In the foregoing pages, my dear sir, I have endeavored to treat of
Slavery in Maryland as it seemed to me the subject required. A matter
so important should have a more full and thorough exposition; indeed, I
am but poorly satisfied with this attempt at one. Yet it was my purpose
to be brief, and, with that design, facts of statistics and details,
not absolutely necessary, were omitted. To those who are willing to
reflect, perhaps, the considerations here submitted, growing out of
organic social and political laws, may be to some extent suggestive,
so that their own minds may fill up the deficiencies of this imperfect
outline.
I can not hope that by any thing here said the violence of fanaticism
will be assuaged. The assumption of being better than other people is
so full of exalted ideas, the delight of meddling in other people’s
business is so fascinating, that those who have been once seized with
the mania and have confirmed themselves in it, by the belief that they
are discharging a duty to humanity in general, as chosen instruments,
are in a bad way, and not likely to be cured. These are the extreme
agitators who whirl about in the vortex of abstractions; sympathizers
who would ruin the objects of their solicitude for a theory; reformers
of Slavery in communities where it does not exist; martyrs who will
embrace any thing rather than a stake. With these, and such as these,
we of Maryland have nothing to do. They are lashing themselves into an
insane fury about a thing which does not concern them, which they do
not understand, which they can not touch without wounding us--for it is
a domestic affair and relates to our hearths and household relations.
For ourselves I have written on this subject, that it may be considered
among ourselves, with a view to such rational action as may in due time
be proper; and for our true friends at the north also and the friends
of our black people, comprising the great mass of our fellow citizens
there, who do us the justice to believe that we have sense enough to
find out our own condition, to appreciate it truly, and energy and
humanity enough to do in the premises what duty may call for.
If I had been returned to the House of Delegates on the occasion to
which you refer, my action in reference to Slavery in our State would
have been confined simply to setting forth in a report, or some such
way, the substance of the views contained in this pamphlet. It has
been apparent for some time past that a convention to amend the State
Constitution must assemble before long. That body, representing the
primary sovereignty of the people, will be the most fit to take up
the subject of Slavery. I have no doubt but it will take it up; and
of one other thing I am equally certain, viz. that the clause in the
constitution, which now makes Slavery perpetual in Maryland, will be
stricken out. Most assuredly it will be stricken out, and that for ever.
With respect to the establishment of a newspaper in Baltimore, devoted
to emancipation, I should think it, my dear sir, not advisable. The
business in hand is of a kind to require calmness of consideration
and of action. Now a newspaper, I fear, would be the instrument of
agitation; it would find its pabulum in excitement. It would be
regarded as the herald of abolition, and the whole body of ultra
fanatics at the north would seek to connect themselves with the
movement. Their contact would be deleterious in the highest degree; we
wish not for their interference in any way; we prefer to manage our own
domestic affairs; there can be no communion, in this matter, between
our knowledge and their ignorance.
I leave the subject, my dear sir, for the present, and, with it,
many things unsaid, which a full and complete discussion of such a
topic would properly embrace. I might have referred to the effects of
Slavery in connection with popular education and popular ignorance;
but the statistics on that point are not just now at hand. It may be
remarked, however, that no efficient free school system exists in any
slaveholding State. Nor can it be otherwise; because where the land
is held by slave owners, and mostly in large plantations, the white
population is too sparse to allow of compact school districts. Besides,
the planters having the means of educating their own children, either
at home or abroad, they are not likely to be much concerned about the
education of the children of their poorer neighbors. In every point of
view it will be found that the permanent continuance of negro Slavery
is incompatible with the elevation of the humble classes of white
citizens.
Again, the institution of Slavery might be regarded in its effects upon
social manners and usages. And here we should find many prepossessions
which are strong in the minds of all of us, and which grow out of the
best and most amiable features of the institution we are considering.
To say nothing of those relations of confidence and regard which have
always marked the intercourse of the servants of our halls and fields
with the gentlemen of Maryland, the exemption from labor which Slavery
gave to the whole class of landholders, with wealth in the hands of
many, and a fair competency to all, afforded the leisure and the means
for social enjoyments to any extent which a gay and social disposition
might prompt. Hence that frank and cordial intercourse among friends;
that courteous urbanity to strangers; that generous hospitality of
heart and home to all--which have become the characteristics of
the south. Long may she retain them. She need lose no good quality
attendant upon her connection with Slavery, when, the more primitive
and simple days of that institution having passed away, the institution
itself has become decrepit, inconsistent with the progress of the age,
and prolific of evils.
At some future time, if an occasion should seem to call for it, I
may resume the discussion of this subject. In matters, however, of
serious reality, and felt to be such, there is generally not need of
many words--provided those which are uttered are to the purpose. With
assurances of high respect,
I remain, my dear sir, very truly yours,
JNO. L. CAREY.