We are told that William Blackwood grew impatient of “humdru

EARLY HISTORY OF BLACKWOOD’S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE

BY

ALICE MARY DOANE

A. B. Earlham College, 1914

THESIS

Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the

Degree of

MASTER OF ARTS

IN ENGLISH

IN

THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

OF THE

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS

1917

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS

THE GRADUATE SCHOOL

June 1 1917

I HEREBY RECOMMEND THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION

BY Mary Alice Doane

ENTITLED Early History of Blackwood’s Magazine

------------------------------------------------------

BE ACCEPTED AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE

DEGREE OF Master of Arts in English

Jacob Zeitlin

In Charge of Thesis

Frank W Scott

Head of Department

Recommendation concurred in:[1]

-------------------- } Committee

-------------------- } on

-------------------- } Final Examination[1]

[1] Required for doctor’s degree but not for master’s.

Contents

I. Introduction p. 1-15

II. Genesis p. 16-29

III. Dramatis Personae p. 30-36

IV. First Years of “Maga” p. 37-67

Bibliography p. 68-69

EARLY HISTORY OF BLACKWOOD’S EDINBURGH MAGAZINE

I

_Introduction_[2]

[2] The information in this chapter is taken from the following: Oliver

Elton: _A Survey of English Literature, 1780-1830_ (Arnold, London,

1912) V. i, ch. 13

_Cambridge History of English Literature_ (Cambridge, 1916) V. xii, ch.

6

John Gibson Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters to His Kinsfolk_ (Edinburgh,

1819) V. i, ii

People love to be shocked! That explains the present circulation of

_Life_. It explains, too, the clamor with which Edinburgh received

the October number of _Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine_ in 1817. For

the first time in periodical history, the reading public was actually

thrilled and completely shocked! Edinburgh held up its hands in

horror, looked pious, wagged its head--and bought up every number! It

is a strange parallel, perhaps, _Life_ and _Blackwood’s_,--yet not so

strange. It is hard at first glance to understand how those yellow,

musty old pages could have been so shocking which now seem to have

lost all savor for the man in the street. But before we can appreciate

just how shocking _Blackwood’s Magazine_ was, or why, it will be

necessary first to remember the Edinburgh of those days, and the men

who thought and fought in those pages, and the then state of periodical

literature.

When we call _Blackwood’s_ the first _real_ magazine it is by virtue

of worth, not fact. There were numerous periodicals preceding and

contemporary with it. Most of them have never been heard of by the

average citizen, and no doubt oblivion is the kindest shroud to fold

them in. The _Monthly Review_, founded in 1749, was the oldest. It

ran till 1845 and is remembered chiefly for the fact that it had

decided Whiggish leanings with a touch of the Nonconformist. _The

Critical Review_, a Tory organ, ran from 1756 to 1817, the natal year

of “Maga”, as _Blackwood’s_ was fondly dubbed. _The British Critic_,

1793-1843, was a mouthpiece for High Church opinion; and _The Christian

Observer_, 1802-1857, served the same purpose for the evangelicals.

_The Anti-Jacobin_, 1797-98, was almost the only journal of the time

where talent or wit appeared often enough not to be accidental, and

it ran only eight months. _The Gentleman’s Magazine_, 1731-1868, has

come in for a small share of immortality, but could never aspire to be

considered a “moulder of opinion”. It published good prose and verse,

and articles of antiquarian and literary tone; its scholarship was

fair. When this is said, all is said.

_The Edinburgh Review_ and _The Quarterly_ are the only two besides

_Blackwood’s_ which come down to the Twentieth Century with any degree

of lasting fame. In 1755 had appeared the first _Edinburgh Review_

“to be published every six months”. It survived only two numbers,

being too radical and self-sufficient in certain philosophical and

religious views for that day of orthodoxy. In October 1802 the first

number of the _Edinburgh Review and Critical Journal_, a quarterly,

appeared, which according to the advertisement in the first number was

to be “distinguished for the selection rather than for the number of

its articles”.[3] Its aim was to enlighten and guide the public mind

in the paths of literature, art, science, politics,--with perhaps a

bit of emphasis on the words _guide_ and _politics_. Francis Jeffrey,

of whom Lockhart, later one of the leading lights of _Blackwood’s_,

says, “It is impossible to conceive the existence of a more fertile,

teeming intellect”,[4] was the first editor and remained so until 1829.

In the first number, October 1802, there were twenty-nine articles,

contributed by Sydney Smith, Jeffrey, Francis Horner, Brougham, and

Thomson, Murray and Hamilton. During its first three years the _Review_

distinguished itself by adding such names to its list as Walter Scott,

Playfair, John Allen, George Ellis, and Henry Hallam. With such pens

supporting it, it would have been strange if it had not been readable.

There was indeed an air of vitality and energy throughout, which

distinguished it from any of its forerunners; it spoke as one having

authority; and men turned as instinctively to Francis Jeffrey and

the _Edinburgh Review_ for final verdicts, as it never entered their

heads to seriously consider the _Gentleman’s Magazine_ or even the

_Quarterly_.

[3] _Cambridge History of English Literature_, V. xii, ch. 6, p. 157

[4] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 61

This first number, October 1802, is as representative as any.

Jeffrey wrote the first article, reviewing a book on the causes of

the revolution by Mounier, late president of the French National

Assembly. There was an article by Francis Horner on “The Paper Credit

of Great Britain”; one by Brougham on “The Crisis in the Sugar

Colonies”. Another by Jeffrey, a criticism of Southey’s “Thalaba”,

indicates the young editor’s intention to live up to the motto of

the _Review_:--“_Judex damnatur cum nocens absolvitur_--The Judge is

damned when the offender is freed”. With Jeffrey anything new in the

world of letters was taboo, and Southey he considered “a champion and

apostle” of a school of poetry which was nothing if not new. Quoting

him: “Southey is the first of these brought before us for judgment, and

we cannot discharge our inquisitorial office conscientiously without

pronouncing a few words upon the nature and tendency of the tenets

he has helped to propagate”.[5] Notice that Jeffrey uses the term

“inquisitorial office”, therein pleading guilty to the very attitude of

which Lockhart accused him, and in opposition to which in _Blackwood’s

Magazine_ he later took such a decided stand, offending how similarly,

we are later to discover.

[5] _Cambridge History of English Literature_, V. xii, ch. 6, p. 159

Lockhart admired Jeffrey and praised his talents; it was the use to

which he put those talents that Lockhart assailed. The following

words of Lockhart’s own, even though tinged with that exaggerated

vindictiveness so characteristic of him, give a pretty fair idea of

the attitude he and all the Blackwood group took against Jeffrey and

the _Edinburgh Review_; and shows the spirit underlying the rivalry

that took root before ever _Blackwood’s Magazine_ existed and prevailed

for ever after. “Endowed by nature with a keen talent for sarcasm

(Jeffrey, that is) nothing could be more easy for him than to fasten,

with the destructive effect of nonchalance upon a work which had

perhaps been composed with much earnestness of thought on the part of

the author.... The object of the critic, however, is by no means to

assist those who read his critical lucubrations, to enter with more

facility, or with better preparation into the thoughts or feelings

or truths which his author endeavors to inculcate or illustrate. His

object is merely to make the author look foolish; and he prostitutes

his own fine talents, to enable the common herd”[6]--to look down

upon the deluded author who is victim of the _Review_. This is what

Lockhart considered Jeffrey to be doing, and he was not alone in his

opinion. It is to be remembered, however, that Lockhart’s attitude was

always more tense, keener, and a little more bitter than others’, yet

his words better than any one else’s sound the keynote of the deadly

opposition to the _Review_ which “Maga” assumed from the first. Quoting

him again, "_The Edinburgh Review_ cared very little for what might

be done, or might be hoped to be done, provided it could exercise a

despotic authority in deciding on the merits of what _was_ done.

Nobody could ever regard this work as a great fostering-mother of the

infant manifestations of intellectual and imaginative power. It was

always sufficiently plain, that in all things its chief object was

to support the credit of its own appearance. It praised only where

praise was extorted--and it never praised even the highest efforts of

contemporary genius in the spirit of true and genuine earnestness which

might have been becoming”.[7] Lockhart never quite forgave Jeffrey for

failing instantly to recognize the genius of Wordsworth. He continues,

of the Reviewers: “They never spoke out of the fulness of the heart

in praising any one of our great living poets, the majesty of whose

genius would have been quite enough to take away all ideas except those

of prostrate respect”.[8] Taking all of Lockhart’s impetuosity with a

pinch of salt, the fact remains undeniably true that the _Edinburgh_

assumed the patronizing air of bestowing rather than recognizing honor

when it praised.

[6] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 130

[7] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 207

[8] Ibid, V. ii, p. 208

Among the builders of the _Edinburgh_ Henry Brougham stands one of the

foremost. In five years he contributed as many as eighty articles,

an average of four each number, and it is said that he once wrote

an entire number. He was capable of it! Brougham was a powerful

politician, but unfortunately did not limit his contributions to

political subjects. He wrote scientific, legal and literary papers as

well, with the air of one whose mandates go undisputed. Undisputed

they did go, too. In fact Brougham just escaped being a genius! He made

a big splash in his own little world and age, but his fame has not

outlived him. Another prominent contributor was Sydney Smith, a man of

no small reputation as a humorist. He earnestly applied his talents

to the forwarding of serious causes, and talents undoubtedly he had;

but the wit of his style, according to the Hon. Arthur R. D. Elliot,

erstwhile editor of the _Review_, its cleverness and jollity, prevented

many from recognizing the genuine sincerity of his character.

By the end of 1806, Sir Walter Scott had contributed twelve articles

in all, among them papers on Ellis’s “Early English Poets”, on

Godwin’s “Life of Chaucer”, on Chatterton’s “Works”, on Froissart’s

“Chronicles”. After 1806, he withdrew from the _Review_, and politics

became the more prominent feature. No account of the _Edinburgh Review_

has ever been given, written or told without including a remark of

Jeffrey’s to Sir Walter Scott in a letter about this time. It would

never do to omit it here! The remark is this: “The _Review_, in short,

has but two legs to stand on. Literature, no doubt, is one of them: but

its _Right Leg_ is Politics.”[9] Scott’s ideal was to keep it literary;

and his break was on account of its excessive Whiggism. In Jeffrey’s

mind, however, _The Edinburgh Review_ was destined to save the

nation! He championed the causes of Catholic emancipation, of popular

education, prison reform, even some small degree of justice in Ireland,

et cetera, all flavored, of course, with the saving grace of Whiggism.

[9] Elton: _A Survey of English Literature, 1780-1830_. V. i, p. 387

Modern critics more than once have characterized Jeffrey as that

“once-noted despot of letters”. But it is not fair only to be told that

Jeffrey once said of Wordsworth’s Excursion, “This will never do!” That

he considered the end of The Ode to Duty “utterly without meaning”;

and that the Ode on Intimations of Immortality was “unintelligible”;

that he ignored Shelley, and committed other like unpardonable sins.

Those things are true and known and by them is he judged, but they

are not _all_ by which he should be judged by any means! There is no

doubt in the world but what Jeffrey’s mind was cast in a superior

mould. Lockhart himself has already testified there could not be “a

more fertile, teeming intellect”. He was seldom, if ever, profound,

we admit; but even the most grudging critic must grant him that

large, speculative understanding and shrewd scrutiny so prominent in

his compositions. Imagination, fancy, wit, sarcasm were his own, but

not the warm and saving quality of humor. He was a great man and a

brilliant criticiser, though hardly a great critic. The great critic

is the true prophet and Jeffrey was no prophet. As late as 1829 in an

article on Mrs. Hemans in the _Edinburgh Review_, he wrote: “Since the

beginning of our critical career we have seen a vast deal of beautiful

poetry pass into oblivion in spite of our feeble efforts to recall

or retain it in remembrance. The tuneful quartos of Southey are

already little better than lumber:--and the rich melodies of Keats and

Shelley,--and the fantastical emphasis of Wordsworth,--and the plebeian

pathos of Crabbe,--are melting fast from the field of our vision. The

novels of Scott have put out his poetry. Even the splendid strains of

Moore are fading into distance and dimness, except where they have been

married to immortal music; and the blazing star of Byron himself is

receding from its place of pride.”[10] Herein he only redeems himself

from his early condemnation of Wordsworth and Shelley and Southey, to

damn himself irrevocably in our eyes again with his amazing lack of

foresight! No! Jeffrey was no prophet. He had not the range of vision

of the true critic, and “where there is no vision the people perish”.

This was indeed an epitaph written a century ago for a grave not even

yet in view. It must not be hastily concluded from this, however, that

all the criticism in the _Edinburgh Review_ was poor stuff. A vast

amount of it was splendid work; the best output of the best minds of

the time; and it was the one and only authentic and readable journal

for years. This is corroborated by a statement of Sir Walter Scott’s in

a letter to George Ellis: “No genteel family can pretend to be without

the _Edinburgh Review_; because, independent of its politics, it gives

the only valuable literary criticisms that can be met with.”[11]

[10] Elton: _A Survey of English Literature, 1780-1830_, V. i, p. 390

[11] _Cambridge History of English Literature_, V. xii, p. 164

But it was high time for a new periodical of opposite politics and

fresh outlook; and in 1809 Gifford was established as editor of

_The Quarterly Review_. Its four pillars were politics, literature,

scholarship, and science; but its main purpose was to oppose the

_Edinburgh_ and create an intellectual nucleus for the rallying of the

Tories. In October 1808 after plans were well on foot, Scott wrote to

Gifford, prospective editor: “The real reason for instituting the new

publication is the disgusting and deleterious doctrines with which

the most popular of our Reviews disgraces its pages.”[12] This of

course was a reference to the political policies of the _Edinburgh_,

yet the tone of the _Quarterly_ was not to be one of political

opposition only. Scott was eager for the success of the first number

and wrote nearly a third of it himself. Later he busied himself to

enlist the services of Southey and Rogers and Moore and Kirkpatrick

Sharpe as contributors. Southey wrote altogether about one hundred

articles on subjects varying from Lord Nelson to the Poor Laws. Scott

himself contributed about thirty with his usual versatility of subject

matter, all the way from fly fishing to Pepys’ Diary. In the issue for

January 1817 he even reviewed “Tales of my Landlord” and “ventured to

attribute them to the author of Waverley and Guy Mannering.”! John

Wilson Croker, satirist, was another prominent contributor, narrow

of mind and heart, intolerant of soul. He was an accurate and able

“argu-fier” however, and one of the ruling genii in the politics of

the _Quarterly_. In forty-five years he contributed something like

two hundred and fifty-eight articles. Sir John Barrow, traveller and

South African statesman, contributed much and copiously, multitudinous

reviews and voyages, all in his unvarying “solid food” style and tone.

Hallam and Sharon Turner wrote historical papers; Ugo Fosculo wrote

on Italian classics. Such was the tone of the _Quarterly_. It took

itself seriously, and was evidently always taken seriously. But no

modern would consider those dim old pages of criticism as a criterion

to the literature of that age. It was too heavy to be sensitive to new

excellencies, too intent on upholding failing causes to recognize new

ones. In truth, it was a periodical strangely unresponsive to artistic

or literary excellence or attainment. By 1818 and 1819 its circulation

was almost 14,000--practically the same as the _Edinburgh Review_;

but the _Quarterly_ never made the stir the _Edinburgh_ did. Ellis

spoke truth when he pronounced it, “Though profound, notoriously and

unequivocally dull”.[13] Gifford remained editor until 1824; then John

Taylor Coleridge ascended the throne for two years, and after that,

Lockhart.

[12] _Cambridge History of English Literature_, V. xii, p. 165

[13] _Cambridge History of English Literature_, V. xii, p. 166

Concerning the _Scots Magazine_ which seemed to be dying a natural

death about the time of the initial impulse of “Maga”, Lockhart

writes: “It seems as if nothing could be more dull, trite and heavy

than the bulk of this ancient work.”[14] An occasional contribution by

Hazlitt or Reynolds enlivened it a bit, but only served to emphasize in

contrast the duller parts.

[14] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 227

The name of Leigh Hunt can scarcely be omitted from this panorama,

though here it is the journalist rather than the journal which attracts

attention. At various times he edited various publications, ten in all,

and all of them more or less short-lived and unsuccessful. Among them

was the _Reflector_ (1810-11), a quarterly which is remembered mainly

because Hunt was its editor and Charles Lamb one of its contributors.

Most noteworthy of his periodical projects was the _Examiner_, a

newspaper which he began to edit (1808) for his brother, and continued

to do so for the space of some thirteen years. It professed no

political allegiance, but was enough outspoken in its radical views

to land both Leigh Hunt and his brother in prison, after printing

an article on the Prince Regent. Among other things of interest, it

started a department of theatrical criticism; and on the whole, with

men like Hazlitt and Lamb contributing, it could not escape being

interesting. The Blackwood group later reacted to it and its editor

as a bull does to a red rag, testifying at least that it was far from

nondescript.

The _London Magazine_ did not start until two years after

_Blackwood’s_, and we will dismiss it with only a few words. It was a

periodical fashioned after the sprightlier manner which _Blackwood’s_,

too, strove to maintain. They were bitter rivals from the first; and as

to which was the more bitter, the more stinging in its personalities,

it would be hard to judge. At one time matters even reached such a

pitch that John Scott, the _London’s_ first editor, and Lockhart found

it necessary to “meet on the sod”. The _London_ put forth many fine

things. In September 1821 it gave to the public “Confessions of an

Opium Eater” by a certain Thomas De Quincey. A year later it offered

“A Dissertation on Roast Pig” by an author then not so well known as

now. A poem or two of one John Keats appeared in its pages; and when

all is said, there is no doubt that the _London Magazine_ did at times

splendidly illumine the poetry of the age. It ran from 1820 to 1829.

Thus in brief was the periodical world. The quarterly reviews were

avowedly pretentious, never amusing, not creative. Contents were

limited to political articles, to pompous dissertations and reviews.

There were no stories, no verse, nothing unbending, never a touch of

fantasy. Their political flavor was the least of their sins. A touch of

the Radical, the Whig or the Tory is a real contribution to the history

of literature, wherein it inevitably involves great historic divisions

of the thought of a nation concerning life and art. No. Our quarrel,

like _Blackwood’s_, is on the ground of their rigidity. It is well to

hold fast that which is good; but it is not well to insistently oppose

and blind oneself and others to the changing order and the forward

march of men and letters.

Knowing what we do of Jeffrey and the _Edinburgh Review_ it is easy

to comprehend what prompted Lockhart’s pen to say: “It is, indeed, a

very deplorable thing to observe in what an absurd state of ignorance

the majority of educated people in Scotland have been persuaded to

keep themselves, concerning much of the best and truest literature of

their own age, as well as of the ages that have gone by”.[15]... His

quarrel is ours for the nonce, and to comprehend the spirit of “Maga”

it is first necessary to comprehend the spirit which prompted much for

which it is so rigorously criticised. Lockhart speaks of the “facetious

and rejoicing ignorance” of the Reviewers. “I do not on my conscience

believe”, says he in Peter’s Letters, “that there is one Whig in

Edinburgh to whom the name of my friend Charles Lamb would convey

any distinct or definite idea.... They do not know even the names of

some of the finest poems our age has produced. They never heard of

_Ruth_ or _Michael_, or _The Brothers_ or _Hartleap Well_, or the

_Recollections of Infancy_ or the _Sonnets to Buonaparte_. They do not

know that there is such a thing as the description of a churchyard

in _The Excursion_. Alas! how severely is their ignorance punished in

itself”![16] Perhaps we can forgive the egotistic note in the following

words, also from Peter’s Letters: “There is no work which has done

so much to weaken the authority of the _Edinburgh Review_ in such

matters as _Blackwood’s Magazine_.”[17] _Blackwood’s_ is at least still

readable which is more than can be said of most of its contemporaries.

Though it did not, like the _London_, discover a Charles Lamb or a De

Quincey, it did and does still overflow with the forging energy and

ardent enthusiasms of youth. Besides the famous “Noctes Ambrosianae”

for the most part attributed to John Wilson, it published good short

stories, good papers by James Hogg, John Galt, and others, good verse,

much generous as well as much vindictive criticism. It opened up new

fields of interest: German, Italian and Norse letters, all hitherto but

slightly touched upon. But we anticipate,--and must needs begin at the

beginning.

[15] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 141

[16] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 142, 143

[17] Ibid. V. ii, p. 144

II

_Genesis_

We are told that William Blackwood grew impatient of “humdrum

bookselling”, and considering the spirited character of the man, it

is easy to believe. That hardly explains the whole truth concerning

the origin of “Maga”, however. The history of _Blackwood’s Edinburgh

Magazine_ might almost be considered the history of the struggle

between two rival booksellers, Mr. Constable and William Blackwood.

The personality of the man William Blackwood is no less interesting

than the personality of his magazine, and indeed, his was the spirit

which colored the periodical from start to finish. His energy and

acumen were of the sort which leave their mark on all they touch.

To know William Blackwood means to see his vigorous, unwearying

figure through and behind every page. Lockhart knew him as well as

any, and it is his able portraiture that follows: “He is a nimble

active-looking man of middle-age, and moves about from one corner to

another with great alacrity, and apparently under the influence of

high animal spirits. His complexion is very sanguineous, but nothing

can be more intelligent, keen and sagacious than the expression of the

whole physiognomy, above all, the grey eyes and eyebrows as full of

locomotion as those of Catalini. The remarks he makes are in general

extremely acute.... The shrewdness and decision of the man can,

however, stand in need of no testimony beyond what his own conduct has

afforded--above all, in the establishment of his Magazine,--(the

conception of which I am convinced was entirely his own), and the

subsequent energy with which he has supported it through every

variety of good and evil fortune.”[18] Lockhart was in a position to

know the true character of the man, for these words were written two

years after his own first connection with William Blackwood and his

periodical. Again, he describes the publisher as “a man of strong

talents, and though without anything that could be called learning,

of very respectable information, ... acute, earnest, eminently

zealous in whatever he put his hand to; upright, honest, sincere and

courageous”.[19] This was William Blackwood, and it is small wonder

such a man should grow weary of “humdrum bookselling”.

[18] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 188

[19] A. Lang: _Life and Letters of John Gibson Lockhart_, V. i, p. 121

_Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine_ was the result of more stringent

stimuli, however, than the restlessness of its founder. It was

necessary that the sentiments of those opposed to Jeffrey and the

_Edinburgh Review_ should have a medium of expression. Blackwood

considered the _Quarterly_ “too ponderous, too sober, dignified and

middle-aged”[20] to frustrate the influence of the _Edinburgh_. It was

not stimulating, in other words, and the present day agrees with him.

His ideal was a magazine “more nimble, more frequent, more familiar”.

But not least among the many stirrings of mind and brain which gave

rise to “Maga” was Blackwood’s disappointment over the loss of the

Waverley series. The honesty and courage of the man need no other

evidence than the fact that he criticised “The Black Dwarf” and even

suggested a different ending. Scott, of course, would have none of his

meddling, and transferred his future dealings to Constable, publisher

of the despised _Edinburgh Review_, and the _Scots Magazine_, which was

at that moment more or less insignificant. It is evident that Blackwood

did not take pains to seek out any specious circumlocution in his

criticism, and the idea that any man should criticise the Great Wizard

of the North brings a catch to the breath and a tingling down one’s

spinal column!

[20] Mrs. Oliphant: _Annals of a Publishing House_, V. i, p. 97

There is no doubt that the politics, the conceit, the unappreciative

and at times irreligious tone of the _Edinburgh Review_ were the main

reasons for the bitter hatred of the _Blackwood_ writers; but there is

less doubt that thus to lose the Waverley series was a last incendiary

straw to William Blackwood. He immediately set about putting in action

the plans which had been smouldering so long.

In April 1817 appeared the first number of _Blackwood’s Edinburgh

Magazine_. There seems to be a general understanding among

bibliographers that the first numbers were known as the “Edinburgh

Monthly Magazine”. According to the old volumes themselves, however,

only the second number, the issue for May 1817, went by this title,

the initial number and all the rest bearing the heading, _Blackwood’s

Edinburgh Magazine_.[21] Messrs. Pringle and Cleghorn were the first

joint editors, it was probably through James Hogg, known to us as the

Ettrick Shepherd, that Blackwood first met these two men. If either

of them could boast any literary pretensions, it was the younger,

Thomas Pringle. He was from Hogg’s country, and Blackwood thought he

divined in him the making of just such another “rustic genius” as Hogg.

Cleghorn, former editor of the _Farmers’ Magazine_, was evidently a

stick! It is difficult to conceive how William Blackwood, with his

gift of insight, could give over the conduct of his pet plans into the

hands of such a pair. But if he made a mistake, he soon made amends.

Of the business arrangements between Blackwood and the two editors

little of definite nature is known, except that the three were to

be co-partners. Blackwood sustained the expense of publishing and

printing; Pringle and Cleghorn supplied the material;--and the profits

were to be divided! The editors expected £50 apiece per month, which

seems unusual, considering that the circulation never exceeded 2500.

It looks suspiciously probable that the early numbers were maintained

at real financial loss to the publisher. There is no mention of paying

contributors till later years. Very likely at that time writers were

still _above_ remuneration! The _Edinburgh Review_ had done much to

remedy this attitude, but a complete cure was not effected for some

years to come.

[21] See _Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine_, V. i

The Prospectus of the infant journal is interesting. It was to be

“A Repository of whatever may be supposed to be most interesting

to general readers”.[22] One strong point was to be an antiquarian

repository; too, it was to criticise articles in other periodicals; it

was to contain a “Register” of domestic and foreign events. Among other

aims, one was entertainment. It was to be a miscellany of the original

works of authors and poets; and what endears it to modern hearts

above all things else, it was to be an open door for struggling young

writers. By virtue of the anonymous nature of its contributions, this

was made possible with no lessening of authority. The signatures in

the early numbers were intended to be perplexing, and perplexing they

remain to this day. But probably struggling young writers met with less

encouragement at the hands of Pringle and Cleghorn than was William

Blackwood’s original intention. Those two never went out of the way to

drum up new material, while William Blackwood was a man alert and ever

on the watch for another Walter Scott.

[22] _Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine_, V. i, p. 2

Several numbers passed along peacefully enough. As Mr. Lang puts it,

“Nothing could be more blameless”. That was the trouble--it was _too_

blameless! Blackwood might have forgiven a flagrant crime, but this

negative and inoffensive monthly fell with a dull thud in comparison

with his mounting expectations! He knew, none better, that a periodical

of any appreciable merit must necessarily bring upon itself as much

genuine censure as applause. _Blackwood’s Edinburgh Magazine_ for April

1817 brought neither. The great day came for the first issue, evening

followed, and Edinburgh went to bed unmoved. With his overwhelming

desire and ambition to rival the _Edinburgh Review_ and electrify

Edinburgh city with a stimulating diet, it is not likely that he would

observe with much composure the advent of this cherished scheme of his

into the world, containing for its first long article[23] six pages of

“Memoirs of the Late Francis Horner, Esq., M. P.”, one of Jeffrey’s

own right hand men!--or in finding in the department of “Periodical

Works”,[24] a statistical and more or less pleasant rehashment of

the contents of the last _Reviews_. Francis Horner had ever been one

of the mainstays of the _Edinburgh_; and though it was altogether

fitting and proper that the death of an illustrious statesman should

be commemorated, it is not likely that William Blackwood welcomed as

the first article in the first number of his new magazine, a wholly

unmitigated extolling of one whose past influence he hoped to erase.

Though the publisher’s generous mind would be the last to begrudge him

the due honor of such phrases as “highly gifted individual”, “eminent

statesman”, and the like, it cannot be imagined that he rejoiced over

the words “original and enlightened views”, “correct and elegant

taste”, when it was his ardent purpose to prove the _Edinburgh_ and

its builders the opposite of enlightened, and the embodiment of poor

taste and incompetent judgment!

[23] Ibid., V. i, p. 3

[24] Ibid., V. i, p. 81

This same first number contains seven pages of discourse on “The

Sculpture of the Greeks”[25], and the relation of Greek art to the

environment in which it grew up,--all very learned and interesting, to

be sure. There is a brief article on the “Present State of the City of

Venice”[26], condensed and unromantic enough to grace a Travellers’

Guide. If Messrs. Pringle and Cleghorn had been anyone else but Messrs.

Pringle and Cleghorn, they might have indulged the public with a

thrill or two on such a subject as the city of Venice; but never a

thrill do we get from cover to cover! The article which follows is

“on the Constitution and Moral Effects of Banks for the Savings of

Industry”[27]; and there are others of similar tone: “Observations

on the Culture of the Sugar Cane in the United States”[28], “The

Craniological Controversy”[29], “The Proposed Establishment of a

Foundling Hospital in Edinburgh”[30], and the like. One short article,

“An Account of the American Steam Frigate”[31], is still of genuine

interest, attributing the conception of the invention to a “most

ingenious and enterprising citizen”, Robert Fulton, Esq. It describes

with naive emphasis the successful trip “to the ocean, eastward

of Sandy Hook, and back again, a distance of fifty-three miles, in

eight hours and twenty minutes. A part of this time she had the tide

against her, and had no assistance whatever from the sails.”[32] It

is known that the signature Zeta was used in the early numbers, by

more than one person; but “Remarks on Greek Tragedy”[33], a criticism

of Aeschylus’ _Prometheus_, signed Zeta, Mr. Lang attributes without

hesitation to Lockhart. “Tales and Anecdotes of Pastoral Life”[34]

and “Notices Concerning the Scottish Gypsies”[35] were also among the

“Original Communications”, as the first division of the magazine was

called. The former is perhaps the one attempt in the whole number at

that sprightly nimble manner which was Blackwood’s aim. The second is a

long article of some sixteen pages, delving back into the early history

of the Egyptian pilgrims, quoting copiously from “Guy Mannering”, and

referring familiarly to Walter Scott, and Mr. Fairburn and James Hogg.

Both of these articles were continued in several subsequent numbers.

[25] Ibid., V. i, p. 9

[26] Ibid., V. i, p. 16

[27] Ibid., V. i, p. 17

[28] Ibid., V. i, p. 25

[29] Ibid., V. i, p. 35

[30] Ibid., V. i, p. 38

[31] Ibid., V. i, p. 30

[32] Ibid., V. i, p. 32

[33] Ibid., V. i, p. 39

[34] Ibid., V. i, p. 22

[35] Ibid., V. i, p. 43

In another department of the contents, entitled “Select Extracts”,

there are two articles: an “Account of Colonel Beaufoy’s Journey to

the Summit of Mount Blanc”[36] and the “Account of the Remarkable

Case of Margaret Lyall, Who continued in a State of Sleep nearly Six

Weeks”[37], both very readable, which is a good deal when all is

said. The Antiquarian Reportory contained six articles as antiquated

as one could wish, all the way from a “Grant of the Lands of Kyrkenes

by Macbeth, son of Finlach”[38] to a “Mock Poem upon the Expedition

of the Highland Host”[39]. The Original Poetry department contained

three poems, none of them startling. The third one, the shortest, is

by far the best, bearing the title “Verses”[40]. They were written

in honor of the entry of the Allies into Paris, 1814; and bear the

unmistakable brand and seal of James Hogg, with his ardent song for

“Auld Scotland!--land o’ hearts the wale!” ...

“Land hae I bragged o’ thine an’ thee,

Even when thy back was at the wa’;

An’ thou my proudest sang sall be,

As lang as I hae breath to draw.”

[36] Ibid., V. i, p. 59

[37] Ibid., V. i, p. 61

[38] Ibid., V. i, p. 65

[39] Ibid., V. i, p. 69

[40] Ibid., V. i, p. 72

Next comes the “Review of New Publications”, devoting three pages to

Dr. Thomas Chalmers’ “Discourses on the Christian Revelation”[41],

concluding with the words: “If a few great and original minds,

like that of Dr. Chalmers, should arise to advocate the cause of

Christianity, it would no longer be the fashion to exalt the triumphs

of reason and of science.”[42] The other reviews were of “Harold, the

Dauntless; a Poem. By the Author of ‘The Bridal of Triermain’”[43], of

“Armota, a Fragment”[44], and “Stories for Children, selected from the

History of England”[45]. Of what came under the heading, Periodical

Works, we have already spoken. Then followed “Literary and Scientific

Intelligence”[46], notices of works preparing for publication in

Edinburgh and London, and the monthly list of new publications in the

same two cities. There is a page of French books, published since

January 1817. After that the Monthly Register of foreign intelligence,

proceedings of Parliament, the British Chronicle, commercial and

agricultural reports for the month, a meteorological table, and two

pages of births, marriages and deaths, complete the number for April

1817.

[41] Ibid., V. i, p. 73

[42] Ibid., V. i, p. 75

[43] Ibid., V. i, p. 76

[44] Ibid., V. i, p. 78

[45] Ibid., V. i, p. 79

[46] Ibid., V. i, P. 85

Mr. Lang was right when he called it “blameless”; and it is not

surprising that Blackwood made some suggestions in regard to the second

number. We know that his suggestions were not cordially received by

Messrs. Pringle and Cleghorn, and it appears equally probable that they

were not acted upon. The second issue, May 1817, is no more resilient

and has gained no more momentum than its predecessor. The contents

are cast in the same mould: an “Account of Mr. Ruthven’s Printing

Press”[47], another on the “Method of Engraving on Stone”[48], and

“Anecdotes of Antiquaries”[49], and the like.

[47] Ibid., V. i, p. 125

[48] Ibid., V. i, p. 128

[49] Ibid., V. i, p. 136

If Blackwood was disappointed over the first number, he was irritated

at the second; but when a third of no more vital aspect appeared, his

patience gave way, and Pringle and Cleghorn had to go! It is easy to

imagine that the man who did not hesitate to criticise the “Black

Dwarf” would not be overawed by the two mild gentlemen in charge of

his pet scheme. William Blackwood’s ideal had indeed been to startle

the world with a periodical which in modern terms we would call a

“live wire”. And now with the magazine actually under way, it is not

likely that a man of his stamp would sit by unperturbed, and watch one

insignificant number after another greet an unresponsive public. After

the appearance of the third number, he gave three months’ notice to

Messrs. Pringle and Cleghorn, which somewhat excited those gentlemen,

but was none the less final. They had done all they could to evade

Blackwood’s “interest in the literary part of his business”, and

intended to keep the publisher “in his place”. William Blackwood was

not made that way, however.

He himself illuminates the situation in a letter to his London agents,

Baldwin, Craddock and Company, dated July 23, 1817[50].

[50] Mrs. Oliphant: _Annals of a Publishing House_, V. i, p. 104

“I am sorry to inform you that I have been obliged to resolve upon

stopping the Magazine with No. 6. I have been much disappointed in

my editors, who have done little in the way of writing or procuring

contributions. Ever since the work began I have had myself almost the

whole burden of procuring contributions, which by great exertions

I got from my own friends, while at the same time I had it not in

my power to pay for them, as by our agreement the editors were

to furnish me with the whole of the material, for which and their

editorial labors they were to receive half of the profits of the work.

I found this would never do, and that the work would soon sink, as I

could not permit my friends (who have in fact made the work what it

is) to go on in this way for any length of time.... I gave a notice,

according to our agreement, that the work would close at the period

specified in it--three months. Instead, however, of Pringle acting in

the friendly way he professed, he joined Cleghorn, and without giving

any explanation, they concluded a bargain with Constable and Company,

by which I understand they take charge of their (Constable’s) ‘Scot’s

Magazine’ as soon as mine stops.”

“It is not of the least consequence to me losing them, as they were

quite unfit for what they undertook.... I have, however, made an

arrangement with a gentleman of first-rate talents by which I will

begin a new work of very superior kind. I mention this to you, however,

in the strictest confidence, as I am not at liberty yet to say anything

more particularly about it.... My editors have very dishonestly made it

known to a number of people that we stop at the sixth number. This will

interfere a little with our sale here, but I hope not with you.”

The editors wrangled at great length, but Blackwood’s mind was made up,

and as we see by the foregoing letter, already launching new plans

and busy with them. A letter to Pringle and Cleghorn, gives us the

first hint of John Wilson’s connection with the magazine (other than

mere contributor), and shows the tone of finality with which Blackwood

could treat what was to him a settled subject:

“As you have now an interest directly opposite to mine, I hope you

will not think it unreasonable that I should be made acquainted with

the materials which you intend for this number. It occurs to me it

would save all unpleasant discussion if you were inclined to send the

different articles to Mr. John Wilson, who has all along taken so deep

an interest in the magazine. I do not wish to offer my opinion with

regard to the fitness or unfitness of any article, but I should expect

that you would be inclined to listen to anything which Mr. Wilson

might suggest. He had promised me the following articles: Account of

Marlowe’s Edward II, Argument in the Case of the Dumb Woman lately

before the Court, Vindication of Wordsworth, Reviews of Lament of

Tasso, Poetical Epistles and Spencer’s Tour. His furnishing these or

even other articles will, however, depend upon the articles you have

got and intend to insert.”

“I beg to assure you that it is my most anxious wish to have the whole

business settled speedily and as amicably as possible.”[51]

[51] Ibid., V. i, p. 106

Here exit the prologue; and the real show begins with _Blackwood’s

Edinburgh Magazine_ for October 1817. To attract attention was

Blackwood’s first aim; interest once aroused, he did not worry over

maintaining it. Of that he felt assured. Respectability, mediocrity

were taboo! By respectability is inferred that prudent, cautious,

dead-alive respectability whose backbone (such as it has) is fear of

public censure!

III

_Dramatis Personae_

One of Blackwood’s aims in life was to make 17 Princes Street a

literary rendez-vous; and indeed the background and atmosphere of

“Maga”, and the men who gathered round it, are perhaps as fascinating

and absorbing as the magazine itself!

Blackwood’s shop is described by Lockhart as “the only great lounging

shop in the new Town of Edinburgh”[52]. A glimpse of the soil and

lights and shades which nourished “Maga” cannot help but bring a

warmer, more familiar comprehension of its character and the words

it spake. Just as Park Street and the Shaw Memorial and the grave

portraits of its departed builders color our own _Atlantic Monthly_,

just so did 17 Princes Street tinge and permeate the magazine which

grew up in its precincts. “The length of vista presented to one on

entering the shop”, says Lockhart, “has a very imposing effect; for it

is carried back, room after room, through various gradations of light

and shadow, till the eye cannot trace distinctly the outline of any

object in the furthest distance. First, there is as usual, a spacious

place set apart for retail-business, and a numerous detachment of young

clerks and apprentices, to whose management that important department

of the concern is intrusted. Then you have an elegant oval saloon,

lighted from the roof, where various groupes of loungers and literary

dilettanti are engaged in looking at, or criticising among themselves,

the publications just arrived by that day’s coach from town. In such

critical colloquies the voice of the bookseller himself may ever and

anon be heard mingling the broad and unadulterated notes of its Auld

Reekie music; for unless occupied in the recesses of the premises with

some other business, it is here that he has his station.”[53]

[52] J. G. Lockhart: _Peter’s Letters_, V. ii, p. 186

[53] Ibid., V. ii, p. 187

From this it is evident Blackwood’s ideal shop was realized, and

that there did gather in his presence both those who wielded the

pen and those who wished to, those who were critics and those who

aspired to be. At these assemblies might often be found two young

men, who, says Mrs. Oliphant, “would have been remarkable anywhere

if only for their appearance and talk, had nothing more remarkable

ever been developed in them”.[54] These two, of course, were John

Wilson and John Gibson Lockhart. She continues: “Both of them were

only too keen to see the ludicrous aspect of everything, and the

age gave them an extraordinary licence in exposing it.”[55] This is

an important note, the “extraordinary licence” of the age,--a straw

eagerly grasped at!--corroborated, too, by Lord Cockburn[56] who

testifies: “There was a natural demand for libel at this period.” It

explains much that we would fain explain in the subsequent literary

pranks of these same two youths. They were ready for anything; and

more,--enthusiastically ready for anything. John Wilson was a giant,

intellectually and physically, “a genial giant but not a mild one”[57].

Lockhart had already made some small reputation for himself as a

caricaturist. Perhaps it was insight into their capacities which

strengthened Blackwood’s disgust with the two mild gents in charge of

his to-be-epoch-making organ! At any rate, it was to these two, Wilson

especially, that he turned for the resuscitation of his dream.

[54] Mrs. Oliphant: _Annals of a Publishing House_, V. i, p. 101

[55] Ibid., V. i, p. 103

[56] Henry Thomas Cockburn, a Scottish judge

[57] Mrs. Oliphant: _Annals of a Publishing House_, V. i, p. 101

John Wilson is the one name most commonly associated with

_Blackwood’s_, and with the exception of William Blackwood himself,

perhaps the most important figure in its reconstruction. The

name Christopher North was used in the earlier years by various

contributors, but was soon appropriated by Wilson and is now almost

exclusively associated with him. In the latter part of 1817 he became

Blackwood’s right hand man. He has often been considered editor of

“Maga”, but strictly speaking, no one but Blackwood ever was. After the

experience with Pringle and Cleghorn, William Blackwood would naturally

be wary of ever again entrusting full authority to anyone. He himself

was always the guiding and ruling spirit, though never admittedly, or

technically, editor.

Early History of Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine · 第 1 / 4 段