The country was aroused. A general contribution was proposed. The cause
of our brethren was pleaded in churches, and not forgotten at the
festive board. At all public celebrations, the toasts "Happiness for
all" and "Universal Liberty," were proposed, not more in sympathy with
Frenchmen struggling for human rights than with our own wretched white
fellow-countrymen in bonds. On one occasion[116] they were distinctly
remembered in the following toast: "Our brethren in slavery at Algiers.
May the measures adopted for their redemption be successful, and may
they live to rejoice with their friends in the blessings of liberty!"
Generous words, apt for all in bonds!
[116] At Portsmouth, N.H., at a public entertainment, April 3,
1795, in honor of French successes.--Boston Independent Chronicle,
Vol. XXVII. No. 1469.
Meanwhile the efforts of the National Government continued. President
Washington, in his speech to Congress, delivered in person to both
houses in the Representatives' Chamber, December 8, 1795, said: "With
peculiar satisfaction I add, that information has been received from
an agent deputed on our part to Algiers, importing that the terms of
the treaty with the Dey and Regency of that country had been adjusted
in such a manner as to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace,
and the restoration of our unfortunate fellow-citizens from a grievous
captivity."[117] This was effected on the 5th of September, 1795. It
was a treaty full of humiliation for the "chivalry" of our country.
Besides securing a large sum of money to the Algerine government in
consideration of present peace and the liberation of captives, it
stipulated an annual tribute of "twelve thousand Algerine sequins in
maritime stores."[118] But feelings of pride disappeared in heartfelt
satisfaction. A thrill of joy went through the land, when it was
announced that a vessel had left Algiers, having on board all the
American captives, now happily at liberty. Their emancipation was
purchased at the cost of more than seven hundred thousand dollars. The
largess of money, and even the indignity of tribute, were forgotten
in gratulations on their new-found happiness. The President, in his
speech to Congress, delivered in person, December 7, 1796, presented
their "actual liberation" as a special subject of joy to "every feeling
heart."[119] Thus did the National Government construct a bridge of
gold for Freedom.
[117] Annals of Congress, 4th Cong. 1st Sess. col. 11.
[118] United States Statutes at Large, Treaties, Vol. VIII. p. 133.
Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 362.
[119] Annals of Congress, 4th Cong. 2d Sess. col. 1593.
This act of national generosity was followed by peace with Tripoli,
purchased, November 4, 1796, for the sum of fifty-six thousand
dollars,--"$48,000 in cash, $8,000 in presents,"[120]--under the
guaranty of the Dey of Algiers, who was declared to be "the mutual
friend of the parties." By an article in this treaty, negotiated by
Joel Barlow,--out of tenderness, perhaps to Mahometanism, and to save
our citizens from that slavery which was regarded as the just doom
of "Christian dogs,"--it was expressly declared that "the Government
of the United States of America is not in any sense founded on the
Christian religion."[121] By a treaty with Tunis, purchased after some
delay, but at a smaller price than that with Tripoli, all danger to our
citizens seemed to be averted. Here it was ignominiously provided, that
fugitive slaves, taking refuge on board American merchant vessels, and
even vessels of war, should be restored to their owners.[122]
[120] Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 381, note.
[121] Article XI.--United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p.
154. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. pp. 380, 381.
[122] Article VI.--United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII.
p. 157. Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 400.--This treaty has two
dates,--August, 1797, and March, 1799. William Eaton and James
Leander Cathcart were agents of the United States at the latter
date.
As early as 1787 a more liberal treaty was entered into with Morocco,
which was confirmed in 1795,[123] at the price of twenty thousand
dollars; while, by a treaty with Spain, in 1799, this slave-trading
empire _expressly declared its "desire that the name of Slavery might
be effaced from the memory of man_."[124]
[123] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 100. Lyman's
Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 350.
[124] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, p.
80.
But these governments were barbarous, faithless, regardless of humanity
and justice. Promises with them were evanescent. As in the days of
Charles the Second, treaties were made merely to be broken. They were
observed only so long as money was derived under their stipulations.
Soon again our growing commerce was fatally vexed by the Barbary
corsairs; even the ships of our navy were subjected to peculiar
indignities. In 1801 the Bey of Tripoli formally declared war against
the United States, and in token thereof "our flag-staff [before
the consulate] was chopped down six feet from the ground, and left
reclining on the terrace."[125] American citizens once more became the
prize of man-stealers. Colonel Humphreys, now at home in retirement,
came out in an address to the public, calling again for united action,
saying: "Americans of the United States, your fellow-citizens are in
fetters! Can there be but one feeling? Where are the gallant remnants
of the race who fought for freedom? Where the glorious heirs of their
patriotism? _Will there never be a truce between political parties?
Or must it forever be the fate of FREE STATES, that the soft
voice of union should be drowned in the hoarse clamor of discord?_ No!
Let every friend of blessed humanity and sacred freedom entertain a
better hope and confidence."[126] Colonel Humphreys was not a statesman
only; he was known as poet also. And in this character he made another
appeal. In a poem on "The Future Glory of the United States," he
breaks forth into indignant condemnation of slavery, which deserves
commemoration, and, whatever may be the merits of its verse, should not
be omitted here.
[125] Lyman's Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 384.
[126] Miscellaneous Works of David Humphreys, p. 75.
"Teach me curst slavery's cruel woes to paint,
Beneath whose weight our captured freemen faint!
* * * * *
Where am I? Heavens! what mean these dolorous cries?
And what these horrid scenes that round me rise?
Heard ye the groans, those messengers of pain?
Heard ye the clanking of the captive's chain?
Heard ye your freeborn sons their fate deplore,
Pale in their chains and laboring at the oar?
Saw ye the dungeon, in whose blackest cell,
That house of woe, your friends, your children, dwell?
Or saw ye those who dread the torturing hour,
Crushed by the rigors of a tyrant's power?
_Saw ye the shrinking slave, the uplifted lash,
The frowning butcher, and the reddening gash?
Saw ye the fresh blood, where it bubbling broke
From purple scars, beneath the grinding stroke?
Saw ye the naked limbs writhed to and fro,
In wild contortions of convulsing woe?_
Felt ye the blood, with pangs alternate rolled,
Thrill through your veins and freeze with deathlike cold,
Or fire, as down the tear of pity stole,
Your manly breasts, and harrow up the soul?"[127]
The people and Government responded. And here commenced those early
deeds by which our navy became known in Europe. Through a reverse of
shipwreck rather than war, the frigate Philadelphia fell into the hands
of the Tripolitans. A daring act of Decatur burned it under the guns of
the enemy. Other feats of hardihood ensued. A romantic expedition by
General Eaton, from Alexandria, in Egypt, across the Desert of Libya,
captured Derne. Three several times Tripoli was attacked, and, at last,
on the 4th of June, 1805, entered into a treaty by which the freedom
of three hundred American slaves was secured, on the payment of sixty
thousand dollars; and it was provided, that, in the event of future war
between the two countries, prisoners should not be reduced to slavery,
but should be exchanged rank for rank, and if there were any deficiency
on either side, it should be made up at the rate of five hundred
Spanish dollars for each captain, three hundred dollars for each mate
and supercargo, and one hundred dollars for each seaman.[128] Thus did
our country, after successes not without what is called the glory of
arms, again purchase with money the emancipation of white citizens.
[127] Miscellaneous Works of David Humphreys, pp. 52, 53.
[128] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 214. Lyman's
Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 388.
The power of Tripoli was inconsiderable. That of Algiers was more
formidable. It is not a little curious that the largest ship of this
slave-trading state was the Crescent, of thirty-four guns, built in
New Hampshire;[129] _though it is hardly to the credit of our sister
State that the Algerine power derived such important support from her_.
The lawlessness of the corsair broke forth again in the seizure of the
brig Edwin, of Salem, and the enslavement of her crew. The energies
of the country were at this time enlisted in war with Great Britain;
but even amidst the anxieties of this important contest was heard the
voice of these captives, awakening a corresponding sentiment throughout
the land, until the Government was prompted to their release. Through
Mr. Noah, recently appointed consul at Tunis, it offered to purchase
their freedom at three thousand dollars a head.[130] The answer of the
Dey, repeated on several occasions, was, that "not for two millions of
dollars would he sell his American slaves."[131] The timely treaty of
Ghent, establishing peace with Great Britain, left us at liberty to
deal with this enslaver of our countrymen. At once a naval force was
despatched to the Mediterranean, under approved officers, Commodores
Bainbridge and Decatur. The rapidity of their movements and their
striking success had the desired effect. In December, 1816, a treaty
was extorted from the Dey of Algiers, by which, after abandoning all
claim to tribute in any form, he delivered his American captives, ten
in number, without ransom, and stipulated that hereafter no Americans
should be made slaves or forced to hard labor, and, still further,
that "any Christians whatsoever, captives in Algiers," making their
escape, and taking refuge on board an American ship of war, should be
safe from all requisition or reclamation.[132]
[129] History of the War between the United States and Tripoli, p.
88.
[130] Noah's Travels, pp. 69, 70.
[131] Ibid., p. 144. National Intelligencer, March 7, 1815.
[132] United States Statutes at Large, Vol. VIII. p. 224. Lyman's
Diplomacy, Vol. II. p. 376.
Decatur walked his deck with impatient earnestness, awaiting the
promised signature of the treaty. "Is the treaty signed?" he cried to
the captain of the port and the Swedish consul, as they reached the
Guerrière with a white flag of truce. "It is," replied the Swede; and
the treaty was placed in the hands of the brave commander. "Are the
prisoners in the boat?" "They are." "Every one of them?" "Every one,
Sir." The captive Americans now came forward to greet and bless their
deliverer.[133] Here, on a smaller scale, was the same scene which had
given such satisfaction to the Emperor Charles the Fifth at Tunis.
Surely this moment, when he looked upon emancipated fellow-countrymen
and thought how much he had contributed to overthrow the relentless
system of bondage under which they had groaned, must have been one
of the sweetest in the life of our hardy son of the sea. But should
I not say, even here, that there is now a citizen of Massachusetts,
who, without army or navy, by a simple act of self-renunciation, has
given freedom to a larger number of Christian American slaves than was
liberated by the sword of Decatur? Of course I refer to Mr. Palfrey.
[133] Mackenzie's Life of Decatur, p. 268.
Not by money, but by arms, was emancipation this time secured. The
country was grateful for the result,--though the poor freedmen,
engulfed in unknown wastes of ocean, on their glad passage home, were
never able to mingle joys with their fellow-citizens. They were on
board the Épervier, of which no trace ever appeared. Nor did the people
feel the melancholy mockery of the National Government, which, having
weakly declared that it was "not in any sense founded on the Christian
religion," now expressly confined the protecting power of its flag to
fugitive "Christians, captives in Algiers," leaving slaves of another
faith, escaping even from Algiers, to be snatched as between the horns
of the altar and returned to continued horrors.