of a young journeyman tailor,
who applied to be received into the Order, and whom they admitted with
apparent reluctance on payment of fifty-three gulden, besides the gift
of some damascene and silk. As soon as they had him well in hand,
they began to test his credulity by playing practical jokes on him
at night--by throwing things into his cell, making mysterious noises
and the like, pretending that it was the work of a spirit. At last
the Prior came one night enveloped in a white linen sheet, and with
horrible noises and gestures seized the trembling novice as he lay in
his bed. The latter, of course, screamed and invoked the Mother of God.
Upon this, the ghost adjured him, alleging that he and his colleagues
could render him inestimable aid if they would but scourge themselves
for eight days in succession, and read eight masses in the chapel of
St. John. With this the spectre left him.
The youth next day told everything in an agony of fear. The chief
preacher of the Order, Dr. Steffan, improved the occasion by an
harangue against the Franciscans, declaring that no distressed spirit
ever held parley with such unmitigated scoundrels as they were, or
sought the aid of such notorious evil-livers. Finally, he succeeded in
stirring up a strong feeling in the town against the rival Order.
The four conspiring monks having tested the silly youth, and finding
him staunch in his belief, exhorted him to be of good courage the
following night, the Prior having purified his cell with holy water
and guarded it with relics. But the spirit came again; and on being
interrogated, in accordance with instructions given to the novice, the
ghost declared itself the soul of a former Prior of the monastery, who
had been deposed for loose living, had left the cloister in lay attire,
had become involved in a "bad business," and had been stabbed to death
in a brawl unshrived. The spirit went on to extol the Dominican Order
at the expense of the Franciscans, who would shortly, it predicted, be
the ruin of the town of Bern.
Visions of a similar character occurred on the following nights. The
preacher, Dr. Steffan, entrusted the novice with a letter containing
leading questions favourable to the Order which he was to endeavour
to get delivered to the Mother of God, and return with the answers
affixed. The letter was subsequently found deposited miraculously in
the pyx, and sprinkled with blood said to be of Christ, and sealed with
the same. The letter was the following day laid with great pomp on
the high altar. The next night one of the four monks appeared to the
novice, dressed as the Virgin, with exuberant praises of the Order,
and with instructions to implore the Holy Man, Pope Julius II., to
institute a festival in honour of the "spotted conception" of the
Virgin, promising at the same time to convey to him a cross with three
spots of the blood of her Son upon it, as a testimony of the truth
of her having been born in original sin. She gave him a cloth soaked
in blood from the wound in the side, and other relics. She further
pierced the guileless youth's hand with a pin, and made him call out,
comforting him with the assurance that the wound would reopen afresh
twice a year--on Good Friday and Corpus Christi Day. Thereupon the
monk-Virgin disappeared.
All things had gone successfully up to this time, and the four monks
now decided to officially announce the novice as an inspired person.
To this end they succeeded--"by magical practices," says Franck--in
preparing a water which deprived the new Brother of his senses, and
another water which, while in this state, they rubbed into his hands
and feet, producing wounds. With a third water they caused him to
wake up--delighted to see the new miracles worked upon him. They then
gave him a special room to himself, where the "faithful laity" might
see him; but no one was allowed to speak to him, for fear of his
compromising the Order.
Meanwhile these things began to be noised abroad and were eagerly
discussed, everybody wishing to get a sight of the new god. At length
the long-suffering novice, on another visitation, recognised the voice
of the Prior in the sham Virgin, and drawing a knife, stabbed him in
the right hip, after which the Prior, seizing a dish from the wall,
flung it at the novice and decamped. No blandishments or warnings from
the sub-Prior or other monks would induce the now disillusionised
novice to allow himself to be made a fool of any longer. Finding this
side of the business at an end, they next entreated him with promises
not to ruin himself and them, but to throw in his lot with them and
consent to hoodwink the people. He, at length, agreed with some
reluctance. Then they instructed him in the rôle he was to play. He
was to represent an image of the Virgin in the Lady Chapel, whilst Dr.
Steffan was to be concealed behind a curtain, and, speaking through a
tube, to personify her "Divine Son". The "Son" asked the "Mother" why
she wept. The "Mother" answered that she wept because her commands had
not been carried out fully as yet. In the meantime some old women, who
had been admitted into the chapel, rushed away spreading the report
everywhere that the image of the Virgin had wept and spoken. A large
concourse assembled in the chapel, amongst them being the four monks,
who affected great astonishment. Presently the Bürgermeister with three
other high civic functionaries arrived, and demanded of the Prior and
monks what was the meaning of the great commotion. The Prior replied
that the Virgin had wept for the approaching ruin of the whole town
of Bern, because it was receiving a pension from the French king, and
because it tolerated in its midst the Franciscans with their wicked
heresy of the Immaculate Conception, whereby they imputed to her an
honour that did not belong to her and which she repudiated. The elders
of the city thought it a remarkable occurrence, and looked grave.
The monks now thought to give the novice, the alleged intermediary of
so many divine messages, a poisoned sacrament in the presence of the
people, so that he might die suddenly, and that they might thus gain
two points--be rid of a dangerous witness, and supply their Order with
a saint, whom Christ had taken to Himself during the reception of the
Holy Elements. But our novice declined the wafer with the red spots,
which was offered him, and which was alleged to be sprinkled with the
blood of Christ; and insisted on partaking of a less miraculous-looking
one. Nevertheless, the monks did not give up their project, for the
novice overheard the next night a secret conclave of the four as to the
best way of getting rid of him, whether they should starve him, drown
him, strangle him, run him through the body, or choke him. He now began
to feel seriously anxious, more especially as he found his rations
diminishing daily. Accordingly, one day he crept out of his cell and
followed one of the four monks into the refectory, where he saw them
eating capons and drinking wines with girls, who, to his intense
disgust, he observed wore dresses made of the very damascene and silk
he had contributed to the monastery on his initiation. His presence
was detected, and Dr. Steffan tried to pass the girls off as sisters
of his own. The monks thought, notwithstanding, that it was high time
"to leave their damnable faces and begin". So they gave the novice
cabbage stewed in a solution of crushed spiders, but this did him no
harm. They then tried it on a cat, which died. The Prior next brought
him a poisoned soup, which he did not eat but threw away. Five young
wolves kept in the monastery thereupon ate it and died. Then they tried
the sacrament trick again, forcing it into his mouth, but he threw it
up on to a footstool, which the worthy Sebastian assures us immediately
began to sweat blood. This alarmed the conspirators, and they changed
their tactics, chaining the youth up, fettling him in various parts of
the body with hot irons, until he swore a solemn oath not to divulge
anything. At last, says Sebastian, the matter "became too heavy for the
Brother," and he resolved to escape at once. He succeeded in doing so
by cunning and stealth, and rushing into the town he informed everybody
he met of all that had happened. The authorities, however, were
unwilling to lay violent hands on a spiritual Order.
The monks, on their side, lost no time in sending their preacher and
the sub-Prior to Rome, in order to get the Pope's attestation of their
story. They were supported by the whole influence of the Dominican
Order throughout Central Europe. The Rath of Bern then also sent to
Rome to demand an impartial judge for the matter, and Pope Julius II.
nominated a commission consisting of three priests and a Dominican
Provincial. The latter, being seen by one of the bishops admonishing
Dr. Steffan how to act, was removed from the court, and died at
Constance from vexation. The four monks were then placed on the rack,
and revealed everything. The poor novice was also given a few turns
on the rack, in order to make sure that he had told all he knew. He
rehearsed everything, including the story of the girls.
It came out in the course of the trial that Jews' blood, nineteen hairs
from the black eyebrow of a Jew child, and other ingredients, which
our modest Sebastian informs us "it were not seemly to tell of," went
to constitute the magical decoction that the monks had used in order
to make the novice subservient to them. It was found also that the
sub-Prior had stolen five hundred gulden from the monastic chest, and
that the other monks had taken the precious stones from the image of
the Virgin and disposed of them, also that the Prior had boasted that
he could work his will with any woman on whom he laid his hand.
The bishops wanted to transfer the matter to Rome, but the lay
authorities would not hear of this, and insisted on the court being
reinforced by eight honourable councillors of the city. In the end
the ecclesiastics consented to reconstitute the court in this form.
The result was a sentence of degradation and burning alive on all
four monks. The execution was carried out in the presence of a large
concourse of people in the great market-place of the city of Bern, on
the 31st of May, 1509.
As intimated in the body of this work, the foregoing affair caused a
profound impression over a wide area, affecting as it did the honour
and integrity of so powerful an Order as that of the "Preachers" or
Dominicans, and it made the city and canton of Bern an easy prey to the
reforming tendencies which came in vogue a few years later.
* * * * *
The following is another illustration of the ready credulity of a
mediæval populace and the excessive excitability of the public mind
in the earlier years of the sixteenth century. I quote, this time
literally, from another portion of Sebastian Franck's _Chronica_:
"Anno 1516, Dr. Balthasar Hubmeyer [at this time Hubmeyer was still a
Catholic] did preach with vehemence against the Jews at Regensburg,
showing how great an evil doth arise to the whole German nation, not
alone from their faith, but also from their usury, and how unspeakable
a tribute their usury doth bear away withal. Then was there a Council
held that they should pray the Emperor to the end that Jews might be
driven forth. Therefore did they [the people] break their synagogue
in pieces, also many of their houses, and did build in the place
thereof a Temple in honour of Mary, to which they gave the name of The
Fair Mary. This did some visit privily, and told that from that hour
was their prayer fulfilled. So soon, therefore, as the matter became
noised abroad, even then was there a running from all parts thither,
as though the people were bewitched, of wife, of child, of gentlemen,
some spiritual, some worldly, they coming so long a way, it might be
having eaten nothing. Certain children who knew not the road did come
from afar with a piece of bread, and the people came with so manifold
an armoury, even such as it chanced that each had, the while he was at
his work, the one with a milking-pail, the other with a hay-fork. Some
there were that had scarce aught on in the greatest cold, wherewithal
to cover them in barest need. Some there were that did run many miles
without speaking, as they might be half-possessed or witless; some did
come barefoot with rakes, axes and sickles; these had fled from the
fields and forsaken their lords; some caméd in a shirt they had by
chance laid hands on as they arose from their bed; some did come at
midnight; some there were that ran day and night; and there was in all
such a running from all lands that, in the space of but one day, many
thousands of men had come in.
"One there was that saw miracles from so much and so divers silver,
gold, wax, pictures and jewels that were brought thither. There were
daily so many masses read that one priest could scarce but meet the
other, as he departed from the altar. When one did read the Communion
[Commun], the other even then did kneel before the altar with his
Confiteor. These things came to pass daily till well-nigh beyond noon,
and although many altars were set up both within and without the
Temple, yet nevertheless could not one priest but encounter the other.
"The learned did sing many Carmina in praise of Fair Mary, and many and
divers offices were devised of signs, of pipes and of organs. Much sick
folk did they lead and bear thither, and also, as some do believe,
dead men whom they brought home again restored and living. There befel
also many great signs and wonders, the which it would not be fitting to
tell of, and whereof an especial cheat was rumoured, in that what any
brought thither, did he but vow himself with his offering, straightway
was he healed, not alone from his sicknesses, but the living did
receive also their dead again, the blind saw, the halt ran, did leave
their crutches in the Temple, and walkéd upright from thence. Some ran
thither from the war; yea, wives from their husbands, children from the
obedience and will of their fathers would thither, saying that they
might not remain away, and that they had no rest day nor night.
"Some as they entered into the Temple and beheld the image straightway
fell down as though the thunder had smote them. As the mad rabble
beheld how such did fall, they bethought them that it were the power of
God, and that each must needs fall in this place. Thus there came to
pass such a falling (such as was a foolishness and unrestrained and of
the devil's likeness) that well-nigh each that came to these places did
fall, and many from the rabble, who did not fall, believed themselves
to be unholy and did enforce themselves straightway to fall, till the
Council [Rath] was moved, as they say, to forbid such, and then did the
signs and fallings cease.
"It is wondrous to relate with what strange instruments the people
caméd thither; as one was seized in the midst of his labour, he took
not the time to lay aside that which he held in his hand but bore it
with him, and each ran unshrived away, being driven by his own spirit.
But whether the great Holy Spirit did move to such ill-considered
tumult against obedience, did drive the mother from the child, the wife
from the husband, the servant and the child contrary to the obedience
to be rendered to the master and the father, I will leave to others to
determine. Many do even believe as I do, that it cannot be the work of
God inasmuch as it is contrary to His word, work, manner, nature and
the interpretation of the Scriptures.
"Now this running toward hath held a goodly season, as it may be six or
eight years, but hath now ceased, albeit not wholly."
* * * * *
I have reproduced as literally as possible from Franck's own language,
not (as will have been noticed) omitting or toning down the repetitions
and incoherences of style.
APPENDIX C.
The celebrated family of Fugger of Augsburg migrated to that city
about the year 1370 from a village near Schwabmünchen. What their
precise status was in their original home is not very clear; but they
would seem to have been above the rank of ordinary peasants, and it is
just possible that they may have been _Freier_ or freeholders of land
without nobility. At all events, they are said to have cultivated flax
and hemp somewhat extensively. The two brothers, Ulrich and Johannes
Fugger, on arriving in Augsburg, devoted themselves to weaving of wool
and linen, and became master-weavers, possessing several looms. Through
marriage they soon acquired the citizenship, and the family continued
to rise and flourish during the fifteenth century. Some time before
1450, a Fugger became Grand Master of the Weavers' Guild, and towards
the close of that century Ulrich Fugger was one of the first to take
advantage of the rising world-market and of the dislocated feudal
conditions of the time. In 1473, he had to settle the financial affairs
of Maximilian, who wished to lend money to Charles the Bold. For his
services on this occasion he and his brothers were ennobled, and
received a "lily" as their armorial device. Ulrich was also a patron of
Albrecht Dürer, and it was through him that Dürer's pictures were sent
into Italy.
Ulrich Fugger bought from Pope Alexander VI. the patronage of a canonry
near St. Moritz for a thousand ducats. In 1494 he and his brother
inaugurated the trade syndicates spoken of in the preceding pages by
a company for trading in spices. It is referred to in the Reichstag
rescript given in Appendix A. Ulrich died in 1510, leaving seven
daughters and three sons; his brother had already died in 1506. They
had bought up all the houses on the Weinmarkt, and converted them into
a palace, in which they lived conjointly.
Jacob Fugger, a younger son of Ulrich, raised the family to the zenith
of its opulence and magnificence. Originally brought up for the Church,
he became a canon; but later, on the wish of his father, he renounced
the tonsure and devoted himself to commerce. He first went to reside
in Venice, in order to get mercantile training in the family warehouse
which the Fuggers had established in that city. Venice was then, and
for long afterwards, a kind of training school for the merchants of the
South German cities. Jacob also made further journeys to the principal
commercial towns of Europe, the result of his studies and travels being
the expansion of his family business to a degree previously unheard
of in the annals of mediæval trading. To such a point did he carry
his success that soon his wool, silk and spinning business generally,
became a mere subordinate matter with him, his chief occupations being
mining and banking. Jacob Fugger was, in fact, the first great European
capitalist, the Rothschild and Vanderbilt of his day.
In Spain, in the Tyrol, in Hungary and in Carinthia, he bought up lands
rich in ore from derelict and impecunious nobles, and succeeded in
opening up valuable silver, copper and lead mines. Paracelsus mentions
having visited the Fugger mines at Schwatz in the Tyrol in connection
with his alchemistic studies. The new route to India afforded by the
discovery of the Cape Passage gave Fugger the opportunity of showing
his ability to seize a timely advantage from changing conditions. In
1505, he joined with the two other large commercial houses, those of
Welser and Hochstetten, in an undertaking for shipping three cargoes of
Indian wares. This class of goods had hitherto come over land by way of
the Levant and Venice; but now, for the first time, they were shipped
direct from the East Indies by the new Cape route.
The previous year, 1504, Jacob and his brothers had been ennobled by
the Emperor Maximilian, Jacob himself being made Imperial Councillor.
Leo X. further constituted him Count Palatine and _Eques Aureatus_. In
1509, Jacob advanced Maximilian as much as 170,000 ducats as a subsidy
towards the cost of the Italian War. Subsequently, on the election of
Charles V. to the Imperial dignity, he contributed 300,000 ducats to
the expenses involved. On one occasion, when he entertained Charles V.
as a guest in his palace on the Weinmarkt in Augsburg, he burnt the
overdue "acceptances" of the Emperor on a large fire of cinnamon, at
that time one of the most costly spices.
The Fuggers acquired in the shape of fallen-in mortgages several feudal
territories, comprising numerous villages. In fact, by their financial
operations alone, apart from their enormous mercantile transactions,
the family amassed an immense fortune. Jacob enlarged the great Fugger
palace already referred to, and added a sumptuous choir to the Augsburg
church of St. Anna. He also founded the "Fuggerei," an entire quarter
of Augsburg still extant, to be used as almshouses for poor citizens.
He died in 1525, leaving as his heirs his two nephews Raimond and Anton.
Residing together in the Fugger palace, they still further added to
the renown of their family by their patronage of the new learning and
the fine arts. They took a distinguished place as patricians in the
Rath of their native city, and they were raised by Charles V. into
the ranks of the higher nobility as hereditary counts of the Empire,
being also granted lands with hereditary jurisdiction. By their
operations in finance, they still further increased the territorial
acquisitions of their family. All contemporary writers descant on
the pomp and magnificence of the Fugger establishment. The family
continued to flourish up to the Thirty Years' War, in which they
played a considerable part on the Imperial Catholic side. The history
of the Fuggers, of their enrichment by gigantic mercantile operations
on the basis of the world-market, of the new developments they gave
to the time-old practice of money lending, and of the fresh energy
and improved methods employed in their mining enterprises, affords a
typical instance of the birth and rapid growth of the new constructive
principle of capitalism--a birth and growth taking place _pari passu_
with the destructive processes of the disintegration of Feudalism.
* * * * * *
Transcriber's note:
The original book contained one unpaired double quotation mark. It
was not clear where the missing quotation mark belonged, so no
attempt was made to add it.