REIGN OF HISCHEM II.
976–1012
Origin of Ibn-abi-Amir-Al-Mansur--The Scene in the
Garden--Genius and Attainments of the Youthful
Statesman--His Sudden Rise to Power--Influence of the
Eunuchs--Their Conspiracy Detected--Ibn-abi-Amir aspires
to Supreme Authority--He is appointed Hajib--Ruin of
his Rivals--Reorganization of the Civil and Military
Service--Systematic Degradation of Hischem--The Palace of
Zahira--The Hajib becomes Master of the Empire--Successful
Wars with the Christians--Disturbances in Africa--Destruction
of Leon--Sack of Santiago--Death of Al-Mansur--His Great
Services to the State--His Unbroken Series of Military
Triumphs--Al-Modhaffer--Abd-al-Rahman--Mohammed--Suleyman
--Disappearance of Hischem--Rapid Disintegration of the Empire.
Simultaneously with the accession of Hischem II. a gigantic and ominous
figure, like a portentous spectre, at once the impersonation of glory
and the harbinger of ruin, appears upon the theatre of action in the
Peninsula. Under the two preceding sovereigns the Moslem Empire of the
West had made unparalleled advances in useful knowledge, in commercial
prosperity, in all the arts which raise nations to the most exalted
rank in the scale of civilization. Peace reigned everywhere within
its borders. The tendency to sedition, which had so long obstructed
its prosperity and depleted its population, had been vigorously and
successfully repressed. Justice, untainted with even the suspicion of
corruption, and which was no respecter of persons, was dispensed by
its tribunals. Its system of education and its results were the wonder
of the age. The achievements of its learned men, who were scattered
over Europe, had caused them to incur the suspicion of, and, in some
instances, even to endure the penalties attaching to the profession
and the practice of magic. And yet, with all its greatness and all
its fame, the khalifate was destined, under the administration of
the phantom monarch Hischem II.--the last of his dynasty--to attain
to a still higher position among the nations of the earth. This
pre-eminent distinction; the unbroken triumph of more than fifty
campaigns; the humiliation of its enemies in their formerly impregnable
strongholds; the desecration and plunder of their most sacred shrines;
the devastation and impoverishment of their territory; their regular
payment of tribute and acknowledgment of vassalage,--all of these
results are to be attributed to the talents of the hajib, Al-Mansur,
the most consummate political and military genius that ever guided the
destinies of any portion of the vast and opulent empire conquered and
ruled by the sectaries of Mohammed.
Among the adventurers who followed the banner of Tarik at the time
of the Conquest was Abd-al-Melik, an Arab descended from a noble
family of Yemen, whom political entanglements and financial reverses
had compelled to assume the hazardous but attractive calling of a
soldier of fortune. The scarcity of men of intelligence and integrity
in an army of barbarians led to the appointment of the illustrious
exile to the command of a division. In this capacity he occupied
the ancient town of Carteya, the first fortified place taken by the
invaders. After participating in the campaigns of Tarik and Musa,
Abd-al-Melik retired to the castle of Torrox on the Guadiaro, which
had fallen to his share in the general distribution of the confiscated
lands of the Visigothic monarchy. Although not belonging to the
Koreishite aristocracy, his family was distinguished by its former
services to the state as well as by its social position and scholastic
acquirements. The great-grandson of Abd-al-Melik had been the hajib
of the Emir Mohammed, who loaded him with wealth and honors. Many of
his descendants contracted matrimonial alliances with the daughters of
great physicians, theologians, statesmen. Others filled with credit
high employments at court and in the judiciary. But, with the exception
of the founder of the house, none had embraced that martial profession
from whence it originally derived its eminence. The representative of
this family, at the commencement of the reign of Al-Hakem II., was
Mohammed-Ibn-abi-Amir, a student of law in the University of Cordova.
It was but a few days after the death of Abd-al-Rahman III. that a
group of students, five in number, were seated in a garden belonging to
one of the houses of public entertainment which abounded in the suburbs
of the great Moslem capital. Darkness had fallen, and the reflection
from the myriads of lights, distributed for miles around, diffused its
tempered glow over the innumerable palms and tropical plants which
adorned the streets and public parks, whose sombre foliage was further
brightened by many bronze lamps of curious design, suspended here and
there from the branches. The fragrance of flowers filled the air.
The balmy softness of the Andalusian climate exerted its voluptuous
influence; the perfumed breeze brought to the drowsy ear the confused
murmur of the distant city, about to rest from the labors of the day,
and the broken notes of a plaintive song, to which some anxious lover
under a neighboring balcony was keeping an accompaniment with the lute.
Upon the table were the fragments of a repast, and an empty flagon
which had contained the amber wine of Jerez, whose condition showed
that the revellers viewed with scant reverence the menacing injunctions
of the Prophet. The conversation of four of the party was lively and
boisterous; the fifth, however, plunged in an absorbing reverie, had,
for some time, preserved a gloomy and unbroken silence. “What ails
thee, O Ibn-abi-Amir?” at length exclaimed one of his companions; “thou
art as pensive as a faqui and as silent as a camel that treads the
sand-drifts of the Desert; hast thou perchance lost thy mistress?”
“I have long had a presentiment, O Mohammed, that one day I should rule
this land; let each of you now declare what public employment he most
desires, and I pledge my word that when I rise to power it shall be
conferred upon him,” responded the taciturn student.
A roar of laughter greeted this unexpected reply.
“Ah!” said one of the merry collegians, “these figs are delicious, and
I should be pleased to live in Malaga, where they grow; for my part I
choose to be governor of that province.”
Another exclaimed, “I have never tasted anything as good as these
cakes. I beg you to appoint me inspector of markets, for then I shall
be surfeited with delicacies, without the expenditure of a single
dirhem.”
Another said, “I am enchanted with this magnificent city; whose shrine
is the glory of Islam; whose suburbs are inferior only to the gardens
of Paradise; whose wealth surpasses all the treasures of the Orient;
whose palaces are the wonder of the world. I prefer, above all other
offices, the prefecture of Cordova.”
The fourth student remained sullen and silent.
“O Abdallah!” said one of his companions, “why dost thou not profit by
the generosity of the future ruler of Andaluz?”
Abdallah rose, and, seizing Ibn-abi-Amir by the beard, exclaimed, in a
voice choked with indignation and rage, “Wretched boaster! thy insolent
presumption exceeds that of Iblis himself,--thou the ruler of Andaluz!
Let the first act of thy authority be to have me stripped naked,
smeared with honey that the bees and flies may sting me, placed upon a
donkey with my face to his tail, and paraded in this condition through
the streets of the capital. This is the favor that I demand of thee,
who with thy insufferable conceit and arrogance doth insult the majesty
of the khalifate, and the honor and dignity of the Successors of the
Prophet of God!”
Releasing himself with some difficulty, and stifling, as best he could,
his resentment at the most outrageous affront that could be offered
to a Mussulman, Ibn-abi-Amir calmly replied, “The time will come when
you will all have cause to remember this day. I shall not forget my
promise, and each of you shall have his request granted, according to
the literal terms in which he has preferred it.”
Such was the self-confidence of Ibn-abi-Amir, who, while a poor
and obscure youth, almost unknown amidst the thousands of students
in attendance at the University of Cordova, yet animated by the
inspiration of genius and conscious of his capacity for great
undertakings, could thus indulge in seemingly extravagant dreams of
empire. But with all this apparent presumption his was no common
character. He united in a remarkable degree all the qualities which
conduct men to political eminence. Bold even to the verge of audacity;
energetic, persevering, and hopeful under the most discouraging
circumstances; inexhaustible in resource; absolutely indifferent as
to the morality of the means employed to attain an end so long as its
expediency was established; a grateful friend and an implacable enemy;
an adroit negotiator; a born commander; almost from boyhood he seemed
to have employed his extraordinary abilities in the accomplishment of
the lofty design which was the cherished object of his unscrupulous
ambition. His features were regular, his conversation agreeable, his
manners captivating to a degree that excited admiration in a society
whose politeness was proverbial, and the stately etiquette of whose
court was not excelled by that of any country or of any age. His
knowledge of human nature was so unerring that it almost seemed the
result of inspiration. No one could resist the fascinating influence
that invested his presence. No one could withstand the effects of his
resentment. And yet, despite his fiery nature, the profound policy
which guided all his actions enabled him to restrain his anger and
control his passions until the time for vengeance had come. He was an
accomplished scholar, especially well versed in jurisprudence, and had
early familiarized himself with the stirring annals of Islam; with the
arduous struggles of its Founder; with the sufferings of its martyrs;
with its victories and its disasters; with the wonderful progress of
its civilization; with the martial achievements of its heroes. He
knew by heart the story of the great captains and statesmen, many of
whom, though born in an obscure station like himself, had made the
Moslem cause illustrious under the dynasties of the East and West.
Thus, gifted with every talent that nature could bestow; his faculties
strengthened and developed by the advantages derived from a thorough
mental training; his being dominated by an iron will whose power was
directed to the realization of a project which for the time absorbed
every other aspiration, the unknown and penniless adventurer prepared
to push his fortunes.
After his education was completed, he managed to obtain a precarious
livelihood in the capacity of a public writer who drew up petitions
to be presented to the Khalif. His skill in chirography, and his
knowledge of jurisprudence, obtained for him, in a short time, the
place of under-secretary in the supreme tribunal of Cordova. But
the kadi, a magistrate of strict integrity and a man of reserved
disposition and unsociable manners, soon contracted a prejudice against
his gay and versatile subordinate, and while he could not deny his
extraordinary abilities, his dignity was shocked by his habitual
levity. So he applied to the vizier Moshafi to give his employee
some other appointment. The vizier, knowing that Al-Hakem was about
to select a steward for the estate of Prince Hischem, suggested the
name of Ibn-abi-Amir. The Khalif was willing, but the appointment
was, in reality, vested in the favorite sultana, Aurora. The latter
was a Christian by birth and a woman of great beauty, of avaricious
disposition, of lax morals, and of a fiery temper. She enjoys the
rare and doubtful distinction of being the only member of her sex
who, during the sway of the Ommeyade dynasty, exercised an influence
over the political destinies of her country. Her position as mother
of the heir apparent--the only surviving son of Al-Hakem--had given
her an unbounded ascendant over the mind of her husband, which she
did not hesitate to abuse for her own personal benefit. There were
many candidates for the coveted office, whose dignity and emoluments,
important as they were, yet bore no proportion to the secret power
wielded by the incumbent and the opportunities it afforded for
elevation to the highest employments of the court.
Once established in a position where he could thoroughly avail himself
of his talents, Ibn-abi-Amir soon rose to distinction. He found favor
in the eyes of the Sultana Aurora, who appointed him steward of her
household. Through her influence--all powerful with the Khalif--seven
months after his introduction by the vizier Moshafi and before he had
attained his twenty-seventh year, he was advanced to the responsible
office of Superintendent of the Mint, which included many of the
functions of a minister of finance. The keen observation of the young
official soon disclosed to his penetrating mind the rare facilities for
pecuniary aggrandizement and political promotion his place afforded
to a man of tireless energy, unscrupulous character, and boundless
aspirations. His duties brought him daily into intimate relations
with the most powerful dignitaries of the empire. Great sums of money
were at his disposal. The implicit confidence reposed in him, and
the high favor he enjoyed at court, rendered it improbable that any
inspection of his accounts would be ordered without timely warning,
and an opportunity afforded to correct any embarrassing deficit. The
regular habits of his life, severe almost to austerity; his knowledge
of affairs; the inspiration of his genius which seemed to solve,
without an effort, formidable problems of political economy and finance
which defied the capacity and industry of others, peculiarly fitted
him for the important post he occupied. While strictly observant of
his responsibilities, every circumstance of his surroundings, every
suggestion of his commanding intellect, were made subservient to the
purposes of his ambition. By the exquisite courtesy of his manners
and the deference he displayed towards his superiors, he conciliated
the proud and exclusive nobility, who at first looked with marked
disapproval upon the rapid elevation of the aspiring young statesman.
The lower classes were charmed by his condescension, by his generosity,
by his affability, by the tact that never forgot the claims of old
acquaintance, by the gratitude that never failed to acknowledge the
obligations of ancient friendship. The treasures of the state were
used, without stint or scruple, to increase or to strengthen the
following of the Superintendent of the Mint. No one in distress applied
to him without relief. The fame of his public benefactions spread
even to the borders of the khalifate. Thus, by the improvement of
every opportunity, and by the judicious employment of the unlimited
means at his disposal, Ibn-abi-Amir organized and controlled a large
and growing party of adherents, whose loyalty to his person and his
interests was in many instances even stronger than the devotion which
they entertained towards their lawful sovereign.
It was not, however, through his influence with the nobility, nor from
his popularity with the masses, that Ibn-abi-Amir derived his most
sanguine hopes of success. His personal attractions had captivated the
susceptible Sultana, who, blessed with an unsuspicious and complacent
husband, scarcely deigned to conceal her admiration for her handsome
_protégé_. An intimacy was established between them, whose
continuance seems strangely incompatible with the jealous espionage
of an Oriental court, and which furnished an inexhaustible fund of
raillery for the sarcastic and anonymous poets of the capital. Every
whim of the fair Aurora was gratified by her devoted steward. Her
wishes were often anticipated. The silence of the occupants and the
slaves of the harem was procured and retained by the distribution
of costly gifts. The princess herself was the beneficiary of the
most prodigal munificence. On one occasion, Ibn-abi-Amir caused to
be constructed for her a miniature palace of massy silver. Every
detail of and appendage to a royal dwelling was reproduced in this
expensive and ingenious toy. The eunuchs, the guards, the attendants,
in their appropriate garb, were represented by tiny statuettes. The
fountains were supplied with delicate perfumes instead of water. The
gorgeous ornamentations of an alcazar were delineated with marvellous
fidelity and beauty. This magnificent present excited the wonder of
the populace, when, supported upon the shoulders of a score of slaves,
it was borne through the streets to the palace and laid at the feet
of the delighted Aurora. But this crowning exhibition of extravagance
came near being attended with serious consequences. The promotion of
Ibn-abi-Amir, despite his tact and liberality, which disarmed the envy
and malice of the courtiers, had raised up against him powerful and
resolute enemies. The latter openly accused the Superintendent of the
Mint of embezzlement of the public funds. With the summary proceedings
characteristic of an arbitrary government, Ibn-abi-Amir was cited
at once before the Divan, and ordered to produce his books and all
the treasure in his possession. The wary minister was equal to the
emergency. A thorough accountant, he knew at the close of each day the
exact amount of the deficit which he was conscious must, some time or
other, be made good. He applied to the vizier, Ibn-Hodair, who was
indebted to him for numerous favors, for a temporary loan of several
thousand pieces of gold. The vizier was only too happy to oblige his
friend; the accuracy of the accounts was verified; the sum for which
the Superintendent of the Mint was responsible was found to be intact;
and those who had impeached the official integrity of the minister were
branded with the obloquy which attaches to the unsuccessful persecution
of an honest and capable public servant.
The credit of Ibn-abi-Amir now rose higher than ever. His success in
extricating himself from the snare which had been so artfully laid for
him extorted the unwilling praise of his adversaries. To make amends
for the apparent injustice he had done the favorite by impugning his
honesty, Al-Hakem conferred upon him new and repeated marks of his
confidence. He became, in succession, trustee of intestate estates,
Kadi of Seville, and Chief of Police of Cordova. A still greater
dignity was soon afterwards tendered him, and one whose importance in
advancing his interests he was not slow to appreciate.
The enormous expenditures of Ghalib in Mauritania, which he had
represented as necessary to detach the Berber chieftains from the
standard of Ibn-Kenun, had aroused the suspicions of the Khalif. The
interests of the government in Africa demanded the presence of an able
financier, whose prudence and authority might curb the extravagance
or stop the peculations of the generals who were squandering the
revenues of the empire. The reputation of Ibn-abi-Amir designated
him as the most available personage to discharge the duties of this
important but invidious employment. He was accordingly appointed kadi
of the entire province of Mauritania and invested with extraordinary
powers. His control over the finances of the civil and military
administrations was unlimited and supreme. He was directed to supervise
all expenditures and to rigidly scrutinize all accounts. Such was the
confidence reposed in his judgment, and the high opinion entertained
of his talents by the Khalif, that, although he was entirely destitute
of military training or experience, the veteran generals of the
African army were ordered to undertake no operations without previous
consultation with the Kadi of Mauritania. The difficulties attending
the administration of a charge of this character and responsibility
were such as would have utterly baffled a less dexterous and politic
statesman than Ibn-abi-Amir. By the army he was regarded as an ignorant
upstart, by the civil officials as a spy and informer. But his rare
adroitness and the irresistible fascination of his manners soon removed
these prejudices. Without neglecting the interests of his master, he
succeeded in acquiring the esteem of the officers and the respect of
the soldiery. He astonished the former by his opportune suggestions
concerning an art with the application of whose rules he had no
practical acquaintance. He engaged in the conversation, participated in
the amusements, and shared the privations of the latter. His tenacious
memory, which recalled without effort the name of every individual he
had once seen, aided materially to the increase and the preservation
of his personal popularity. With a view to future contingencies, the
sagacious minister neglected no occasion to secure the good will of the
Berber chieftains. He shared their rude but generous hospitality. He
flattered their ridiculous pretensions, and indulged their hereditary
prejudices. He impressed them with his power by an imposing display of
pomp and magnificence. The presents which he lavished upon them were
reported and exaggerated with barbarian hyperbole in every camp of
the Desert. Such was the affection with which he came to be regarded
by the ferocious bandits of Mauritania that it almost supplanted
the semi-religious respect claimed and exacted by their sheiks, who
exercised the functions of a precarious magistracy, based rather upon
temporary and conditional submission than established by the absolute
and permanent renunciation of a part of the natural rights of the
governed.
After the return of Ibn-abi-Amir in the train of the victorious
Ghalib, he assumed a state corresponding with his rank and the public
estimation in which he was held. His palace at Rusafah, one of the most
charming suburbs of Cordova, rivalled the abodes of royalty in elegance
and splendor. The most exquisite decorations embellished its walls.
Its extensive gardens exhibited all the luxuriance and beauty of the
tropics. The groves swarmed with nightingales and birds of gorgeous
plumage. Innumerable fountains diffused on every side their welcome
and refreshing spray. Multitudes of slaves, arrayed in brilliant robes
of silk, thronged the corridors. In the great marble dining-hall
a table was constantly laid for the benefit of all who desired to
partake of the hospitality of the owner. The influence and popularity
of the latter were daily manifested by the throng of petitioners who,
from dawn to sunset, obstructed the gates of the palace. Of all this
crowd, no suppliant, however humble, was suffered to depart without a
courteous and attentive hearing. The constant accumulation of business,
and the demands of the various official employments of the minister,
required the services of a great number of clerks and secretaries.
These offices, while no sinecures, were eagerly solicited by youths
connected with the most respectable families of Cordova, who esteemed
it an honor to perfect their political education under so accomplished
a master, and who were not slow to detect that through his service
lay the path to future power and distinction. The popularity of
Ibn-abi-Amir, who, in addition to his other official functions, had
recently assumed those of the steward of the palace, was at its height
when Al-Hakem died; and the minister, with the Vizier Moshafi, who
had jointly been invested with that trust by the Khalif, prepared to
establish the regency and assume control of the empire.
The apprehensions entertained by Al-Hakem of the public disapprobation
attending the accession of a minor were speedily realized. The gradual
divergence from the ancient constitution of the Arabs, which recognized
only the claims of princes of mature age and established reputation,
was viewed with suspicion and dislike by every class of the people. The
merely factitious title of hereditary descent was not sufficient, in
their eyes, to compensate for the dangers liable to result from want
of experience and administrative ability. The investiture of an infant
with regal authority was uniformly regarded by the superstitious as
an evil omen, which portended the destruction of the monarchy. The
case was, moreover, without precedent in the history of the khalifate,
for the wise sovereigns of the House of Ommeyah had invariably,
under similar circumstances, subordinated paternal fondness to the
paramount interests of the state. In this instance, the expediency
of an opposite course was obvious, for the brothers of Al-Hakem were
universally recognized as thoroughly competent to discharge with credit
the high and responsible duties connected with the exercise of the
supreme power. Fully cognizant of this prejudice, the eunuchs, those
baneful parasites of Oriental despotism whose lives were passed in an
atmosphere of intrigue and corruption, dexterously prepared to avail
themselves of the popular discontent for the promotion of their own
designs. These incarnate fiends, who found in the betrayal of their
fellow-creatures an inadequate but grateful compensation for the
outrage inflicted on them by society, had acquired, with every reign, a
fresh accession of pride and insolence. A picked body of a thousand of
them constituted the guard of the harem. Although slaves, they enjoyed
exclusive privileges, and, with every opportunity for the indulgence of
their dominating passion of avarice, had accumulated vast possessions.
A mistaken idea, imported with other noxious principles from the
Orient, caused the immunity of the eunuch and the exhibition of his
opulence to be considered as a necessary appendage to the grandeur of
the sovereign. As a natural result of this opinion, the impudence and
oppression of this powerful caste were exercised without restraint
until they became intolerable. They robbed tradesmen with impunity.
They scourged with relentless brutality such unfortunate pedestrians
as crossed their pathway. They invaded the privacy of households
and insulted their inmates,--an inexpiable offence under Mussulman
law. They borrowed large sums of money from wealthy merchants under
conditions which practically amounted to confiscation. Their sanguinary
brawls with the populace, in which the police dared not interfere,
constantly disturbed the peace of the city. No tribunal would venture
to entertain a complaint against these petty tyrants; and the equitable
disposition of the Khalif himself was changed to gross partiality,
where the punishment of a member of that privileged guard, whose
license he considered indispensable to his own safety, was concerned.
The chiefs of this corps, which was at once the terror and the reproach
of the capital, were Fayic and Djaudar, one of whom was Master of the
Wardrobe, the other, Grand Falconer. The affluence and power of these
two officials; the lucrative employments they controlled; the boundless
opportunities for peculation they enjoyed and improved; their constant
and unceremonious access to the monarch; their almost irresponsible
authority over the palace and the harem, gave them a consideration not
possessed by any of the other great dignitaries of the khalifate. From
all who approached them they exacted the deference and the etiquette
due only to those in the highest station. An armed retinue, splendidly
equipped, guarded their persons when they went abroad. In accordance
with the anomalous conditions which prevailed in the society of Moorish
Spain,--where soldiers served eunuchs and freemen obeyed the behests
of slaves,--a numerous following of dependents and employees, who
had not been subjected to either the torture of emasculation or the
restraints of servitude, awaited the pleasure of the unprincipled
favorites of royalty. Their consequence was disclosed by the multitudes
that incessantly besieged the gates of their palaces. The horror and
mystery which invested their character and their lives were frequently
increased by the sudden and permanent disappearance of persons who
were known to have incurred their enmity.
The death of Al-Hakem was unexpected, and no one was present during
his last moments excepting the chief eunuchs, Fayic and Djaudar.
These crafty individuals, conscious of the unpopularity of their
caste, and knowing that their crimes would receive scant indulgence
at the hands of the ministers Ibn-abi-Amir and Moshafi, determined to
suppress for a time the intelligence of the Khalif’s death, change the
succession, and thereby secure for themselves a continuance of power.
The prince they selected to occupy the vacant throne was Moghira, the
brother of Al-Hakem. But a first and indispensable requisite for the
success of the enterprise was, according to the practical Djaudar,
the assassination of the vizier Moshafi. To this suggestion, Fayic,
who underestimated the capacity and resolution of the minister,
refused to accede. After some discussion, it was determined to send
for Moshafi, and endeavor, by every inducement possible, to turn him
from his allegiance. Nothing could have been more gratifying to the
conspirators than the compliance of the vizier. He appeared to enter
heartily into the scheme, gave his new associates much wise counsel,
and promised that he in person would, at the proper moment, guard
the door of the palace. Then returning to his residence, he hastily
assembled a number of civil and military officials upon whose fidelity
he could depend, and acquainted them with the plot that had just come
to his knowledge. The danger was imminent; the accession of Moghira,
and the supremacy of the eunuchs which was certain to result from it
and would affect the life or fortunes of every prominent member of the
government, demanded the most energetic action. It was determined,
without a dissenting voice, that Moghira should be put to death. This
resolution was easily taken, but its execution was a different matter.
The amiable and inoffensive character of the prince rendered his
deliberate assassination extremely repugnant even to men whose cruel
habits and sanguinary experience had ordinarily rendered them deaf to
the appeals of pity. At length, Ibn-abi-Amir rose amidst the silent
assembly, and agreed to assume the invidious office of executioner.
At the head of a strong guard, he proceeded at once to the palace of
the unhappy Moghira, who was equally unconscious of the death of his
brother, of the dangerous honor for which the ambition of the eunuchs
had designated him, and of the stern decree which had just sealed his
fate. With all the matchless courtesy for which he was distinguished,
the messenger of death announced his errand. Overcome with grief at the
loss of his brother, and terrified by the presence of the soldiery,
Moghira, after giving utterances to the most fervid protestations
of devotion to his nephew, implored with tears the clemency of the
minister. Deeply moved by the distress of the prince, the resolution
of Ibn-abi-Amir faltered, and he despatched a messenger to the vizier,
declaring his confidence in the loyalty of Moghira, and suggesting
that the decree of the council should be modified and imprisonment
be substituted for the penalty of death. The reply of Moshafi was
peremptory: “Execute him at once; if thou dost not like the commission
thou hast voluntarily undertaken, I will send another not troubled with
such unseasonable scruples.” Further delay was out of the question;
Moghira was strangled, and the room in which the crime was perpetrated
was at once walled up with solid masonry. The memory of this deed, as
cruel as it was unwise, long rankled in the heart of Ibn-abi-Amir. He
never forgave the vizier for the guilt he had incurred through his
agency, by an act whose expediency no sophistry could establish, and
whose barbarity no political necessity could excuse. The time was
soon to come when the relentless Moshafi was to experience, in his
turn, all the bitterness of death without its consolations; all the
mortifications which attend the loss of power and fortune; all the
pangs of conscience which proceed from the violation of the immutable
laws of justice and the wanton sacrifice of the most obvious principles
of morality.
The placid exterior of Ibn-abi-Amir gave no sign of his outraged
feelings when he returned to his colleagues, but his spirit had been
deeply moved, and, with the vindictive energy of his nature, he
treasured up against the vizier a terrible account to be discharged
upon the day of reckoning.
The chief eunuchs received with consternation the news of the
betrayal of their project and the death of the prince; but they
were so satisfied of the security of their power that they did
not for an instant suspend their treasonable operations. Their
emissaries, dispersed among the populace, multiplied by their artful
representations the perils incident to the accession of a sovereign who
had not yet passed the age of childhood. The circumstances attending
the murder of Moghira--unjustifiable enough in themselves--were
distorted and exaggerated. The resentment of the masses was inflamed
against the ministers, whose rapacity and ambition, it was suggested,
would subordinate to their own designs every consideration connected
with the safety of the state and the prosperity of the empire. The
services of influential and mercenary demagogues were enlisted; the
wealth of the eunuchs was lavished without stint to secure and retain
their partisans; open denunciations of the authorities were heard on
every hand; the appearance of a member of the unpopular faction in the
streets was the signal for a riot; and the restless and seditious
population of Cordova seemed again ripe for revolution.
The manifest incompetency of Moshafi to deal with the situation
impelled Ibn-abi-Amir, who had been raised to the office of vizier,
to proffer to the Divan some wholesome advice, couched in terms not
distinguishable from those of command. The rebellious ardor of the
mob was damped by an imposing military display in which the youthful
Khalif participated. The good-will of the poor was at the same time
secured by the remission of certain oppressive taxes levied during the
reign of Al-Hakem, and which had been the source of great annoyance and
distress. The danger of an uprising having been for the moment removed,
Ibn-abi-Amir bent all his energies to the destruction of the power
of the eunuchs. His secret agents exercised vigilant and incessant
espionage over their movements. His gold seduced their retainers. Those
who had suffered from the avarice and injustice of the subordinates
of the Master of the Wardrobe and the Grand Falconer were privately
encouraged to institute proceedings against their oppressors. Some of
the latter were imprisoned, others were executed, others again sought
safety in flight. Of the chiefs, Djaudar was forced to resign his
employments, and Fayic was banished to Majorca, where he died, not long
afterwards, in poverty. The discomfiture of these bold conspirators
allayed the popular excitement, which was principally due to their
machinations, and enabled the government to turn its attention to
another quarter, where the success of the Christians was causing great
and increasing alarm.
The political agitation which followed the death of Al-Hakem and
the settlement of the regency was well known to the courts of Leon
and Navarre. The occasion was considered an auspicious one for the
abrogation of treaties; for the repudiation of the hateful obligations
of tribute; for the seizure of territory acquired by Moslem valor; for
the recovery of military prestige lost since the time of the great
Abd-al-Rahman. The active partisans of the North accordingly swarmed
over the unprotected provinces, whose inhabitants had slackened their
vigilance and neglected their arms during the long and pacific reign of
Al-Hakem. Little resistance was encountered, owing to the incompetency
of the officers charged with the defence of the frontier. The habitual
indolence of Moshafi was soon found to be unable to cope with these
enterprising marauders, who eluded his squadrons and spread terror and
ruin among the rich plantations and hamlets of Andalusia. At length,
emboldened by success, they passed the Sierra Morena, and the ominous
spectacle of the banners of the infidel was once more visible from the
towers of the capital. This defiance was more than the pride of the
Sultana could endure. She sent for Ibn-abi-Amir, and implored him to
chastise the insolence of the Christians. A council was accordingly
held, and an expedition resolved upon. The vizier, with his usual
address, managed to be assigned to the supreme command, and, to avoid
as far as possible the contingency of a reverse, the wary general,
with the closest discrimination, selected for this service the most
trustworthy officers and the most experienced veterans of the army.
At this time Ibn-abi-Amir had just entered his thirty-ninth year. Of
the theory of the art of war he knew but little, of the practical
application of its principles absolutely nothing. His entire life had
been passed in avocations whose duties were rather a hinderance than
an aid to service in the field. But the powers of his mind, equal
to any emergency, enabled him to surmount with ease the apparently
insuperable obstacles that now confronted him. If he was deficient in
military knowledge and experience, he was, on the other hand, endowed
with qualities too often ignored or despised by the martinet. In
prudence, in coolness, in judgment, in courage, he was not surpassed
by the most accomplished leader that ever directed the movements of an
army. The hitherto successful realization of his projects, which he had
foreseen and carefully planned, inspired him with a just, but not an
arrogant, confidence in the capabilities of his genius. He possessed
the secret of ingratiating himself with the soldiers, whose devotion
to his person subsequently carried the day on many a hard-fought and
doubtful field. All, of whatever rank, shared most liberally the
fruits of his bounty. The officers were daily entertained at his
table. Individual prowess was generously rewarded. The most trifling
infraction of discipline was punished with inflexible severity. Such
was the policy that guided the conduct of the new general from the very
beginning of his martial career. Under the circumstances, it is not at
all surprising that his arms for a quarter of a century should have
been absolutely invincible.
The first expedition of Ibn-abi-Amir was not remarkable for the
results which it accomplished in a military point of view. But its
moral effects upon both Moslem and Christian were far more important
than would seem to proceed from a mere foray into the country of
the enemy. It revived the declining prestige of the khalifate. It
raised the flagging ardor of the soldiery, enervated by the vices
and the indolence of an uneventful and protracted peace. It aroused
well-grounded hopes of future conquest and glory under a new and
enterprising commander. It convinced the implacable enemies of Islam
that the warlike spirit which had so long defeated their projects and
obstructed their ambition was not yet extinct. The flying squadrons of
Leonese ceased to plunder the villages of Andalusia. The shepherd and
the husbandman were henceforth permitted to pursue their vocations in
security. The standards of the infidel, emblazoned with the detested
symbol of the cross, no longer disturbed the devotions or insulted the
majesty of the Moslem capital.
The power of Ibn-abi-Amir being established upon a solid foundation,
he began to mature plans he had long meditated for the acquisition
and exercise of the supreme authority. The talents he had exhibited,
the success he had achieved, had made him the most distinguished and
commanding figure in the kingdom. He now determined to disembarrass
himself, in turn, of such great officials of state as might be able
to thwart him in the execution of his ambitious projects, and he
decided to begin with Moshafi, the only one whose eminent position
could suggest the possibility of rivalry. In the execution of this
project, antipathy of race, ever conspicuous in the Moorish contests
for supremacy, lent its aid to jealousy of power. Moshafi was of Berber
extraction, and consequently obnoxious to the Arab faction to which
Ibn-abi-Amir belonged. The vizier owed the consideration in which he
was held by Al-Hakem solely to his literary attainments, which were
a greater recommendation to the favor of that monarch than either
talents for statesmanship or renown in arms. His pride was excessive;
his character lacked decision; his penuriousness was proverbial; his
peculations conspicuous in a court where moral and political integrity
were the exception. He was already a mere puppet in the hands of his
colleague, whose genius had obtained over his feeble and irresolute
mind a complete ascendency. While maintaining the closest relations
with Moshafi, his perfidious enemy availed himself of every means
to effect his ruin. He constantly excited against him the prejudices
of the Sultana Aurora. He obtained the promotion of Ghalib, the most
distinguished officer of the army, and between whom and Moshafi there
existed a bitter feud, to the highest rank in the military service. He
even enlisted the aid of the unsuspicious vizier for this purpose by
representing the necessity of a reconciliation with that leader, whose
popularity with the soldiery, seconded by his ambition, might at any
time accomplish the overthrow of the administration. Then, this adept
in the arts of intrigue contracted an intimate alliance with Ghalib,
whose principal object was the destruction of the obnoxious vizier.
The two associates worked for a time in harmony for the promotion of
their common interests. Each lauded to the skies the talents and the
virtues of the other. In return for the high commands with which he had
been invested, Ghalib exaggerated the achievements of his companion.
His fulsome praise of the latter secured for him the prefecture of
Cordova, an appointment which involved the dismissal of the son of
Moshafi, who enjoyed the emoluments without discharging the duties of
that responsible office. The venality of this youth, from whom money
could at any time obtain immunity from punishment for even the most
notorious criminal, had completely disorganized the police system
of the city. Footpads infested the streets. Theft and murder were
of nightly occurrence, and the citizens were compelled to rely upon
their own vigilance and courage for that protection to which they
were entitled by law. The mercenary character of the prefect, and the
general demoralization of the municipal government, had, in addition
to the refuse of a great capital, attracted from far and near bands of
desperate characters, eager to profit by the spoils of successful and
unmolested robbery.
But a change was now at hand. The new prefect brought to the
administration of the affairs of his office the same inflexible
justice, the same severity, the same resolution, which had elsewhere
distinguished his conduct in a public capacity. The police system was
remodelled. Its members, terrified by some salutary examples, which
the exigencies of the service required, no longer fraternized with
criminals. The foreign outlaws fled precipitately from the city. The
streets could once more be traversed in security, the suburbs ceased
to be the scene of tumult and disorder. The advantages of rank and
fortune gave no immunity to offenders under the stern jurisdiction of
Ibn-abi-Amir. Even the ties of blood were ignored by this impartial
magistrate, for his own son, having been convicted of some violation
of the law, received such a terrible scourging that he died under the
hands of the executioner.
In the meantime, the friends of Moshafi had called his attention to the
dangers that threatened him, and which his perceptions had not been
acute enough to detect. The crisis was imminent, and the vizier saw no
other means to counteract the insidious designs of his rival except by
courting the favor of his ancient enemy Ghalib. He determined at once
upon a bold stroke of policy, and, with every manifestation of honor
and deference, requested the hand of the daughter of Ghalib for one of
his sons. The pride of the veteran, despite his deep-seated feelings of
enmity, was flattered by the compliment. The family of Moshafi, while
not noble, was one of the most distinguished in Andalusia. His wealth,
acquired by years of peculation, was known to be immense, and his
authority nominally directed the affairs of the khalifate. Impressed
with the advantages of such a matrimonial alliance, Ghalib readily
assented to the proposition of the vizier. Delighted beyond measure
with his success, Moshafi lost no time in arranging the preliminaries;
the marriage-contract was signed, and a day appointed for the final
ceremony. But these arrangements could not be concluded without the
knowledge of the spies of Ibn-abi-Amir, some of whom were members of
the household of the vizier. The latter soon discovered that he was
no match for his wily adversary. His plots were met by counter-plots.
The influence of the Sultana, supported by the entire following of
Ibn-abi-Amir, whose friends included some of the highest functionaries
of the khalifate, was exerted to shake the resolution of Ghalib. The
motives of Moshafi were impugned. It was artfully insinuated that this
sudden demonstration of friendship was only a convenient mask for some
deep-laid act of perfidy. The implacable hatred so long entertained
by the vizier against the veteran commander gave considerable color
of probability to this suggestion. And finally, Ibn-abi-Amir himself
made a formal demand for the hand of the beautiful Asma, protesting
that the son of the plebeian Moshafi was unworthy of a damsel whose
rank and beauty might well entitle her to be the bride of the most
powerful subject of the Moslem empire. The constancy of Ghalib was not
proof against these plausible representations. Without warning, he
repudiated his engagements with Moshafi. His daughter became the wife
of Ibn-abi-Amir; their nuptials were celebrated with a pomp exceeding
anything of the kind ever held in the capital; and the bridegroom
himself was appointed to the office of hajib, the most exalted dignity
in the gift of the crown.
From this time the fall of Moshafi was rapid. The worthless friends of
his prosperity, one by one, abandoned him. He was imprisoned along
with the male members of his family, and their property was seized
pending an investigation for malfeasance in office. There was no
difficulty in establishing the truth of this accusation. The offences
of the culprits had been flagrant and notorious. The sentence of
confiscation imposed upon them swept into the public coffers a great
treasure, most of which had been acquired by fraud and extortion. Such
of the relatives of the vizier as had rendered themselves especially
offensive to their persecutor were strangled. Others managed to eke
out a wretched subsistence by the most menial occupations, and even
by beggary. The venerable Moshafi, after suffering for years every
humiliation that could be imposed by the ingenuity of hatred and the
insolence of power, perished in some unknown way by violence, and
his body was carried to the grave with but little more ceremony than
usually attended the interment of a pauper.
While these events were transpiring, a formidable conspiracy for the
assassination of the Khalif and the promotion of one of his cousins,
Abd-al-Rahman-Ibn-Obeydallah, to the royal dignity, was maturing in the
capital. The great majority of the literary men,--the former companions
and instructors of Ibn-abi-Amir,--with officials who had viewed his
elevation with unconcealed envy and hatred, stimulated by mediocrity
and conscious incompetence, were the promoters of the enterprise.
The dangerous position of leader was assumed by the eunuch Djaudar,
who was anxious to avenge his disgrace, to retrieve his fortunes,
and to restore the failing credit of his caste. There was scarcely a
kadi, a jurist, a poet of the court, or a professor of the University
who was not cognizant of the plot. The faquis and the theologians,
who considered the orthodoxy of Ibn-abi-Amir as more than doubtful,
were concerned in it to a man. The prefect, Ziyad-Ibn-Aflah, who
had succeeded Ibn-abi-Amir in the control of the municipal affairs
of Cordova, promised his co-operation, and agreed to place the armed
force under his command at the disposal of the conspirators. It was
decided that Djaudar should put the Khalif to death. The day for
action arrived; the palace was designedly abandoned by the police;
and Djaudar obtained without suspicion an audience with Hischem. But,
either through awkwardness or irresolution, the blow aimed at the
heart of the Khalif fell short; the assassin was overpowered; and the
prefect, having been summoned to the palace and seeing that all was
lost, endeavored to remove suspicion from himself by the arrest and
zealous prosecution of his accomplices. The leading conspirators were
crucified, and punishments of greater or less severity were inflicted
upon the others. The double traitor, Ziyad-Ibn-Aflah, with brazen
effrontery, assisted at the trial and voted for the condemnation of his
former associates.
Aware that his liberal views on the subject of religion, and the
philosophical studies with which he frequently occupied his leisure,
had created against him a feeling which was largely responsible for the
recent conspiracy, and which might eventually be productive of more
serious disorders, Ibn-abi-Amir determined to make some concessions
to the prejudices of the theologians. The broad toleration of the two
former reigns, when skepticism was fashionable and the cultivation of
philosophy general and popular, had been followed by a reaction. The
influence of the Malikites had been re-established, and it was easy
for these fanatics to excite popular odium against any one suspected
of entertaining heretical opinions. When the obnoxious individual
filled a post of eminence in the state, a hint from a faqui might
be equivalent to a sentence of death. The native shrewdness of
Ibn-abi-Amir suggested a means of counteracting this danger. Having
carefully selected the theologians of the capital most notorious for
their intolerance, he invited them to the palace and solemnly informed
them that the presence of the philosophical and scientific works
in the library of Al-Hakem was a great burden upon his conscience,
and requested their assistance in purging the collection of books
treating of subjects whose study was not sanctioned by the Koran.
Conducted into the immense library whose shelves were covered with the
literary treasures of Europe and Asia, the bigoted enemies of learning
entered upon their task with alacrity. The collection was examined in
detail, and the works known or suspected to be tainted with heterodox
sentiments were consigned to the flames. The distinguished penitent
improved the occasion to offer an edifying exhibition of zeal by
personally assisting in the destruction of the proscribed volumes.
History has failed to acquaint us with the magnitude of this loss. It
must have been important, however, even if due allowance be made for
the ignorance of the muftis and faquis, who had but slight knowledge
of any save theological literature, and whose industry must have
been sorely taxed by the laborious scrutiny of six hundred thousand
volumes. Henceforth no one ventured to question the orthodoxy of the
minister. He patronized with marked partiality all members of the
religious profession; flattered their pride by his attention to their
prosy discourses; won their affection by his liberality; elicited their
praise by his denunciation of infidels. He demonstrated that the skill
of his youth had not departed from him by the production of a beautiful
copy of the Koran, written entirely by his own hand, which he never
suffered to leave his person, and constantly perused in public with
such apparent unction that all who beheld him were greatly impressed
with this remarkable display of devotion.
Moshafi having been disposed of, it was now the turn of Ghalib. The
powerful interest of Ibn-abi-Amir with the Sultana and the nobles
which had raised him to the rank of hajib placed him on a political
equality with his father-in-law. The latter was constantly at variance
with his associate, whom he considered as his inferior, but whose
ascendency in the conduct of the administration he was nevertheless
forced to acknowledge. The annoyance Ibn-abi-Amir suffered from these
disputes, and the fact that Ghalib was now the sole obstacle interposed
between his ambition and the practical sovereignty of the empire, led
him to begin without delay the scheme which he had devised for the
overthrow of his colleague. The first, and indeed the indispensable,
requisite of success was the control of the army. The power of the
audacious minister, which was dreaded by every civil functionary of the
khalifate, virtually ended at the outposts of the nearest garrison.
The soldiery knew him only as a kadi; and while he had behaved with
credit in more than one engagement, and had established a name for
generosity, his military reputation and popularity had so far proved
to be neither brilliant nor enduring. The attachment of the soldiers
centred in Ghalib. They had shared together the hardships and the glory
of many arduous campaigns. Their interests had long been identical,
and any demonstration involving the honor or the safety of the
general would have been resisted by the entire military force of the
monarchy. The army consisted mainly of Arabs, the Berbers enlisted by
Abd-al-Rahman III. having been gradually disbanded and natives of the
Peninsula substituted for them under Al-Hakem. The partiality of their
commander had indulged them in frequent and serious infractions of
discipline. Their equipment was not uniform, and was often defective.
The awkwardness of the horsemen was the jest of foreigners. In many
respects the organization of the various corps did not differ from that
of a disorderly and inefficient militia.
The experience acquired by Ibn-abi-Amir during his sojourn in Africa
had convinced him of the excellence of the Mauritanian cavalry, whose
reputation indeed dated from the First Punic War. The Spanish posts in
that country had been abandoned, with the exception of Ceuta, and the
protectorate formerly exercised by the khalif removed. In consequence
of this measure, and there being no central power to restrain the
Berbers, the entire region became at once a prey to anarchy. At the
time the minister was planning a thorough reorganization of the army,
intelligence was conveyed to him by the governor of Ceuta that a
considerable detachment of Berbers, who had been worsted in a recent
battle and were absolutely impoverished, had appealed to him for
protection, which he had temporarily afforded them. The pleasure of
the government was requested respecting the final disposition of
these refugees. The order was immediately sent to propose to them
enlistment in the army of the khalifate. The offer was accepted without
hesitation, and the inhabitants of Algeziras beheld with consternation
and disgust the disembarkation of a horde of ferocious warriors clothed
in rags and mounted on horses whose skeleton forms seemed hardly
capable of sustaining even the weight of their emaciated riders. But
the sagacious hajib, who recognized in these uncouth barbarians the
formidable instruments of a soaring ambition, entertained his new
_protégés_ with royal hospitality. The finest arms and horses
were furnished them. Their boundless rapacity was gratified by every
concession that insolence could demand or prodigality afford. The
famished bandit, who had lately roamed the desert without shelter, now
revelled in the luxuries of a palace. The servile dependent who a few
months before had trembled at the voice of some vagabond sheik was
now the master of a hundred slaves. The news of this astonishing good
fortune was speedily transmitted to Africa. Thousands of volunteers
applied for admission to the service of so generous a patron. The
object of Ibn-abi-Amir was accomplished, and with secret exultation
he saw placed at his absolute disposal a powerful body of troops,
whose allegiance was due to himself alone, who knew and cared nothing
for patriotic sentiment, and who were practically isolated from the
existing military system. His efforts, however, were not confined to
the enlistment of Berber mercenaries. From the opposite quarter of
the compass, from a region and a nation where one would least suspect
a disposition to serve under the banners of Islam, his army received
important accessions. It does not appear that before the reign of
Hischem any systematic attempt was made to attract to the service of
the khalifate the Christians of the North, whose hostility to their
neighbors was hereditary and instinctive, dictated as well by motives
of patriotism as by the prejudices and the distorted maxims of their
religion. The civil wars of fifty years; the uncertain allegiance
claimed by a succession of known usurpers and legal sovereigns of
suspicious title; the arrogance of the priesthood, which claimed
ascendency over the crown, had destroyed the unity and absorbed
the limited pecuniary resources of the kingdoms of Northern Spain.
The population had increased, while the means of subsistence had
been constantly diminishing. The insecurity of property discouraged
agriculture in a land where untiring industry was at all times
indispensable to procure the most common necessaries of life. The
country was overrun by armed men, who did not hesitate, when occasion
demanded, to rudely strip the unfortunate peasant of the hard-earned
fruits of his labor. The lofty stature and extraordinary strength
of these mountaineers, their unequalled powers of endurance, their
bravery and their steadiness in battle, rendered them most desirable
recruits. The emissaries of Ibn-abi-Amir experienced no difficulty
in convincing them of the benefits they would receive by a change of
masters. A considerable detachment repaired to Cordova and entered
the army of the Khalif. The minister treated them with even greater
indulgence than he had shown to the Africans. They received double pay.
They were lodged in palatial quarters. They were magnificently armed
and mounted, and provided with every attainable comfort and luxury. The
partiality of the hajib for these favorite mercenaries sometimes even
caused him to depart from the equity which had heretofore characterized
his judicial conduct. In the controversies he was called upon, from
time to time, to settle between his Moslem subjects and his Christian
guards, his decisions were almost invariably rendered in favor of the
latter. The effects of this politic course soon became apparent. The
Castilians and Navarrese, like the Berbers, volunteered in larger
numbers than could be accommodated. Only picked men were accepted by
the recruiting officers; and a corps was formed which, for physical
strength, perfection of armament, and excellence of discipline, had not
its counterpart in Europe.
While Ibn-abi-Amir was thus, day by day, tightening his grasp upon
the civil and military departments of the government, he was, at the
same time, gradually undermining the support and weakening the power
of his rival. The custom of tribal organization, inherited from the
pre-Islamic era, still prevailed in the army. Members of the same
tribe, commanded by chiefs of their own kindred, were mustered into
the service together. In numerous instances, by intermarriage with
individuals of other races, the chain of relationship had been broken.
Clannish prejudice had, however, survived the record of genealogies,
for many were found enrolled among the various tribes who evidently had
not the remotest claim to such association. The policy of Ibn-abi-Amir
was directed to the final abrogation of these ancient distinctions. The
Arabs were distributed among the strongest divisions of the Berber and
Christian mercenaries. By this means their identity was lost amidst a
crowd of foreigners ignorant alike of their customs, their traditions,
and, not infrequently, of their language. The favorite troops of Ghalib
were, by this means, quietly and expeditiously scattered beyond the
hope of reorganization. The discipline of the army was sedulously
improved. Officers were appointed to command whose first qualification
was devotion to the personal interests of the hajib, and whose second
was based upon their experience in war and their reputation for
courage. Military regulations were enforced with such severity that
even the accidental exposure of a sword during parade was punished with
death.
Having to his entire satisfaction obtained control of the army,
Ibn-abi-Amir now proposed to himself the audacious project of placing
and retaining the youthful Khalif in a condition of perpetual tutelage.
His mother, over whom the minister still retained his ascendency,
strange to relate, willingly lent her aid to the accomplishment of
this nefarious design. The talents of the young prince, at that time
about fifteen years old, are stated by contemporaneous writers to
have been far above mediocrity. Under favorable circumstances, it is
possible that he might have become a ruler not inferior to the most
distinguished of his line. But, unhappily, every effort was exerted
to dwarf his intellect and impair his physical powers. He was kept
in strict seclusion in the palace of Medina-al-Zahrâ. His teachers
were removed, and his education systematically neglected. It was
constantly inculcated upon him that his chief duties as a monarch were
the diligent perusal of the Koran and the distribution of alms. His
body was emaciated, and his intellectual faculties weakened, by the
frequent and protracted fasts which his religious advisers enjoined.
These regulations, sufficiently injurious to both the body and the
mind of youth, were not to be compared in their destructive effects
with the sensual excesses encouraged by the temptations of the harem.
In its retired and mysterious apartments everything was favorable
to the precocious development of the passions. Crowds of beautiful
slaves constantly surrounded him, and performed for his amusement the
licentious dances of the East. The rarest perfumes diffused their
intoxicating odors through the dimly-lighted apartments. Here, safe
from the frowning glances of faqui and santon, could be quaffed, to
the point of repletion and insensibility, the delicious wines of
Spain. The attendants received peremptory instructions to lose no
opportunity of corrupting and brutalizing their helpless charge. In
consequence, the unfortunate Hischem was degraded by the habitual
practice of the most revolting vices. His prematurely failing powers
were at first stimulated by aphrodisiacs. His virility was afterwards
permanently impaired by drugs administered for that purpose by eunuchs
in the pay of the minister. With the advance of the prince in years,
the conditions and diversions of childhood remained unchanged. The
same toys amused his idle moments. The same devotional exercises were
daily enforced by his spiritual guides. His world was bounded by the
walls of the palace, within which no one unauthorized by the hajib
could enter. Alert and observant spies reported his most trivial
speeches, his most puerile actions. It was gravely suggested to him
that the burden of public affairs was too weighty for his shoulders;
that the favor of God--the object of every true Mussulman--was most
easily secured by devotional exercises; and that the administration
of the government should be confided to others who could assume the
responsibilities, without compromising the future hopes, of the
Commander of the Faithful. The Khalif’s voluntary acceptance of these
propositions--and especially of the last one--was proclaimed far and
wide by the omnipresent agents of the hajib. But the latter, despite
his apparent assurance, knew only too well the desperate game he was
playing. He was familiar with the uncertainty of popular favor and
the prodigious energy suddenly developed by revolutions. His secret
enemies, many of them able and determined men, swarmed alike in the
literary professions and among the populace of the capital. The
isolation of the Khalif was complete, but the treachery of a sentinel
or the venality of a slave might, at any time, mature a conspiracy
or effect the liberation of the royal prisoner. In either of these
contingencies, the life of the minister would not be worth a moment’s
purchase were he found within the walls of Medina-al-Zahrâ. Impressed
with this fact, he secured a large estate east of Cordova, and erected
there a residence which united the twofold advantage of castle and
palace, and to which he gave the name of Zahira. The place was of
great strength, and could accommodate a numerous garrison. When it
was completed, Ibn-abi-Amir removed there all the public records, and
in its halls were henceforth framed the edicts which, issued in the
Khalif’s name, gave law to the people of the Peninsula. Buildings were
erected for the convenience of the great officials of the government,
and Zahira soon acquired the inhabitants and assumed the appearance
of a city. The employees of the court, the personal adherents of the
minister, and the herd of parasites who infested the purlieus of every
palace, together with a multitude of tradesmen and artificers, took up
their residence in the neighborhood; and an idea may be formed of the
extent of Zahira when it is remembered that, although the residence
of Ibn-abi-Amir was twelve miles from Cordova, the gardens of its
environs reached to the banks of the Guadalquivir immediately opposite
the capital, of which it, in fact, formed one of the most attractive
suburbs.
Of this villa a story is told by the Arab historians which illustrates
at once the wealth, the profusion, and the love of ostentation so
prominent in the character of the Oriental. With a view of impressing
the envoys of the King of Navarre with his power and opulence, the
hajib ordered a great lake in the gardens of Zahira to be planted with
water-lilies. Into each of the flowers, during the night, he caused to
be placed a gold or silver coin, large numbers of which he had ordered
struck especially for that purpose. The weight of the precious metals
required was two hundred pounds. At the audience, which took place at
sunrise, in addition to the grand civil and military display usual on
such occasions, a body of eunuchs, a thousand in number and equally
divided, stood on each side of the throne. All were dressed in white
silk. The robes of five hundred were embroidered with gold, those of
the others with silver. Sashes of gold or silver tissue encircled
their waists, and each carried a gold or silver tray. As the first
rays of the sun lighted up the splendors of the scene, the eunuchs
moved forward with military precision, gathered the lilies, and emptied
their precious contents at the feet of their master in a great heap
of glittering coin. The effect of this exhibition upon the simple
mountaineers of Navarre may be imagined. The reputation of the hajib’s
resources, already great, was magnified a hundred-fold. Mystified by
the apparent prodigy, the ambassadors reported to their king that even
the earth and the water surrendered their hidden treasures at the
command of the omnipotent Mohammedan ruler.
While the astute and politic Ibn-abi-Amir was perfecting his
arrangements to secure absolute control of the empire, he treated
Ghalib with far more than ordinary consideration. He exhibited towards
him, on all occasions, the most distinguished courtesy. He deferred to
his opinion on questions of minor importance. He humbly solicited his
advice when satisfied that its acceptance would not interfere with the
accomplishment of his plans. But the shrewd old soldier was not to be
imposed upon by those flattering evidences of esteem and attachment.
Intensely loyal to the House of Ommeyah, he had seen with disgust and
apprehension the restraint of the Khalif and the usurpation of his
prerogatives. He had viewed with scarcely less dismay the inordinate
ambition of his colleague and the predominance to which he had attained.
While he did not at first perceive the ultimate effect of the
reorganization of the military service, the disbanding and transfer
to distant and widely separated provinces of those divisions most
attached to his person, as well as the incorporation of his favorites
into the corps of foreign mercenaries, finally opened his eyes to the
consequences of the policy of his son-in-law. But it was then too
late. The mischief had already been accomplished. The indignation of
the general at first found vent in ineffectual reproaches. At length,
during an expedition into the enemy’s country, while the two ministers
were reconnoitering from the summit of a tower, after a violent
quarrel Ghalib drew his sword and attacked his associate. The latter,
taken by surprise, saw no other way to avoid instant death but by
precipitating himself from the battlements. His flowing robes caught
on a projection and saved his life. The incensed rivals separated with
threats of mutual defiance; war was at once declared between them; and
the diminished forces of Ghalib were strengthened by a considerable
number of horsemen furnished by the King of Leon. The operations of the
campaign were at first indecisive, but Ghalib, having exposed himself
recklessly in an engagement, was killed; his followers were seized with
a panic, and the victory remained with his fortunate adversary.
Ibn-abi-Amir was now the sole master of the Khalifate of the West. By
sheer force of character, by dauntless resolution, by tireless energy,
he had realized his most cherished aspirations. Without friends or the
important aid of family connections, he had obtained and had already
long exercised a preponderating influence in the state. His adroitness
and liberality had organized a numerous faction and a formidable army,
both of which served his personal interests with unswerving loyalty.
The nominal sovereign of the country was virtually his servant. The
entire machinery of government, with its treasures, the appointments of
its officers, the distribution of its rewards, the infliction of its
punishments, the supervision of its civil policy, the conduct of its
campaigns, was in his hands. Such was the exalted position attained
by the former unknown and impecunious student of the University, who
had managed to obtain an uncertain livelihood by writing petitions
for applicants for royal favor, many of whom were now his official
subordinates. Through the changes of many eventful years, amidst the
perils, the trials, the excitements, the triumphs, that attended his
ascent to greatness, he had never forgotten the scene in the garden,
where, encouraged by the hilarity of his companions, he had expressed
what they considered chimerical ideas of future power and distinction.
Soon after the death of Ghalib had left him free to indulge his
arbitrary inclinations, he caused his four collegiate acquaintances,
who had participated in the festivities of that now memorable occasion,
to be brought before him. Three received from the hands of the minister
himself the commissions conferring those employments which they had in
merriment solicited; the fourth, after having been sternly reprimanded
for the unprovoked insult he had inflicted in return for a proffered
honor, was deprived of all his possessions, and led forth by slaves
to perform the public and degrading penance which he himself had
voluntarily prescribed.
The restraints imposed upon Hischem were now increased in severity.
Formerly he had, at rare intervals, been permitted to show himself to
his subjects, but the jealousy of Ibn-abi-Amir could no longer tolerate
this indulgence, and the Khalif was henceforth condemned to absolute
seclusion in the palace of Medina-al-Zahrâ. Even when he performed his
devotions in public he was heavily veiled, and remained in the royal
gallery until the last of the worshippers had left the mosque. He was
not even permitted to enter the walls of his own capital, embellished
with the wealth, and rendered illustrious by the renown, of a dynasty
of great sovereigns who had been his kinsmen, whose name and titles
he had inherited, but whose power he was destined never to enjoy. His
name was mentioned in the khotba, or prayer, offered on Fridays in the
mosques; it appeared on the coins side by side with that of the hajib,
and was embroidered on the skirt of his robes; but these were the only
surviving evidences of the existence and the authority of the last of
the Ommeyades.