CHAPTER XIV.

Summary of Results.

{304}

This comparative exposition of the Sumerian-Babylonian and the most

complex and developed pre-Christian religion of Europe cannot claim to

be complete or at any point finally decisive, but it may at least have

helped to reveal the high value and interest of these phenomena for

the workers in this broad field of inquiry. This was one of the main

objects of this course. The other was the discussion of a question of

religious ethnology, concerning the possible influence of Mesopotamia

on the earliest development of Hellenic religion. The verdict must

still remain an open one, awaiting the light of the new evidence that

the future will gather. But the evidence at present available--and it

may be hoped that none of first importance has been missed--constrains

us to a negative answer or at least a negative attitude of mind.

Confining ourselves generally to the second millennium B.C., we have

surveyed the religions of the adjacent peoples between the valley of

the Euphrates and the western shores of the Aegean; and have observed

that morphologically they are generally on the same plane of

polytheism, but that those of Mesopotamia and Hellas reveal inner

differences, striking and vital enough to be serious stumbling-blocks

to a theory of affiliation. These differences concern the {305}

personality of the divinities and their relations to the various parts

of the world of nature; the most salient being the different attitude

of the two peoples to the divine luminaries of heaven and to the

chthonian powers of the lower world. They concern the cosmogonies of

East and West, their views of the creation of the world, and the

origin of man; on these matters, certain myths which are easily

diffused do not appear to have reached Hellas in this early period.

They concern the religious temperaments of the Babylonian and Hellene,

which appear as separate as the opposite points of the pole; the

rapturous fanatic and self-abasing spirit of the East contrasting

vividly with the coolness, civic sobriety, and self-confidence of the

West. They concern the eschatologic ideas of the two peoples: the cult

of the dead and some idea of a posthumous judgment being found in

early Hellas, while the former was rare, and the latter is scarcely

discoverable, in Mesopotamia. They concern, finally, the ritual; and

here the salient points of contrast are the different views of the

sacrifice, of the sacrificial victim, and the sacrificial blood; the

different methods of purification and the expulsion of sin; the ritual

of sorrow associated with the death of the god, so powerful in

Babylonia and so insignificant (by comparison) in Hellas; the

un-Hellenic Mylitta-rite, and the service of the “hierodoulai”; and,

to conclude with the most vital difference of all, the manifestations

of magic and its relation to the national religions, so complex, so

pregnant for thought and faith, and so dominant in Mesopotamia; on the

other hand, so insignificant and unobtrusive in Hellas.

Two other points have been incidentally noticed in our general survey,

but it is well in a final summing up to emphasise their great

importance as negative {306} evidence. The first concerns the higher

history of European religion: the establishment of religious

mysteries, a phenomenon of dateless antiquity, and of powerful working

in Hellenic and Aegean society, has not yet been discovered in the

Mesopotamian culture. The second is a small point that concerns

commerce and the trivialities of ritual: the use of incense, universal

from immemorial times in Mesopotamia, and proved by the earliest

documents, begins in Greece not earlier than the eighth century B.C.

This little product, afterwards everywhere in great demand, for it is

pleasant to the sense, soothing to the mind, and among the harmless

amenities of worship, was much easier to import than Babylonian

theology or more complex ritual. It might have come without these, but

they could scarcely have come without it. Yet it did not come to

Hellenic shores in the second millennium. And this trifling negative

fact is worth a volume of the higher criticism for the decision of our

question.

Those who still cling to the faith that Babylonia was the centre

whence emanated much Mediterranean religion, may urge that the

negative value of the facts exposed above may be destroyed by future

discoveries. This is true, but our preliminary hypotheses should be

framed on the facts that are already known. Or they may urge that the

generic resemblances of the two religious systems with which we have

been mainly concerned are also great. But, as has been observed, the

same generic resemblance exists between Greek and Vedic polytheism.

And for the question of religious origin general resemblances are far

less decisive than specific points of identity, such, for instance, as

the identity of divine names or of some peculiar divine attribute.

Later we can trace the migrations of Isis {307} and Mithras throughout

Europe by their names or by the sistrum or by the type of the fallen

bull, of the Hittite god Teschub in the Graeco-Roman guise of Jupiter

Dolichenos as far as Hungary, perhaps as far as Scandinavia, by the

attribute of the hammer. It is just this sort of evidence of any trace

of Babylonian influence that is lacking among the records of early

Greece. No single Babylonian name is recognisable in its religious or

mythologic nomenclature; just as no characteristically Babylonian

fashion is found in its ritual or in the appurtenances of its

religion. This well accords with what is already known of the

Mediterranean history of the second millennium. For long centuries the

Hittite empire was a barrier between the Babylonian power and the

coastlands of Asia Minor.

So far, then, as our knowledge goes at present, there is no reason for

believing that nascent Hellenism, wherever else arose the streams that

nourished its spiritual life, was fertilised by the deep springs of

Babylonian religion or theosophy.

{308}

INDEX OF NAMES AND

SUBJECTS.

{309}

Adad (Ramman), 62, 101-102, 142, 143.

Adonis, 251, 255, 273-274.

Alilat, 44.

Allatu, 57, 206, 218.

Aniconic worship, 225-230.

Animism, 43.

Anthropomorphism, in Greece, 10-12, 75-80; in Mesopotamia, 51-52,

55-57; in Canaan, 57-58; in Hittite religion, 60-61; in Phrygia,

63-64; in Crete, 64-75.

Aphrodite, Cretan-Mycenaean, 96; in Cyprus, 261; Ourania, 272-273.

Apollo, 49, 295; theory of Lycian origin, 90; Agyieus, 136;

Delphinios, 291; Lykeios, 76.

Arabian divinities, 85, 263.

Aramaic divinities, 85.

Artemis, of Brauron, 244; in Cilicia, 89; at Ephesos, 91; aboriginal

Mediterranean goddess, 96.

Aryan migration into Greece, 34.

Asshur, 58, 225.

Astarte, 57, 58, 59, 86, 107.

Astral cults, in Mesopotamia, 102; in Greece, 111-114.

Atargatis (Derketo), 57.

Athena, aboriginal Mediterranean goddess, 96.

Athtar, Arabian deity, 85, 263.

Attar, in Arabia, 168.

Attis, 91, 254-258, 266; Παπαῖος, 95.

Axe-cult, in Crete, 70, 93.

Baalbec, 273-274.

Baptism, 284.

Bau, Babylonian goddess, 263.

Belit, Babylonian goddess, 83, 84, 104.

Birds, cult of, 63, 69-73.

Boghaz-Keui, reliefs of, 47, 60, 125; cuneiform texts at, 61.

Borrowing, tests of, in religion, 37.

Boundaries, sanctity of, 127-128.

Bouphonia, in Attica, 237-238.

Britomartis, 170.

Bull, Hittite worship of, 252-253.

Burial-customs, 208-210.

Byblos, Adonis-rites at, 273-274.

Chemosh, of Moab, 59, 86.

Cilicia, Assyrian conquests in, 35 (_vide_ Typhoeus).

Cities, religious origin of, 118.

Communion-service with dead, 209.

Confessional-service in Mesopotamia, 151, 288.

Convent-system in Mesopotamia, 268-269.

Cook, Mr., 66, 69, 73.

Cosmogonies, 179-182.

Courtesans, sacred, 269-283.

Cowley, Dr., 90.

Creation of man, 184-185.

Cyprus, religious prostitution in, 273-274.

Days, sacred character of, 293-295.

Dead, worship of, 122, 210, 211, 213; tendance of, 211, 212; evocation

of, 214-215.

Death of deity, 27-28, 238-240, 249-263.

Demeter, 80.

Demonology, 154, 206-208, 297-300.

Dionysos, 239-240; marriage with Queen-Archon, 267.

Divination, through sacrifice, 248-249, 301-302; ecstatic, 303.

Dualism, 19, 158.

{310}

Ea, Babylonian god, 53, 102, 117, 121.

Eagle, Hittite worship of, 63.

Earth, divinity of, in Mesopotamia, 103; in Greece, 114.

Enlil, Babylonian god, 59, 103-104, 142.

Eros, cosmic principle, 181.

Eschatology, 204-220.

Esmun, Phoenician god, 57.

Eunostos, Tanagran vegetation-hero, 262.

Eunuchs, in Phrygian religion, 92, 256-258.

Euyuk, relief at, 61.

Evans, Sir Arthur, 17, 30, 64, 69-71, 73-74, 91, 97, 211, 227.

Evil gods, 19, 142-143.

Faith, not a religious virtue in Greece, 23-24.

Fanaticism, in Mesopotamia, 197-203.

Fassirlir, Lion-goddess at, 88.

Father-god, 48, 95.

Fetichism, 225-228.

Fire-god, in Greece and Babylon, 146-147, 285.

Fire-purification, 285-286.

Frazer, Dr., 17, 60, 79, 89, 257 n. 1, 277, 282.

Functional deities (Sondergötter), 110, 133.

Goddess-worship, importance of, 5, 81-82; in Mesopotamia, 17, 82-84;

among Western Semites, 85-86; Hittites, 87-88; on Asia-Minor coast,

88-91; in Crete, 92-94; Aryan tradition of, 94-96; in early Greece,

96-98.

Hammer, sacred Hittite symbol, 63.

Hammurabi, code of, 129-132, 212.

Harpalyke, legend of, 239.

Harrison, Miss Jane, 67, 69-70.

Hartland, Mr. Sidney, 271 n. 1, 280-281.

Hearth-worship, 132-133.

Helios, at Tyre and Palmyra, 107; in Greece, 110-111.

Hell, Babylonian conception of, 205-206.

Hera, ? Aryan-Hellenic, 96; βοῶπις, 76.

Hierodoulai, 272.

Hittite ethnology, 36.

Hogarth, Dr., 74.

Homicide, Babylonian laws concerning, 129-130; Hellenic religious

feeling about, 138-140; purification from, 287-288.

Hyakinthos, 262.

Ibriz, Hittite monument at, 47.

Idolatry, in Greece, 12-13, 228.

Incense, 231-232, 306.

Incest, Babylonian laws concerning, 131.

Incubation, divination by, 302.

Ira, goddess of plague, 143.

Ishtar, 55, 83, 103, 120, 142, 164-167; descent of, 204, 208.

Jastrow, Prof., 37, 58.

Katharsis, Homeric, 289-291.

Kingship, divine character of, in Mesopotamia, 119, 122-123; among

Western Semites, 123; among Hittites, 124-125; in Phrygia, 125; in

Crete, 125-126; in Greece, 126-127.

Knots, magic use of, 300.

Kybele, 63, 91-92, 109, 170, 226.

Labartu, demon-goddess, 298.

Langdon, Dr., 56, 205 n. 1, 296, 298.

Leto ? Lycian origin of, 89-90.

Leukothea, 261.

Linos, 197, 262.

Lion-divinity, Phrygian Hittite Mesopotamian type, 62-63.

Lykaon, Arcadian sacrifice of, 239.

Ma, Anatolian goddess, 169, 272.

Magic, in Greece, 158, 176-179, 292-293; in Babylon, 291-301.

Male deity, predominant among Semites, 85-86; at Olba and Tarsos and

in Lycia, 89.

Mannhardt, 276.

Marduk, 103, 120, 265.

Marriage of god and goddess, 263-268; marriage ceremonies in Babylon,

134.

Mercy, attribute of divinity, 158-160.

Minotaur, 74, 266-267.

Mitani inscriptions, 46.

Monotheism, 187-189.

Monsters, in Cretan art, 74-75.

Moon-worship, Semitic, 85; Hellenic, 112.

Morality and religion, 20.

Mylitta, rites of, 269-271.

{311}

Nature-worship, 40-41, 97; in Mesopotamia, 99-106; West-Semitic,

106-107; Hittite, 108; Hellenic, 110-114.

Nebo, 52, 102, 119, 121, 188.

Nergal, 101, 142.

Νηφάλια, wineless offerings, 112.

Ninib, 101, 117, 127, 263.

Ninlil, 84.

Ninni, relief of, 52.

Nusku, 117.

Omnipotence, divine attribute, 173-175.

Orotal, Arabian deity, 44.

Pan-Babylonism, 30-33.

Pantheism, 161-162.

Perjury, 147-149.

Personal religion, 191-196.

Pessimism, in Babylonian hymns, 155.

Petrie, Professor, 223.

Phallic cults, 228-230.

Phratric system, religious sanction of, in Greece, 138; non-existent

(?) in Mesopotamia, 138.

Poseidon, 146.

Punishment, posthumous, 215-216.

Purification, 155-158, 282-291.

Purity, 163-172.

Qadistu, meaning of, 269.

Ramman, _vide_ Adad.

Ramsay, Sir William, 117, 170, 273, 277.

Rewards, posthumous, 216-218.

Sacrament, 25-26, 236-242, 250.

Sacrifice, theory of, 24-26, 235-236, 240-242; bloodless, 230-231;

chthonian, 233; human, 244-246; at oath-taking, 247-248; “sober,”

231-232; vicarious, 242-244.

Sandon, 252-253.

Sayce, Professor, 169, 253.

Scapegoat, 247.

Science, relation to religion, in Greece and Mesopotamia, 23.

Sentimentality, in Babylonian religion, 196-197.

Sex, confusion of, 58-60.

Shamash, Babylonian sun-god, 99, 100, 120-121, 127, 142, 208, 302.

Sin, Babylonian moon-god, 99, 100.

Sin, non-moral ideas of, 152-154.

Sinjerli, relief at, 61.

Smith, Prof. Robertson, 25, 226, 235, 238, 241.

Snake-goddess, in Crete, 64-65; snake-cult, 78.

Tammuz, 105-106, 219-220, 242, 250-263.

Tanit, Carthaginian goddess, 168.

Taurobolion, 253.

Temples, erection of, 223-225; deification of, 225.

Teshup, Hittite god, 46, 62.

Teukridai, at Olba, 89.

Theanthropic animal, 77-78.

Theism, 7-9, 40-49.

Theriomorphism, in Egypt, 15; in Mesopotamia, 14, 52-55; in other

Semitic communities, 57-58; Hittite, 60-62; in Crete, 66-75; in

Greece, 75-80.

Tiâmat, in Babylonian cosmogony, 181.

Tiele, Professor, 40, 42, 81, 199.

Tralles, religious prostitutes at, 275.

Trinities, 185-187.

Truthfulness, religious virtue, 148.

Typhoeus, legend of, 182-183.

Van Gennep, 279.

Ver Sacrum, in Greece, 137.

Virgin-goddesses, not found among Aryans, 95; Mediterranean, 96.

Virginity, sacrifice of, 269-281.

Virgin-Mother, idea of, 166-171.

Westermarck, Professor, 41 n. 1, 278.

Wilde, Dr., 1.

Word, mystic value of, 15, 56, 57, 176-179, 295-297.

Worship, ambiguity in term, 67, 77.

Zeus, 49; grave of, in Crete, 93, 259-260; Herkeios, 149-150; Horios,

152; Kouros, 259; Panamaros in Caria, 90; Polieus, 238; Thunderer in

Bithynia, 95.

ENDNOTES.

CHAPTER I NOTES

[11.1] I am aware that there are exceptions to this principle, which I

propose to consider in a future course; no single formula can ever sum

up all the phenomena of a complex religion.

[14.1] _Vide_ Langdon, in _Transactions of Congress of the History of

Religions_, 1908, vol. i. p. 251.

[15.1] P. 382, C.

[15.2] _Vide_ Petrie, in _Transactions of Congress of the History of

Religions_, 1908, vol. i. p. 192.

[17.1] _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, 1904.

[17.2] _Vide_ Jastrow, _Religion Babyloniens u. Assyriens_, vol. i. p.

545.

[20.1] _Vide_ my _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 139-152.

[21.1] 1. 132.

[25.1] _Transactions of Congress of History of Religions_, 1908, vol.

i. p. 192.

[25.2] _Hibbert Journal_, 1904, “Sacrificial Communion in Greek

Religion.”

CHAPTER II NOTES

[31.1] _Vide_ the critical remarks on such a view by Prof. Jastrow in

_Transactions of the Third International Congress of the History of

Religions_, vol. i. pp. 234-237.

[34.1] Vide _Annual of the British School_, 1909, 1910.

[35.1] _Vide_ Zimmern, _Die Keilinschriften und das alte Testament_

(K.A.T.)3, pp. 37-38.

CHAPTER III NOTES

[40.1] _Vide supra_, p. 9.

[41.1] Westermarck maintains the view in his _Origin and Development

of Moral Ideas_, pp. 663-664, that in many savage religions the gods

have no concern with ordinary morality; but the statistics he gives

need careful testing.

[42.1] _Op. cit._, p. 170; as far as I know, only one fact might be

cited in support of Tiele’s view, a fact mentioned by Jastrow, _op.

cit._, p. 52, that the ideogram of Enlil, the god of Nippur, signifies

Lord-Daimon (Lil = Daimon); but we might equally well interpret it

“Lord of Winds.”

[42.2] _Vide_ Hüsing, _Der Zagros und seine Völker_, p. 16.

[43.1] _Vide_ Plate in Winckler, “Die Gesetze Hammurabi,” in _Der Alte

Orient_, 1906.

[43.2] Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l’art, Assyrie_, p. 109, fig.

29 (Roscher, _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2358).

[44.1] 3, 8.

[45.1] Messerschmidt, _Die Hettiter_, p. 9; Stanley Cook, _Religion of

Ancient Palestine_, p. 73.

[45.2] So Cook, _op. cit._, p. 73, who interprets her as Astarte.

[45.3] Winckler, _Tel-El-Amarna Letters_, 17.

[46.1] _Vide_ Winckler, _Mittheil des deutsch. Orientgesellsch._,

1907, No. 35.

[46.2] Winckler, _Die Völker Vorderasiens_, p. 21; Messerschmidt,

_op. cit._, p. 5; Kennedy, _Journ. Royal Asiat. Soc._, 1909, p. 1110,

declares that their language has been proved to belong to the

Ural-Altaic group and to be akin to Vannic.

[46.3] _Vide_ Messerschmidt, p. 25 (plate); Von Oppenheim, _Der

Tel-Halaf und die verschleierte Gottin_, p. 17, publishes a somewhat

similar figure holding a kind of club.

[47.1] Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l’art_, iv. p. 354 (fig.).

[47.2] _Vide_ Garstang, _The Land of the Hittites_, pl. lxiii.-lxxi.;

Messerschmidt, _op. cit._, pp. 26-27.

[48.1] e.g. _Outlines of Greek Religion_, by R. Karsten, p. 6.

[48.2] _Vide supra_, p. 46; cf. E. Meyer, _Das erste Auftreten der

Arier in der Geschichte in Sitzungsb. d. konigl. Preuss. Akad.

Wissensch._, 1908, pp. 14 _seq._

CHAPTER IV NOTES

[52.1] _Vide supra_, p. 43.

[52.2] _Vide supra_, p. 43.

[52.3] _Vide_ Roscher, _Lexikon_, vol. iii. p. 48, _s.v._ “Nebo.”

[52.4] _Vide_ Roscher, _op. cit._, iii. p. 67 (_Mitth. aus dem Orient.

Sammlung. zu Berlin_, Heft xi. p. 23).

[52.5] _Monuments of Nineveh_, i. p. 65 (Roscher, _op. cit._, ii. p.

2350).

[52.6] P. 43.

[52.7] Roscher, _op. cit._, vol. iv. p. 29.

[53.1] Roscher, _op. cit._, iii. p. 254-255.

[53.2] Schrader, _Keil. Bibl._, ii. p. 141.

[53.3] _Frag. Hist. Graec._, ii. p. 496. Frag. 1, 3.

[53.4] _Nineveh and Babylon_, pl. vi. (Roscher, _op. cit._, iii. p.

580).

[54.1] Layard, _Nineveh and Babylon_, fig. 2. Roscher, _op. cit._,

iii. p. 580.

[54.2] In the _Amer. Journ. Archael._, 1887, pp. 59-60, Frothingham

cites examples from Assyrian cylinders of birds on pillars or altar

with worshippers approaching: one of these shows us a seated god in

front of the bird (pl. vii. 1); on another, a warrior approaches a

tabernacle, within which is a horse’s head on an altar, and near it a

bird on a column (pl. vii. 2; cf. the boundary-stone of Nebuchadnezzar

I., published by Miss Harrison, _Trans. Congr. Hist. Rel._, 1908, vol.

ii. p. 158); we find also a winged genius adoring an altar on which is

a cock. But cocks and other birds were sacrificial animals in

Babylonian ritual, and might be interpreted in all these cases as mere

temporary embodiments of the divinity’s power; the human-shaped

divinity is once represented by the side of the bird, and might always

have been imagined as present though unseen.

[55.1] Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii. p. 268.

[55.2] _Vide_ chapter i. pp. 14-15.

[56.1] Langdon, _Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms_, p. 127.

[56.2] Schrader, _Keilinsch. Bibl._, ii. pp. 79, 83.

[56.3] _Op. cit._, p. xix.

[57.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 159, n. 18. Compare with this the

personification of abstract ideas; the children of Shamash are Justice

(Kettu) and Law (Mésaru), and remain impersonal agencies, unlike the

Greek Θέμις. A deified Righteousness (sedek) has been inferred from

personal names that occur in the Amarna documents; _vide_ Cook,

_Palestine_, p. 93.

[57.2] _Vide_ his article on “Eschmun-Asklepios,” in _Orient. Stud. zu

Th. Nöldeke am 70ten Geburtstag gewidmet_: the proofs are doubtful,

but snake-worship in Phoenicia is attested by Sanchuniathon, Eus.

_Praep. Ev._, 1, 10, 46.

[57.3] Cook, _Religion of Ancient Palestine_, pp. 30-31.

[58.1] _Praep. Ev._, 1, 10, 31. Glaser, _Mittheilungen uber einige

Sabaeische Inschriften_, p. 3-4, gives reasons for affirming the

worship of black bulls in heathen Arabia; but it is not clear in what

relation these stood to the high personal divinities.

[58.2] _Op. cit._, p. 545.

[59.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 223.

[59.2] Zimmern, _Babyl. Hymn. w. Gebete_, p. 11.

[59.3] _C. I. Sem._, 250.

[60.1] For references, _vide_ my _Cults of the Greek States_, vol.

ii., “Aphrodite,” R. 113a.

[60.2] _Vide_ Head, _Hist. Num._, p. 586.

[61.1] Perrot et Chipiez, _Histoire de l’art_, iv. fig. 329; cf.

Garstang, _op. cit._, p. 256.

[61.2] _Supra_, p 43.

[61.3] Messerschmidt, _op. cit._, p. 23.

[61.4] _Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc._, 1909, p. 971.

[62.1] Luschan, _Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli_, Heft iii. Taf. 42, 43;

cf. Garstang, _op. cit._, p. 274.

[62.2] _Vide_ Roscher, _op. cit._, iii., _s.v._ “Ramman.”

[62.3] Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._, iv. p. 549, fig. 276; cf. fig.

278.

[62.4] _Op. cit._, ii. pp. 642-644.

[63.1] Cumont, _Voyage d’exploration dans le Pont_, p. 139.

[64.1] _Vide_ Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._, vol. iv. fig. 107; cf.

the relief-figure of Cybele on a Phrygian rock-tomb, wearing on her

head a polos, with two lions rampant raising their paws to her head,

published by Ramsay, _Hell. Journ._, 1884, vol. v. p. 245; cf. Perrot

et Chipiez, iv. fig. 110 (“little more than the earlier columnar form

of the goddess slightly hewn,” Evans, _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 166).

[64.2] _Vide_ “Mycenaean Stone and Pillar-cult,” _Hell. Journ._, 1901.

[65.1] Evans, “Report of Excavations,” _Ann. Brit. School_, 1902-1903,

p. 92, fig. 63.

[65.2] _Ann. Brit. School_, 1900-1901, p. 29, fig. 9.

[65.3] Published by Evans in _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 170, fig. 48.

[65.4] _Vide_ Paribeni’s publication in the _Monumenti Antichi della

Accademia dei Lincei_, 1908 (xix.), pp. 6-86, pls. i.-iii.

[65.5] Cf. _Ann. Brit. School_, 1900-1901, p. 59, fig. 38; young god

with shield and spear and lioness or mastiff by his side, on clay seal

impression.

[69.1] _Ann. Brit. School_, 1901-1902, p. 29.

[70.1] _Op. cit._, p. 98, fig. 56.

[70.2] _Trans. Cong. Hist. Relig._, ii. p. 155.

[70.3] P. 65.

[71.1] _Op. cit._, i. p. 254.

[71.2] _Ann. Brit. School_, 1900-1901, p. 29, n. 3.

[71.3] _Ib._, p. 98.

[72.1] Lucian, _De Dea Syr._, 34; cf. Diod. Sic. 2, 5. Dove with

“Astarte” on coins of Askalon, autonomous and imperial, Head, _Hist.

Num._, p. 679.

[72.2] According to Aelian, certain sparrows were sacred to Asklepios,

and the Athenians put a man to death for slaying one (_Var. Hist._, v.

17). Did Asklepios as an anthropomorphic divinity emerge from the

sparrow? What, then, should we say of the sacred snake who might

better claim to be his parent? Was Hermes as a god evolved from a

sacred cock? Miss Harrison believes it (_op. cit._, ii. p. 161),

because he is represented on a late Greek patera standing before a

cock on a pillar. But the cock came into Europe perhaps one thousand

years after Hermes had won to divine manhood in Arcadia. On the same

evidence we might be forced to say that the goddess Leto came from the

cock (_vide_ Roscher’s _Lexikon_, ii. p. 1968, cock on gem in Vienna,

with inscription Λητω Μυχια).

[73.1] _Ann. Brit. School_, 1900-1901, p. 30; cf. the paper by M.

Salomon Reinach, “Anthropologie,” vi., “La sculpture en Europe avant

les influences Gréco-Romaines,” p. 561.

[74.1] Evans in _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 169; Winter, _Arch. Anz._,

1890, p. 108.

[74.2] Hogarth, _Hell. Journ._, 1902, p. 92.

[74.3] _Vide_ gem from Vapheio, published by Evans, _Hell. Journ._,

1901, p. 101, fig. 1; cf. p. 117, figs. 13, 14.

[75.1] Hogarth, _op. cit._, pp. 79, 91.

[75.2] Evans, _Palace of Cnossus_, p. 18, fig. 7a.

[76.1] _Vide_ my _Cults_, iv. p. 115.

[77.1] _Protrept._, p. 34, P.

[77.2] _Protrept._, p. 34, P.; Aelian, _Nat. An._, xii. 5. Similarly,

when Diodorus tells us that “the Syrians honoured doves as goddesses”

(2, 5), the statement lets little light on the real religious feeling

and religious practice of the people.

[77.3] _Op. cit._, pp. 129-152.

[78.1] See my _Cults_, v. pp. 165, 167, R. 79.

[78.2] _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_, p. 99.

[78.3] _Cults_, iv. p. 115.

[78.4] This view of the passage is more probable than that which I

have taken in _Cults_, i. p. 37 (R. 8, p. 141).

[79.1] _Commentary on Pausanias_, vol. iii. p. 55.

[80.1] _Bull. Corr. Hell._, 1899, p. 635 (plate).

CHAPTER V NOTES

[82.1] _Archiv. für Religionswissenschaft_, 1904, “Sociologic

hypotheses concerning the position of women in ancient religion.”

[83.1] _Vide supra_, p. 43.

[83.2] _Vide_ Jastrow, _op. cit._, i. p. 216.

[83.3] Zimmern, _Bab. Hymn. u. Gebete_, p. 20.

[83.4] _Ib._, p. 24.

[84.1] A. Jeremias in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, vol. iii. p. 62, _s.v._

“Nebo.”

[84.2] _Zeitschr. f. Assyriologie_, 1890, p. 72.

[84.3] Jastrow, _op. cit._, vol. i. p. 525; cf. the inscription of the

last of the Babylonian kings, Nabuna’id, who prays to Ningal, the

mother of the great gods, to plead for him before Sin (_Keilinschr.

Bibl._, iii. p. 103).

[85.1] _Der Alte Orient_ (1904), p. 20.

[85.2] Weber, _op. cit._, p. 19.

[85.3] _C. I. Sem._, 2, 1, n. 2, 113.

[85.4] Sanda, _Der Alte Orient_, “Die Aramäer,” p. 24.

[85.5] Lagrange, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_, p. 492.

[86.1] xxi. 29.

[86.2] Von Landau, _Die phönizischen Inschriften_, p. 13.

[86.3] _C. I. Sem._, 1, ii. ad init.

[86.4] _Ib._, 1, 7, p. 2.

[86.5] Von Landau, _op. cit._, p. 14.

[87.1] _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_, 2nd ed., p. 108; Garstang, _op. cit._,

pl. lxv.

[87.2] Messerschmidt, _Die Hettiter_, pp. 27, 28.

[87.3] Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._, figs. 280, 281.

[87.4] Garstang, _op. cit._, pl. lxxiii. pp. 262-263, 267-268.

[88.1] _Der Alte Orient_, 1908; _Der Tel-Halaf und die verschleierte

Göttin_, pp. 33, 36.

[88.2] _Vide_ Cook, _Religion of Ancient Palestine_, p. 73; Winckler,

_Tel-el-Amarna Tablets_; Garstang, _op. cit._, p. 348.

[88.3] Published by Ramsay, _Cities of St. Paul_, p. 134, fig. 7.

[88.4] Garstang, _op. cit._, pp. 175-176, interprets the figure as a

priest.

[89.1] _Vide_ my _Cults_, vol. ii., Artemis-References, R. 79m.

[89.2] _Adonis_, etc., 2nd ed., p. 129.

[89.3] _Religion of the Semites_, p. 52.

[89.4] In lecture delivered in Oxford on “Apollo,” and published 1909;

cf. his article in _Hermes_, 1903, p. 575.

[90.1] _Cults_, vol. ii., “Artemis” Coin-Pl. B, n. 28.

[90.2] Pp. 651, 652, 665.

[91.1] The inscriptions throwing light on the cult at Panamara are

contained in _Bull. Corr. Hell._, 11, 12, 15 (years 1887, 1888, 1891);

cf. the article in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, vol. iii., _s.v._ “Panamaros.”

[91.2] _Vide_ my _Cults_, vol. iv. p. 173; cf. _ib._, _Apollo Geogr.

Reg._, _s.v._ “Phrygia,” p. 452, and R. 57.

[91.3] The type with many breasts might have been suggested by

Babylonian symbolism, for the Goddess of Nineveh is spoken of as

four-breasted (_vide_ Jeremias in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, vol. ii.,

_s.v._ “Nebo”), but Dr. Hogarth’s excavations have shown that this

form of the Ephesian idol is late.

[92.1] _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 168.

[93.1] _Vide op. cit._, p. 108, fig. 4, and p. 175, fig. 51.

[93.2] _Cults_, vol. i. pp. 36-38; vol. iii. pp. 294-296.

[93.3] Cf. those cited in note 1 above, and the shield-bearing figure

painted on the tomb of Milato in Crete (_ib._ p. 174).

[94.1] _Mutter Erde_, 1905.

[94.2] _Vide_ my _Cults_, v. pp. 345-365.

[95.1] The Celtic question is more difficult: Prof. Rhys in his

excellent paper on Celtic religion, read as a Presidential address at

the Congress of the History of Religions, 1908 (_Transactions_, ii.

pp. 201-225), gives the impression that the goddess was more in

evidence than the god in old Irish mythology, and doubts whether to

attribute this to the non-Indogermanic strain in the population; he

notices also certain “matriarchal” phenomena in the religion; cf.

_ib._, p. 242.

[95.2] Herod., 1, 94; 4, 45 (note here the Thracian associations of

Manes).

[96.1] The Romanised-Celtic cult of a vague group of “Sanctae

Virgines,” attested by an inscription found near Lyons (Rhys, _Hibbert

Lectures_, p. 102), counts very little against this induction.

[96.2] The warlike character of these Virgin Goddesses, Athena,

Ishtar, might be explained on a sociologic hypothesis that would also

account for Amazonism; in modern Albania the girl who refuses marriage

is allowed to wear man’s dress and to bear arms, vide _Journ. Anthrop.

Inst._, 1910, p. 460.

[96.3] But in a recent paper (_Athenische Mittheilungen_, 1911, p. 27)

Frickenhaus and Müller give reasons for dating the earliest Heraeum

to the eighth century. At any rate, the goddess-cult in this locality

was vastly older.

CHAPTER VI NOTES

[100.1] _Bab. Hym. u. Gebet._, p. 11.

[100.2] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 230.

[100.3] In Roscher’s _Lexikon_, ii. 2371; cf. _ib._, 2367.

[101.1] Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii. p. 364.

[101.2] Jeremias, _op. cit._, iii. p. 250.

[101.3] Langdon, _Sum. Babyl. Psalms_, p. 83.

[101.4] Roscher, _Lexikon_, p. 252.

[102.1] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 484.

[102.2] Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii., _s.v._ “Nebo.”

[102.3] As Jeremias supposes, Roscher, _op. cit._, iii. p. 60.

[102.4] _Vide_ Tiele, _Histoire des anc. relig._, p. 242.

[103.1] _Vide_ Winckler, _Himmels und Weltenbild der Babylonier_, pp.

10-11. Jeremias, Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii. p. 58. But Jastrow, _op.

cit._, p. 84, seems to believe in the planetary origin of Ishtar, and

would explain her character as the planet Venus.

[103.2] Winckler, _ib._, p. 11.

[103.3] Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii. pp. 66-67.

[104.1] Langdon, _Hymn_ xiii. p. 199.

[104.2] _Ib._, p. 221.

[104.3] _Ib._, p. 277.

[104.4] _Ib._, p. 223.

[104.5] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 55.

[104.6] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 257.

[105.1] Pinches, _Babylonian and Assyrian Religions_, p. 104; cf.

“Nidaba,” Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 95, a goddess of agriculture.

[105.2] “Der Babylonische Gott Tamuz,” in _Abh. König. Sächs. Gesell.

Wiss._, xxvii. (1909).

[105.3] Zimmern regards Dumuzi or Damuzi as shortened from

Dumuzi-Abzu, but Jastrow (_op. cit._, p. 90) would keep the two names

distinct, and interprets Dumuzi simply as “Son of Life.”

[105.4] _Vide_ Zimmern in _Sitzungsb. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss._,

1907.

[105.5] Zimmern, _ib._, p. 208; cf. Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 307.

[106.1] Zimmern, _Sitzungsb. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss._, p. 220.

[106.2] Eus., _Praep. Ev._, 1, 9, 29.

[106.3] _Ib._, 1, 10, 6.

[107.1] Eus., _Praep. Ev._, 1, 10, 7.

[107.2] _Rel. of Sem._, pp. 96-100.

[107.3] Polyb., 7, 9 (the Carthaginian oath of alliance with Philip of

Macedon).

[108.1] Garstang, _op. cit._, p. 348.

[108.2] _Vide supra_, p. 88.

[108.3] _Vide_ my _Cults_, vol. iii. pp. 295-300.

[109.1] _Vide_ Ramsay, _Hell. Journ._, v. p. 261; my _Cults_, iii. p.

299.

[109.2] Ramsay, _ib._, p. 242.

[109.3] _Cults_, vol. v. p. 296 (Dionysos, R. 63d).

[109.4] The axe, the thunder-fetish, is attached to her at times,

either because it was the prevalent religious symbol in Crete or

because of her union with the Thunder-God.

[110.1] _E.g._ the “Tile-God,” the lord of foundations and tiles,

mentioned in the inscription of Nabonid in _Keilinschr. Bibl._, iii.

p. 101; but cf. Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 176, who regards him as a

special form of Ea.

[111.1] Vol. v. 417-420.

[111.2] For Sun-worship indicated by Minoan monuments _vide_ Evans,

_Hell. Journ._, 1901, pp. 172-173; on a stone at Tenos we find a

curious inscription, Ἡλιοσαρπήδονος (_Cults_, v. p. 451, R. 37), and

Sarpedon is a Minoan-Rhodian figure.

[112.1] Vide _Cults_, v. pp. 450-453, for references.

[113.1] _E.g._ Plutarch, _Vit. Agid._, c. 11 (the Spartan ephors every

nine years watch the sky, and if a star falls take it for a sign of

some religious offence of one of the kings, who is suspended until the

Delphic oracle determines about him).

[113.2] _Cults_, vol. i., “Zeus,” R. 30.

[113.3] _Ib._, vol. v. p. 452, R. 41.

[113.4] _Ib._, p. 450, R. 24.

[113.5] _Lakonische Kulte_, p. 316.

CHAPTER VII NOTES

[117.1] Müller, _Frag. Hist. Gr._, ii. 497.

[117.2] _Vide_ Pinches, _op. cit._, p. 76.

[117.3] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 246.

[117.4] _Id._, p. 146.

[117.5] _Id._, p. 297.

[118.1] _Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia_, p. 681.

[118.2] _Vide_ Margoliouth, _Life of Mahomet_, pp. 7, 8.

[119.1] _Keilinschr. Bibl._, iii. 1, p. 87.

[119.2] King, _Hammurabi_, pl. 191, no. 97, col. ii.; Jeremias, in

Roscher, _Lexikon_, iv. p. 29, _s.v._ “Ramman.”

[119.3] Jeremias, _s.v._ “Nebo,” in Roscher, _op. cit._, iii. p. 62.

[119.4] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 379.

[120.1] Schiel in _Rev. de l’histoire des religions_, 1897, p. 207.

[120.2] Jeremias, _Bab. Assyr. Vorstellungen von dem Leben nach dem

Tode_, p. 91.

[120.3] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 430.

[120.4] Jastrow, _op. cit._, vol. i. p. 34.

[120.5] Johns, _Babylonian and Assyrian Laws_, etc., p. 27.

[121.1] Reproduced on title-page of Winckler, _Die Gesetze Hammurabi_.

[121.2] Winckler, _op. cit._, p. 10.

[121.3] _Ib._, p. 39.

[121.4] _Keilinschr. Bibl._, ii. p. 47.

[121.5] _Vide_ Knudtzon, _Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott_, p.

241.

[121.6] _Vide_ Langdon, _Expositor_, 1909, p. 149; cf. Jeremias,

_s.v._ “Nebo,” Roscher, _op. cit._, iii. p. 55.

[122.1] Jeremias, _Die Cultus-tafel von Sippar_.

[122.2] See Jeremias, Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii. pp. 62-63.

[122.3] _Op. cit._, p. 170.

[122.4] _Op. cit._, p. 223.

[122.5] _K.A.T._3, pp. 639-640.

[123.1] _Vide_ Hilprecht in _Babyl. Exped. Univ. Pennsylv._, vol. v.

series D, pp. 24-29.

[123.2] _Vide_ Langdon, _Transactions of Congress of History of

Religions_, vol. i. p. 251.

[123.3] _Keilinschr. Bibl._, iii. 1, p. 97.

[123.4] _Vide_ Frazer’s paragraph on the divine character of Semitic

kings in _Adonis, Attis, Osiris_2, pp. 12-13.

[123.5] Lagrange, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_, p. 492.

[123.6] _Op. cit._, p. 481.

[124.1] _C. I. Sem._ 1, 1, 1 (cf. “Die Phönizischen Inschriften,” by

Freiherr von Landau, in _Der Alte Orient_, 1907, p. 13).

[124.2] Ezek. xxix. 2, 9; quoted by Frazer, _supra_.

[124.3] The same figure which I interpret as the priest-king occurs in

other religious scenes of Hittite sculpture; the type might often have

been used for the priest pure and simple, as Dr. Frazer would always

interpret it (_vide op. cit._, pp. 103-108).

[125.1] _Op. cit._, pp. 57-58.

[125.2] Strab., p. 535.

[125.3] _Vide_ Ramsay, _Hell. Journ._, x. p. 158; cf. Hyginus, 191

(Midas Rex Mydonius filius matris Deae).

[125.4] _Chil._, 1, 473; _vide_ Cook in _Class. Rev._, 1903, p. 408.

[126.1] _Vide_ my _Cults_, v. pp. 350-354; Frazer, _Journ. Philol._,

xiv. “The Prytaneum, Temple of Vesta.”

[127.1] C. D. Gray, _The Samas Religious Texts_ (Brit. Mus.), Hymn 1.

[127.2] _Keilinschr. Bibl._, ii. p. 131.

[127.3] Cook, _Religions of Ancient Palestine_, p. 109.

[127.4] Jeremias, _Hölle u. Paradies_, p. 17.

[128.1] Sterrett, _Epigraphical Journey_, No. 65.

[128.2] Vide _Cults_, vol. v. p. 19.

[128.3] _Vide_ Frazer, _Psyche’s Task_, pp. 18-30.

[129.1] _Vide_ Winckler’s “Die Gesetze Hammurabi” in _Der Alte

Orient_, 1906; an English version of the code in Johns’ _Babylonian

and Assyrian Laws and Contracts_.

[130.1] The son of the slain man could claim compensation for

manslaughter. In an Assyrian document a slave-girl is handed over to

the son at the grave of the slain man. This is interesting, for it

seems to point to some consideration for the feelings of the ghost

(_vide_ Johns, _op. cit._, p. 116).

[132.1] _Vide_ Johns, _op. cit._, p. 77.

[132.2] _Op. cit._, p. 83.

[132.3] _Op. cit._, p. 85.

[132.4] _Op. cit._, p. 86.

[132.5] _Op. cit._, p. 90.

[133.1] Translated by Scheil in _Rev. de l’hist. des Religions_, 1897,

p. 205.

[133.2] Zimmern in _K.A.T._3, p. 455; cf. his _Beiträge zur Kenntniss

der Babyl. Religion_, ii. p. 147, “for the House-God, the

House-Goddess, for the House-daimon thou shalt erect three altars.”

[134.1] For exceptions, _vide infra_, pp. 213, 217.

[134.2] _Vide_ Johns, _op. cit._, p. 133; quoting from paper by Dr.

Pinches in _Proceedings of the Victoria Institute_, 1892-93, “Notes on

some recent Discoveries in the Realm of Assyriology.”

[134.3] Johns, _op. cit._, p. 154, etc., treats Babylonian adoption

wholly as a secular business based on secular feelings.

[136.1] _Il._, 18, 505.

[137.1] _Od._, 3, 215.

[137.2] Vide _Cults_, iv. pp. 201-202.

[137.3] _Ib._, p. 202.

[137.4] _Ib._, pp. 104-106.

[138.1] _Vide_ my _Cults_, iii. pp. 80-81.

[138.2] _Ib._, pp. 53-55.

[138.3] _Vide supra_, pp. 129-131.

[139.1] _Vide_ my _Cults_, v. p. 345.

[139.2] _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 139-152.

CHAPTER VIII NOTES

[142.1] Zimmern, _Babylonische Hymnen und Gebete_, p. 20.

[142.2] Pinches, _op. cit._, p. 77.

[142.3] _Vide_ Jeremias, _Bab. Assyr. Vorstellungen vom Leben nach dem

Tode_, p. 68.

[142.4] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, pp. 433-434.

[143.1] Zimmern, _op. cit._, pp. 412, 587.

[143.2] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 83.

[143.3] Roscher, _Lexikon_, vi. p. 47, _s.v._ “Ramman.”

[144.1] Certain other minor powers or daimones, such as the

corn-deity, the Lord of Watercourses (Shuqamunu), may have remained

purely “functional,” and have acquired no moral attributes beyond the

beneficent exercises of their special function. But the habitual

Babylonian tendency is to moralise all the gods and goddesses.

[145.1] Ἀφροδίτη ἀνδροφόνος or ἀνόσιος, _Cults_, ii. p. 665, and

Διόνυσος ἀνθρωπορραίστης, _ib._, v. p. 156.

[146.1] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, pp. 416-418; Jastrow, _op. cit._, pp. 297,

487.

[148.1] Weber, _Dämonenbeschwörung bei den Babyloniern und Assyrern_,

p. 8.

[148.2] _Il._, 9, 312.

[150.1] _Od._, 22, 334.

[150.2] _Il._, 9, 63.

[150.3] _Il._, 15, 204.

[150.4] _Od._, 11, 280.

[151.1] Weber, _op. cit._, p. 8.

[152.1] Gray, _Samaš Religious Texts_ (British Museum), Hymn 1.

[152.2] Zimmern, _Babylonische Hymnen u. Gebete_, p. 18.

[153.1] Weber, _op. cit._, p. 9.

[153.2] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 23.

[154.1] “I have sinned and am therefore ill,” is the conventional

formula in the confessional exorcism (Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 26).

[154.2] Zimmern, _op. cit._, pp. 23-24.

[155.1] _Op. cit._, pp. 28-30.

[157.1] _Vide_ my _Evolution of Religion_, p. 128.

[159.1] Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii. p. 49.

[159.2] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 269.

[159.3] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 536. For the idea of the goddess as

the pleader for man before the high god, cf. the prayer of

Ashurbanapal to Ninlil (Jastrow, p. 525).

[159.4] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 15; _ib._, p. 11.

[159.5] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 200.

[160.1] _Il._, 9, 497; cf. my _Cults_, i. pp. 72-73, 75-77.

[160.2] _Vide_ Jeremias in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2355.

[160.3] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 225.

[160.4] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 490.

[160.5] _Ib._, p. 529.

[160.6] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 3.

[161.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 319.

[161.2] _Cults_, iii. p. 33.

CHAPTER IX NOTES

[163.1] Roscher, _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2354.

[163.2] _Vide_ Jeremias, _Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar_, p. 29.

[165.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 191.

[165.2] _Ib._, p. 193.

[165.3] _Ib._, p. 289.

[165.4] _Ib._, p. 3.

[165.5] Tabl. 9, 1, 11.

[165.6] _Choix des textes religieux Assyriens Babyloniens_, p. 270.

[165.7] _Vide_ Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 423; but cf. his _Beiträge zur

Kenntniss d. Babyl. Relig._, ii. p. 179, “trefflich ist die grosse

Buhle die herrliche Istar.”

[166.1] _E.g._ by Dhorme, _op. cit._

[166.2] _Keilinschr. Bibl._, ii. p. 47.

[166.3] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 11.

[166.4] _Ib._, p. 289.

[166.5] Jastrow, _op. cit._, 460.

[168.1] Only a late Greek inscription from Berytos designates Baal as

the pure God θεῷ ἁγίῳ (Dittenberger, _Orient. Graec. Inscr._, 590).

[168.2] Lagrange, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_, p. 482.

[168.3] _Vide_ Weber, _Arabien vor dem Islam_, p. 18.

[168.4] Epiphanius, _Panarium_, 51; cf. my _Cults_, ii. 629.

[168.5] _C. I. Sem._, 1, 1, 195.

[169.1] _De Civ. Dei_, 2, 4; cf. Roscher, _Lexikon_, i., _s.v._

“Caelestis.” _C.I.L._, 8, 9796.

[169.2] Perrot et Chipiez, _op. cit._, iv. fig. 280.

[169.3] Year 1909.

[170.1] Vide _Cults_, iii. pp. 305-306; Sir William Ramsay, in _Amer.

Journ. Arch._, 1887, p. 348, expressed his belief in the prevalence of

the cult of an Anatolian goddess in the later period, regarded as a

virgin-mother and named Artemis-Leto; the fact is merely that the

goddess Anaitis was usually identified with Artemis, but occasionally

with Leto; but we nowhere find Artemis explicitly identified with

Leto, and the interpretation which he gives to the Messapian

inscription (Artamihi Latho[i], vide _Rhein. Mus._, 1887, p. 232,

Deeke) appears to me unconvincing.

[170.2] The fact that a part of her temple at Kyzikos was called

Παρθενών does not indicate a virgin-goddess. M. Reinach is, in my

opinion, right in explaining it as “the apartment of the maidens”

where the maiden priestesses assembled (_Bull. Corr. Hell._, 1908, p.

499).

[171.1] _Cults_, vol. i., “Athena,” R. 66.

[171.2] A different view of the whole question might be presented if I

was dealing here with the evidence gleaned from the period just before

Christianity.

[172.1] _Cults_, iii. p. 206.

[172.2] 8, 44, 5.

CHAPTER X NOTES

[173.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, pp. 1, 7.

[174.1] _Vide_ Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 225.

[174.2] _Vide_ Roscher, _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2348.

[174.3] _Vide_ Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 401.

[175.1] Even the Pythian Apollo, in our earliest record of his oracle,

is only the voice of “the counsels of God” (cf. Hom. _Od._, 8, 79).

[176.1] Weber, _Dämonenbeschwörung bei den Babyloniern und Assyrern_,

p. 7.

[176.2] Roscher, _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2355, quoting Hymn iv. R. 29, 1.

[176.3] Dhorme, _Choix_, etc., p. 25, l. 39.

[176.4] _E.g._ Langdon, _op. cit._, pp. 39-41; cf. p. xix.

[176.5] Zimmern, _Babyl. Hymne u. Gebete_, p. 8.

[177.1] Dhorme, _Choix_, etc., p. 343.

[177.2] Roscher, _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2367 (iv. R. 26, n. 4).

[177.3] Langdon, _op. cit._, pp. 39, 99.

[177.4] _Vide_ my essays in _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 184-192.

[177.5] Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 129.

[177.6] Dhorme, _op. cit._, p. 5, l. 7.

[177.7] Jeremias, _Hölle und Paradies_, p. 12; Roscher, _Lexikon_,

_s.v._ “Ninib,” iii. p. 368.

[178.1] _Vide infra_, pp. 291-293.

[179.1] _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 186, 187.

[179.2] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, pp. 490, 491, 497.

[180.1] Pp. 52-100; cf. Pinches, _Religion of Babylonia and Assyria_,

p. 30, etc.; Zimmern, _op. cit._, 488-506.

[180.2] _Il._, 14, 246, 302.

[180.3] _E.g._, _vide_ A. Lang, _Myth Ritual and Religion_, pp. 182,

198, 203; cf. Macdonell, _Vedic Mythology_, pp. 13, 14; Golther,

_Handbuch der German. Mythologie_, pp. 512-514.

[182.1] Macdonell, _op. cit._, pp. 12, 13.

[182.2] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 497.

[182.3] _Vide_ A. Lang, _Myth Ritual and Religion_, ii. pp. 29, 30.

[183.1] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 498; cf. King, _op. cit._, pp. 84-86.

[183.2] _Vide_ Strab., p. 626; others placed it in the volcanic region

of Lydia (_ib._, p. 579).

[183.3] Cf. King, _op. cit._, pp. 101, 102 (plate); and Zimmern,

_K.A.T._3, pp. 502, 503, n. 2.

[184.1] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 497.

[184.2] King, _op. cit._, pp. 88-91; Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 498 (b).

[185.1] Ad Ov. _Metam._, 1, 34 (the authenticity of the Lactantius

passage is doubted; _vide_ Bapp in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, iii. p. 3044).

[185.2] The first is specially Babylonian, the second in Esarhaddon’s

inscriptions (_vide_ Jastrow, _op. cit._, pp. 248, 249).

[185.3] “La Trinité Carthaginoise” in _Gazette Archéol._, 1879-1880.

[185.4] Evans, in _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 140.

[186.1] _Vide_, however, Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 419, who tries to

derive the Christian Trinity ultimately from Babylon.

[186.2] _Vide_ Roscher, _Lexikon_, iii. p. 67, _s.v._ “Nebo.”

[187.1] Vide _Cults_, v. p. 431.

[187.2] _Vide op. cit._, vol. iii. pp. 284-285.

[187.3] _Vide op. cit._, vol. i. pp. 84, 85.

[187.4] Made by Weber in _Arabien vor dem Islam_, p. 19.

[188.1] _Vide_ Pinches, _op. cit._, p. 118; Jastrow, _op. cit._, p.

203, n. 1.

[188.2] Quoted by Jeremias in his article on “Nebo” in Roscher,

_Lexikon_, iii. p. 49.

[189.1] It is interesting to note the cult of the supreme god under

the title of Μέγιστος in the remote district and city of Boulis, which

excited the attention of Pausanias. Yet the men of Boulis were no

monotheists, for they had temples of Artemis and Dionysos (Paus., 10,

37, 3; cf. my article in _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B.

Tylor_, 1907, p. 92).

CHAPTER XI NOTES

[192.1] _Vide_ Langdon, _Transactions of Congress of Rel._, 1908, i.

p. 254.

[192.2] Zimmern, _Babylon. Hymn. u. Gebete_, p. 27.

[192.3] Langdon, _Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms_, p. 269.

[192.4] _Keilinschr. Bibl._ (Schrader), vol. ii. pt. ii. p. 69.

[192.5] iv. R. 3, 5; quoted by Jeremias in _Bab. Assyr. Vorstell. vom

Leben nach dem Tode_.

[192.6] _Keilinschr. Bibl._, iii. 2, p. 11.

[193.1] In Aesch. _Agam._, l. 70, the words οὔτε δακρύων are spurious,

as I have argued in _Class. Review_, 1897, p. 293.

[193.2] We might perhaps infer their recognition from the occasional

use of the word δεισιδαίμων in a partly good sense, _e.g._ Aristot.

_Pol._, 5, 11, 25; Xen. _Ages._, 11, 8; but its bad sense is more

emphasised by Theophrastos in his “Characters.”

[193.3] Nebukadnezar (of all people) calls himself more than once “the

humble, the submissive,” _e.g._ _Keilinschr. Bibl._, iii. p. 63.

[193.4] We find the phrase δοῦλος ὑμέτερος also in the Greek magic

papyri, but these are charged with the Oriental spirit; Kenyon, _Greek

Pap._, i. p. 108, ll. 745-6.

[194.1] _C. I. Sem._, 1, No. 122.

[194.2] These facts are collected and exposed in a valuable article by

Perdrizet in _Archiv. für Relig. Wissensch._, 1911, pp. 54-129; cf.

_Revue des Études anciennes_, 1910, pp. 236-237; _Hell. Journ._, 1888,

pl. vi.

[195.1] _Vide_ O. Weber, _Arabien vor dem Islam_, p. 21.

[196.1] Dittenberg, _Orient. Graec. Inscr._, 619 (= Lebas-Waddington,

_Inscr._, iii. 2393); the reading here is Θεὸν Αὐμόν, probably a

mistake for Αὐμοῦ; cf. Lebas-Wadd., 2395 and 2455.

[196.2] _Vide_ Roscher’s _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2752.

[196.3] _Vide ib._, iii. p. 1496.

[196.4] _Cults_, vol. i., “Athena,” R. 96_b_ (Paus., 1, 42, 4); as

regards “Apollo Sarpedonios” we are uncertain whether the title was

not merely local-geographical.

[197.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, pp. 309, 321; cf. the lines in the hymn,

p. 335: “I am the child who upon the flood was cast out--Damu, who on

the flood was cast out, the anointed one who on the flood was cast

out.”

[197.2] Bergk’s _Lyr. Graec._, iii. p. 654.

[199.1] Pp. 222-223.

[199.2] _Vide supra_, p. 42.

[199.3] _Keilinschr. Bibl._, ii. p. 191.

[200.1] _Keil. Bibl._, ii. p. 11.

[200.2] _Ib._, p. 69.

[200.3] _Ib._, p. 257.

[201.1] _Keil. Bibl._, ii. pp. 133-134.

[201.2] _Ib._, pp. 203, 207.

[201.3] _Ib._, p. 205.

[202.1] We note the indication of a cruel human

sacrifice--consecration of a child to a god or goddess by fire--as a

legal punishment for reopening adjudicated causes (Johns, _Babylonian

and Assyrian Laws_, etc., p. 95).

CHAPTER XII NOTES

[205.1] _Vide_ Dr. Langdon’s paper on “Babylonian Eschatology;” in

_Essays in Modern Theology_ (papers offered to Professor Briggs,

1911), p. 139.

[205.2] _Vide_ Jeremias, _Hölle und Paradies_, p. 30; cf. King, _Bab.

Rel._, p. 46--formula for laying a troubled and dangerous ghost--“let

him depart into the west; to Nedu, the Chief Porter of the Underworld,

I consign him.” The west was suggested to the Hellene because of the

natural associations of the setting sun; to the Babylonian, perhaps,

according to Jeremias, _op. cit._, p. 19, because the desert west of

Babylon was associated with death and demons.

[205.3] The “waters of death” figure in the Epic of Gilgamesh, _e.g._

King, _op. cit._, p. 169.

[205.4] _Vide_ inscr. of Sargon II. in _Keil. Bibl._, ii. 2, pp.

75-77, 79: “Ea, Sin, Shamash, Nabu, Ramman, Ninib, and their benign

spouses, who were rightfully born on Iharsaggalkurkurra, the Mountain

of the Underworld.”

[206.1] Passage in “The Descent of Ishtar,” Jeremias, _op. cit._, p.

20.

[206.2] King, _op. cit._, pp. 45-46.

[208.1] _Vide_ Langdon, _op. cit._

[209.1] Cook, _Religion of Ancient Palestine_, p. 36.

[209.2] _Vide_ Langdon, _op. cit._

[209.3] _Vide_ Prof. Margoliouth’s article on “Ancestor-worship” in

Hastings’ _Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics_.

[210.1] King’s translation in _Babyl. Relig._, pp. 48-49. Cf.

Jeremias, _Hölle u. Paradies_, p. 12.

[211.1] Cook, _The Religion of Ancient Palestine_, p. 35.

[211.2] _E.g._ Eur. _Troad._, 1085, σὺ μὲν φθίμενος ἀλαίνεις ἄθαπτος,

ἄνυδρος.

[212.1] Langdon, _op. cit._

[212.2] King, _op. cit._, p. 176.

[212.3] Thureau-Dangin, _Les cylindres de Goudéa_, p. 57: Les héros

morts leur bouche auprès d’une fontaine il plaça.

[212.4] Winckler, _op. cit._, p. 41.

[212.5] Jeremias, _op. cit._, p. 15.

[213.1] _E.g._ Peiser, _Sketch of Babylonian Society_, in the

Smithsonian Institute, 1898, p. 586, speaks as if it was

ancestor-worship that held the Babylonian family together.

[213.2] _Vide_ my article on “Hero-worship” in _Hibbert Journal_,

1909, p. 417.

[214.1] V. Landau, _Phönizische Inschr._, p. 15.

[214.2] Jeremias, _Hölle u. Paradies_, p. 37.

[215.1] It would be idle for my purpose to distinguish between the

so-called “Achaean” and “Pelasgian” elements in the Homeric Νέκυια;

even if the latter ethnic term was of any present value for Greek

religion.

[215.2] Hesiod, Ἔργ. 110-170 (the men of the golden and the silver

ages and the heroes).

[216.1] _Vide_ Zimmern in _K.A.T._3, pp. 636-639; Jeremias, _Hölle u.

Paradies_, p. 25; cf. his _Die Babyl. Assyr. Vorstellungen rom. Leben

nach dem Tode_.

[216.2] _Vide supra_, p. 160.

[216.3] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 520; King, _op. cit._, p. 188.

[217.1] King, _op. cit._, p. 138.

[217.2] Lagrange, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_, p. 493.

[218.1] Cf. _Keil. Bibl._, ii. 109; Jeremias, _Hölle u. Paradies_, pp.

13-14.

[219.1] Jastrow, _op. cit._, pp. 472-473.

[219.2] _Ib._, p. 473.

[219.3] _Ib._, p. 472.

[219.4] Zimmern in _Sitzungsber. d. Kön. Sächs. Gesell. Wiss._ 1907,

“Sumerisch-Babylonische Tanzlieder,” p. 220.

[219.5] _Vide_ Jeremias in his article on “Nergal” in Roscher’s

_Lexikon_, iii. p. 251.

[219.6] It is doubtful if any argument can be based on the name

Ningzu, occasionally found as the name of the consort of Ereshkigal

(Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 637) and said to mean “Lord of Healing,” in

reference, probably, to the waters of life.

[219.7] Only in the story of Adapa he appears as one of the warders of

the gates of heaven (Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 521).

[220.1] The story of Aphrodite descending into Hades to seek Adonis is

much later than the period with which we are dealing. Nergal’s descent

to satisfy the wrath of Allatu and his subsequent marriage with her

(Jeremias, _Hölle und Paradies_, p. 22) is a story of entirely

different motive to the Rape of Kore.

CHAPTER XIII NOTES

[223.1] Cook, _The Religion of Ancient Palestine_, p. 17.

[223.2] _Researches in Sinai_, p. 72, etc., 186: he would carry back

the foundation to the fourth millennium B.C.

[223.3] Vide _Arch. Anzeig._, 1909, p. 498.

[223.4] Vide _Cults_, iii. p. 299.

[224.1] _Vide_ Hogarth’s evidence for the date of the earliest

Artemision, _Excavations at Ephesus_, p. 244.

[224.2] _Il._, i. 38.

[224.3] _Ib._, vi. 269, 299-300.

[224.4] _Ib._, ii. 550.

[224.5] _Ib._, ix. 405.

[224.6] _Vide_ Stengel, _Griechische Sacral-Altertümer_, p. 17.

[224.7] Vide _Athen. Mittheil._, 1911, pp. 27, 192.

[225.1] _Vide_ Jeremias in Roscher, _Lexikon_, ii. p. 2347, _s.v._

“Marduk.”

[225.2] Something near to it would be found in the cult-phrase Ζεὺς

Νᾶος of Dodona, which is a form commoner in the inscriptions than Ζεὺς

Νάϊος, if, with M. Reinach (_Rev. Archéol._, 1905, p. 97), we

regarded this as the original title and interpreted it as

“Zeus-Temple.” But the interpretation is hazardous.

[225.3] A disk on the top of a pole, _vide_ Jastrow, _Rel. Bab.

Assyr._, vol. i. p. 203.

[226.1] Cook, _op. cit._, p. 28.

[226.2] _Religion of the Semites_, pp. 185-195; “Mycenaean Tree and

Pillar Cult,” _Hell. Journ._, 1901. It is interesting to note that

Baitylos, a name derived from the Semitic description of the sacred

stone as the “House of God,” is given as the name of a divine king in

the cosmogony of Philo Byblius, Müller, _Frag. Hist. Graec._, iii. p.

567; cf. the baitylos with human head found at Tegea inscribed Διὸς

Στορπάω (fifth century B.C.), “Zeus of the lightning” (_Eph. Arch._,

1906, p. 64).

[227.1] _Vide_ Evans, _op. cit._, and _Annual of British School_,

1908, 1909.

[227.2] _Vide_ my _Cults_, i. pp. 13-18, 102; ii. pp. 520, 670; iv.

pp. 4, 149, 307; v. pp. 7, 240, 444.

[227.3] For the evidence of a pillar-cult of Apollo Agyieus and

Karneios coming from the north, vide _Cults_, vol. iv. pp. 307-308.

[227.4] The pillars known as “Kudurru,” with emblems of the various

divinities upon them, served merely as boundary-stones (_vide_

Jastrow, _op. cit._, i. p. 191; Hilprecht in _Babylonian Expedition of

University of Pennsylvania_, vol. iv.).

[228.1] 6, 269.

[228.2] _Cults_, ii. 445.

[228.3] _Op. cit._, vol. v. p. 8.

[229.1] Arnob. _Adv. Gent._, 5, 19 (in the mysteries of the Cyprian

Venus), “referunt phallos propitii numinis signa donatos.”

[229.2] Cook, _Religion of Ancient Palestine_, p. 28; cf. _Corp.

Inscr. Sem._, i. 11. 6, inscription found in cave, dedicated perhaps

by the hierodulai, “pudenda muliebria” carved on the wall.

[229.3] _Rel. of Sem._, pp. 437-438.

[229.4] _De Dea Syria_, c. 16 and c. 28.

[229.5] _Histoire de l’Art_, iv. pl. viii, D.

[230.1] Jeremias, in his articles on “Izdubar” and “Nebo” in Roscher’s

_Lexikon_, ii. p. 792 and iii. p. 65, concludes that a phallic emblem

was employed in the ritual of Ishtar; but he bases his view on the

translation of the word _ibattu_ in the Gilgamesh Epic, which is

differently rendered by King, _Babylonian Religion_, p. 163, and

Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 572.

[230.2] Thureau-Dangin, _Les Cylindres de Goudéa_, p. 69.

[231.1] This may explain the double phrase, used concerning the

institution and endowment of temple-rites in an inscription of the

time of Tiglath-Pileser III., which Zimmern translates by

“Opfer-Mahlzeiten,” _Keil. Bibl._, iv. p. 103; cf. especially _K.B._,

iii. p. 179 (inscr. of ninth century); Zimmern, _Beiträge zur

Kenntniss der Babyl. Relig._, ii. p. 99 (sacred loaves offered before

consultation of divinity).

[231.2] _Vide_ Robertson Smith, _op. cit._, p. 200.

[231.3] Vide _Cults_, i. p. 88; v. p. 199.

[232.1] Judges ix. 13; cf. Robertson Smith, _op. cit._, p. 203.

[232.2] Lagrange, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_, p. 506.

This seems to agree with the statement in Diodorus (19, 94) that the

Nabataeans tabooed wine; yet Dusares, the Arabian counterpart of

Dionysos, was a Nabataean god.

[232.3] Gray, _Shamash Religious Texts_, p. 21.

[232.4] Dhorme, _Choix_, etc., p. 41, l. 136.

[232.5] Vide _Cults_, iii. p. 390, R. 57h.

[232.6] _Ib._, ii. p. 646.

[234.1] Robertson Smith, _op. cit._, pp. 272-273.

[234.2] Athenae. 376_a_ (_Cults_, i. p. 141).

[234.3] _Cults_, ii. pp. 646-647.

[234.4] O. Weber, _Dämonenbeschwörung_, p. 29; his note on the

passage “that the unclean beast is offered as a substitute for an

unclean man” is not supported by any evidence.

[234.5] Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, pp. 409-410.

[235.1] Robertson Smith’s theory that the gift-sacrifice was a later

degeneracy from the communion-type is unconvincing; _vide_ specially

an article by Ada Thomsen, “Der Trug von Prometheus,” _Arch. Relig.

Wissensch._, 1909, p. 460.

[236.1] “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,” in _Hibbert

Journal_, 1904.

[236.2] _E.g._ _Il._, 1, 457-474; _Od._, 3, 1-41; 14, 426.

[236.3] Cf. Schol. _Od._, 3, 441 (who defines οὐλοχύται as barley and

salt mixed with water or wine… καὶ ἔθυον αὐτὰ πρὸ τοῦ ἱερείου…

κριθὰς δὲ ἐνέβαλον τοῖς θύμασι χάριν εὐφορίας); Schol. _Arist. Equ._,

1167, τοῖς θύμασιν ἐπιβαλλόμεναι [κριφαί]. _Vide_ Fritz. _Hermes_,

32, 235; for another theory, _vide_ Stoll, “Alte Taufgebraüche,” in

_Arch. Relig. Wissensch._, 1905, Beiheft, p. 33.

[237.1] _Vide_ Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” _Hell.

Journ._, 1901, pp. 114-115.

[237.2] _Od._, 14, 426; cf. the custom reported from Arabia of

mingling hair from the head of a worshipper with the paste from which

an idol is made.

[237.3] Aristoph. _Pax._, 956.

[237.4] Athenae, p. 419, B.

[237.5] Vide _Arch. Rel. Wiss._, 1909, p. 467; Thomsen there explains

it wholly from the idea of tabu.

[237.6] The common meal of the thiasotaï is often represented on later

reliefs, _vide_ Perdriyet, “Reliefs Mysiens,” _Bull. Corr. Hell._,

1899, p. 592.

[238.1] Vide _Cults_, i. pp. 56-58, 88-92.

[239.1] In my article on “Sacrificial Communion in Greek Religion,”

_Hibbert Journal_, 1904, p. 320, I have been myself guilty of this, in

quoting the story told by Polynaenus (_Strategem._ 8, 43), about the

devouring of the mad bull with golden horns by the Erythraean host, as

containing an example of a true sacrament.

[239.2] Vide _Cults_, vol. i. p. 145.

[239.3] See Crusius’ article in Roscher’s _Lexikon_, _s.v._

“Harpalyke.”

[240.1] Vide _Cults_, v. pp. 161-172.

[240.2] _Ib._, v. p. 165.

[241.1] _K.A.T._3, p. 596.

[241.2] Jeremias, _Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar_, p. 26.

[241.3] Zimmern, _Beiträge zur Kennt. Bab. Rel._, p. 15.

[242.1] _Vide_ Frazer, _Adonis-Attis-Osiris_, p. 189; cf. “Communion

in Greek Religion,” _Hibbert Journ._, 1904, p. 317.

[242.2] Jeremias, _Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar_, p. 28.

[243.1] Weber, _Dämonenbeschwörung_, etc., p. 29.

[243.2] iv. R2, pl. 26, No. 6; this is the inscription quoted by Prof.

Sayce (_vide infra_, p. 182, n.) as a document proving human

sacrifice. I owe the above translation to the kindness of Dr. Langdon;

it differs very slightly from Zimmern’s in _K.A.T._3, p. 597.

[243.3] Jeremias, _op. cit._, p. 29.

[243.4] Renan’s thesis (_C. I. Sem._, i. p. 229) that the idea of sin,

so dominant in the Hebrew and Phoenician sacrifice, was entirely

lacking in the Hellenic, cannot be maintained; he quotes Porph. _De

Abstin._, 1, 2, 24, a passage which contains an incomplete theory of

Greek sacrifice. The sin-offering is indicated by Homer, and is

recognised frequently in Greek literature and legend; only no

technical term was invented to distinguish it from the ordinary

cheerful sacrifice.

[244.1] _Cults_, ii. p. 441.

[244.2] Vide _K.A.T._3, pp. 434, 599, where Zimmern refers to the

monuments published by Ménant, _Pierres gravées_, i. figs. 94, 95,

97, as possibly showing a scene of human sacrifice. But Ménant’s

interpretation of them is wrong; _vide_ Langdon, _Babyloniaca_, Tome

iii. p. 236, “two Babylonian seals”; the kneeling figure is the owner

of the seal; the personage behind him is no executioner, but Ramman or

Teschub holding, not a knife, but his usual club. The inscriptions

published by Prof. Sayce (_Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch._, iv. pp. 25-29)

are translated differently by Dr. Langdon, so that the first one (iv.

R2, pl. 26, No. 6) refers to the sacrifice of a kid, not of an infant.

The misinterpretation of the inscription has misled Trumbull (_Blood

Covenant_, p. 166). The statement in 2 Kings xvii. 31 about the

Sepharvites in Samaria does not necessarily point to a genuine

Babylonian ritual, even if we are sure that the Sepharvites were

Babylonians.

[245.1] _Babylonian and Assyrian Laws_, p. 95.

[245.2] The excavations at Gezer have revealed almost certain evidence

of the early practice of human sacrifice; a number of skeletons, one

of a girl sawn in half, were found buried under the foundation of

houses (_vide_ Cook, _op. cit._, pp. 38-39).

[246.1] Stengel, _Die griechischen Kultusaltertümer_, p. 89.

[246.2] _K.A.T._3, p. 599.

[246.3] Jastrow, _op. cit._, i. p. 500.

[246.4] Might this be the meaning of a line in a hymn translated by

Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 549, “I turn myself to thee (O Goddess Gula),

I have grasped thy cord as the cord of my god and goddess” (_vide_

King, _Babyl. Magic_, No. 6, No. 71-94); or of the phrase in the

Apocrypha (_Epist. Jerem._, 43), “The women also with cords about them

sit in the ways”?

[246.5] Zimmern’s _Beiträge_, etc., p. 99.

[247.1] On the famous bronze plaque of the Louvre (Jeremias, _Hölle

und Paradies_, p. 28, Abb. 6) we see two representatives of Ea in the

fish-skin of the god; and on a frieze of Assur-nasir-pal in the

British Museum (_Hell. Journ._, 1894, p. 115, fig. 10; Layard,

_Monuments of Nineveh_, 1, pl. 30), two men in lions’ skins; but these

are not skins of animals of sacrifice.

[247.2] _Vide_ my _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 118-120.

[248.1] _K.A.T._3, p. 49.

[248.2] 3, 300; 19, 265-267.

[248.3] Polybius, 3, 25, ἐγὼ μόνος ἐκπέσοιμι οὕτως ὡς ὅδε λίθος νῦν.

[248.4] _Op. cit._, ii. p. 217.

[250.1] According to Dr. Langdon (_op. cit._, p. xvi.), the wailing

for Tammuz was developed in the early Sumerian period of the fourth

millennium.

[251.1] Langdon, _op. cit._, 300-341; cf. Zimmern,

“Sumerisch-Babylonische Tamuzlieder,” in _Sitzungsber. König. Sächs.

Gesell. Wissen._, 1907, pp. 201-252, and his discussion, “Der

Babylonische Gott Tamuz,” in _Abhandl. König. Sächs. Gesell. Wissen._,

1909.

[251.2] _Vide supra_, p. 105.

[251.3] _Vide_ Langdon, _op. cit._, p. 501.

[251.4] _Antiqu._, 8, 5, 3; cf. Clem. _Recogn._, 10, 24; Baudissin in

his _Eschmun-Asklepios_ (_Oriental. Stud. zu Nöldeke gewidmet_, p.

752) thinks that the Healer-god, Marduk Asclepios Eschmun, is himself

one who died and rose again in Assyrian and Phoenician theology. For

Asklepios of Berytos we have the almost useless story of Damascius in

Phot. _Bibl._, 573 H.; the uncritical legend in Ktesias (c. 21) and

Ael. _Var. Hist._, 13, 3, about the grave of Belitana at Babylon (to

which Strabo also alludes, p. 740), does not justify the view that the

death of Marduk was ever a Babylonian dogma.

[252.1] Perrot-Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art_, iv. pl. viii.

[253.1] _Rev. de Philol._, 1893, p. 195.

[253.2] _Vide_ Frazer, _op. cit._, pp. 98-99.

[253.3] K. O. Müller, _Kleine Schriften_, vol. ii. pp. 102-103.

[253.4] _Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc._, 1909, pp. 966, 971; the information

about the true meaning of the ideogram I owe to Dr. Langdon.

[254.1] _Vide supra_, p. 91; cf. _Cults_, ii. pp. 644-649; iii. pp.

300-305.

[254.2] The Babylonian myths of Etana and Adapa, and their ascent to

heaven, may have given the cue to the Phrygian stories of Ganymede and

Tantalos.

[256.1] Dr. Frazer, in _Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings_ (_G.

B._, vol. ii. p. 45), quotes from N. Tsackni (_La Russie Sectaire_, p.

74) an example of a fanatic Christian sect in modern Russia practising

castration. I have not been able to find this treatise.

[257.1] Vide _Cults_, iii. pp. 300-301. Dr. Frazer’s theory is that

the act of castration was performed in order to maintain the

fruitfulness of the earth (_op. cit._, pp. 224-237). But this is

against the countless examples which he himself has adduced of the

character and function of the priest or priest-king as one whose

virile strength maintains the strength of the earth; the sexual act

performed in the field by the owner increases the fruitfulness of the

field (Frazer, _GB_2, ii. p. 205). Why should the priest make himself

impotent so as to improve the crops? The only grounds of his belief

appear to be that the priest’s testicles were committed to the earth

or to an underground shrine of Kybele (Arnob. _Adv. Gent._, v. 14, and

Schol. Nikand. _Alexipharm._, 7; vide _Cults_, 3; Kybele Ref. 54_a_);

but such consecration of them to Kybele would be natural on any

hypothesis, and Arnobius’ words do not prove that they were buried in

the bare earth.

[259.1] Vide _Cults_, i. pp. 36-38.

[259.2] Vide _Evolution of Religion_, p. 62.

[260.1] Porph. _Vit. Pyth._, 17; cf. Callim. _H. ad. Jov._, 8; Diod.

Sic., 3, 61; vide _Cults_, i. pp. 36-37.

[260.2] _Vide_ A. Evans in _Hell. Journ._, xvii. 350.

[261.1] Vide _Cults_, vol. ii. p. 651; cf. Clem. _Recogn._, 10, 24,

“sepulcrum Cypriae Veneris apud Cyprum.”

[261.2] _Ib._, pp. 651-652.

[261.3] Vide _Cults_, vol. ii. pp. 447, n. _c._, 478, 638, n. _a._

[261.4] Aristot. _Rhet._, 2, 23.

[262.1] Athenae, p. 620 A (ζητεῖν αὐτὸν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας μετά τινος

μεμελῳδημένου θρήνου καὶ ἀνακλήσεως); Pollux., 4, 54.

[262.2] Frazer, _GB_2, vol. ii. p. 106.

[263.1] _Vide_ Thureau-Dangin, _Vorderasiatische Bibliothek_, i. p.

77.

[263.2] Weber, _Arabien vor dem Islam_, p. 19.

[264.1] _Vide_ Evans in _Hell. Journ._, 1901, p. 176.

[264.2] _Cults_, i. pp. 184-191.

[264.3] _Ib._, iii. pp. 123-124.

[264.4] _Ib._, iii. p. 176; cf. vol. iv. p. 34 n. _b._

[264.5] _Ib._, i. pp. 189-190.

[265.1] 1, 181.

[265.2] _Vide_, for instance, Dr. Langdon in the _Expositor_, 1909, p.

143.

[265.3] Winckler, _Die Gesetze Hammurabi_, p. 182.

[266.1] _Vide_ Dieterich, _Mithras-Liturgie_, pp. 126-127;

Reizenstein, _Die hellenistischen Mysterien-religionen_.

[266.2] _Vide_ Herzog’s _Real-Encyclop._, _s.v._ “Montanismus.”

[266.3] _Jourdanet et Siméon transl. of Sahagun_, pp. 147-148.

[266.4] Golther, _Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie_, p. 229; cf.

Mannhardt, _Baumkultus_, p. 589.

[267.1] Pausan., 2, 33, 3; 9, 27, 6; cf. my article in _Archiv. für

Religionswiss._, 1904, p. 74; E. Fehrle, _Die Kultische Keuschheit im

Alterthum_, p. 223, gives other examples which appear to me more

doubtful.

[267.2] Paus., 3, 16, 1.

[267.3] _Cults_, v. pp. 217-219.

[268.1] Vide _Cults_, v. p. 109.

[268.2] Winckler, _op. cit._, p. 110; Johns, _op. cit._, p. 54.

[269.1] Code, § 182.

[269.2] Jastrow, _op. cit._, ii. 157.

[269.3] _Vide_ Winckler’s interpretation of §§ 178, 180, 181; cf. also

Zimmern in _K.A.T._3, 423.

[269.4] 1, 199.

[270.1] _E.g._ Zimmern in _K.A.T._3, p. 423.

[270.2] Verse 43.

[271.1] The first to insist emphatically on the necessity of their

distinction was Mr. Hartland, in _Anthropological Essays presented to

E. B. Tylor_, pp. 190-191; but he has there, I think, wrongly

classified--through a misunderstanding of a phrase in Aelian--the

Lydian custom that Herodotus (1, 93) and Aelian (_Var. Hist._, iv. 1)

refer to; both these writers mention the custom of the women of Lydia

practising prostitution before marriage. Aelian does not mention the

motive that Herodotus assigns, the collection of a dowry; neither

associates it with religion. Aelian merely adds that when once married

the Lydian women were virtuous; this need have nothing to do with the

Mylitta-rite.

[272.1] _E.g._ Hosea iv. 13; Deut. xxiii. 18; 1 Kings xiv. 24.

[272.2] Weber, _Arabien vor dem Islam_, p. 18.

[272.3] _C. I. Sem._, 1, 263.

[272.4] Strab., 272.

[272.5] Strab., 559.

[272.6] Pind. _Frag._, 87; Strab., 378; (_Cults_, ii. p. 746, R. 99g).

[273.1] _Cities and Bishoprics_, i. 94. In his comment he rightly

points out that the woman is Lydian, as her name is not genuine Roman;

but he is wrong in speaking of her service as performed to a god

(Frazer, _Adonis_, etc., p. 34, follows him). This would be a unique

fact, for the service in Asia Minor is always to a goddess; but the

inscription neither mentions nor implies a god. The bride of Zeus at

Egyptian Thebes was also a temple-harlot, if we could believe Strabo,

p. 816; but on this point he contradicts Herodotus, 1, 182.

[273.2] _Et. Mag._, s.v. Ἱκόνιον.

[274.1] _De Dea Syr._, 6; cf. Aug. _De Civ. Dei_, 4, 10: “cui (Veneri)

etiam Phoenices donum dabant de prostitutione filiarum, antequam eas

jungerent viris”: religious prostitution before marriage prevailed

among the Carthaginians in the worship of Astarte (Valer. Max., 2, ch.

1, sub. fin.: these vague statements may refer either to defloration

of virgins or prolonged service in the temple).

[274.2] See Frazer, _op. cit._, p. 33, n. 1, quoting Sozomen. _Hist.

Eccles._, 5, 10, 7; Sokrates, _Hist. Eccles._, 1, 18, 7-9; Euseb.

_Vita Constantin._, 3, 58. Eusebius only vaguely alludes to it.

Sokrates merely says that the wives were in common, and that the

people had the habit of giving over the virgins to strangers to

violate. Sozomenos is the only voucher for the religious aspect of the

practice; from Sokrates we gather that the rule about strangers was

observed in the rite.

[274.3] 18, 5.

[274.4] This is confirmed by the legend given by Apollodoros (_Bibl._,

3, 14, 3) that the daughters of Kinyras, owing to the wrath of

Aphrodite, had sexual intercourse with strangers.

[275.1] Justin, 21, 3; Athenaeus, 516 A, speaks vaguely, as if the

women of the Lokri Epizephyrii were promiscuous prostitutes.

[275.2] Pp. 532-533.

[275.3] The lovers, Melanippos and Komaitho, sin in the temple of

Artemis Triklaria of the Ionians in Achaia; the whole community is

visited with the divine wrath, and the sinners are offered up as a

piacular sacrifice (Paus., 7, 19, 3); according to Euphorion,

Laokoon’s fate was due to a similar trespass committed with his wife

before the statue of Apollo (Serv. _Aen._, 2, 201). It may be that

such legends faintly reflect a very early ἱερὸς γάμος once performed

in temples by the priest and priestess: if so, they also express the

repugnance of the later Hellene to the idea of it; and in any case

this is not the institution that is being discussed.

[276.1] _Antike Wald u. Feld Kulte_, p. 285, etc.

[277.1] Why should not the priestess rather play the part of the

goddess, and why, if we trust Plutarch (_Vit. Artaxerx._, 27), was the

priestess of Anaitis at Ekbatana, to whose temple harlots were

attached, obliged to observe chastity after election?

[277.2] Vol. i. pp. 94-96.

[277.3] _Op. cit._, p. 35, etc.

[277.4] _Op. cit._, p. 44.

[278.1] I pointed out this objection in an article in the _Archiv. f.

Relig. Wissensch._, 1904, p. 81; Mr. S. Hartland has also,

independently, developed it (_op. cit._, p. 191).

[278.2] Vol. ii. p. 446.

[278.3] _Origin of Civilisation_, pp. 535-537.

[279.1] _Vide_ Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, p. 76.

[279.2] Mr. Hartland objects (_loc. cit._, p. 200) to this explanation

on the ground that the stranger would dislike the danger as much as

any one else; but the rite may have arisen among a Semitic tribe who

were peculiarly sensitive to that feeling of peril, while they found

that the usual stranger was sceptical and more venturesome: when once

the rule was established, it could become a stereotyped convention.

His own suggestion (p. 201) that a stranger was alone privileged, lest

the solemn act should become a mere love-affair with a native lover,

does not seem to me so reasonable; to prevent that, the act might as

well have been performed by a priest. Dr. Frazer in his new edition of

_Adonis_, etc. (pp. 50-54), criticises my explanation, which I first

put forth--but with insufficient clearness--in the _Archiv. für

Religionswissenschaft_ (1904, p. 88), mainly on the ground that it

does not naturally apply to general temple-prostitution nor to the

prostitution of married women. But it was never meant to apply to

these, but only to the defloration of virgins before marriage. Dr.

Frazer also argues that the account of Herodotus does not show that

the Babylonian rite was limited to virgins. Explicitly it does not,

but implicitly it does; for Herodotus declares that it was an isolated

act, and therefore to be distinguished from temple-prostitution of

indefinite duration; and he adds that the same rite was performed in

Cyprus, which, as the other record clearly attests, was the

defloration of virgins by strangers. Sozomenos and Sokrates attest the

same of the Baalbec rite, and Eusebius’s vague words are not

sufficient to contradict them. One rite might easily pass into the

other; but our theories as to the original meaning of different rites

should observe the difference.

[280.1] But _vide_ Gennep, _Les Rites de passage_, p. 100.

[280.2] Cf. Arnob. _Adv. Gent._, 5, 19, with Firmic. Matern. _De

Error._, 10, and Clemens, _Protrept._, c. 2, p. 12, Pott.

[281.1] 1, 199.

[281.2] The lady who there boasts of her prostitute-ancestresses

describes them also as “of unwashed feet”; and this is a point of

asceticism and holiness.

[282.1] _Op. cit._, p. 199.

[282.2] _K.A.T._3, p. 423.

[283.1] _Vide supra_, p. 163. The writer of the late apocryphal

document, “The Epistle of Jeremy,” makes it a reproach to the

Babylonian cult that “women set meat before the gods” (v. 30), and

“the menstruous woman and the woman in child-bed touch their

sacrifices” (v. 29), meaning, perhaps, that there was nothing to

prevent the Babylonian priestess being in that condition. But we

cannot trust him for exact knowledge of these matters. Being a Jew, he

objects to the ministration of women. The Babylonian and Hellene were

wiser, and admitted them to the higher functions of religion.

[283.2] Vide _Cults_, iv. p. 301.

[283.3] _Vide_ Inscription of Sippar in British Museum, concerning the

re-establishment of cult of Shamash by King Nabupaladdin, 884-860 B.C.

(Jeremias, _Die Cultus-Tafel von Sippar_).

[284.1] _Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms_, p. 75.

[284.2] _Vide_ Langdon in _Transactions of Congress for the History of

Religions_ (1908), vol. i. p. 250.

[284.3] Vide _Zeitung für Assyriologie_, 1910, p. 157.

[284.4] Formula for driving out the demon of sickness, “Bread at his

head place, rain-water at his feet place” (Langdon, _ib._ p. 252).

[284.5] Delitsch, _Wörterbuch_, i. 79-80.

[284.6] _Zeit. für Assyr._, 1910, p. 157.

[284.7] _Vide_ Hippocrates (_Littré_), vi. 362; Stengel,

_Griechischer Kultusaltertümer_ (Iwan Müller’s Handbuch, p. 110).

[285.1] Referred to in the comedy of Eupolis called the “Baptai.”

[285.2] Jastrow, _op. cit._, p. 500.

[285.3] _Op. cit._, p. 297, 487; the priest-exorciser, the Ashipu,

uses a brazier in the expulsion of demons.

[285.4] _Vide_ Golther, _Handbuch der Germanischen Mythologie_, p.

580; cf. my _Cults_, v. p. 196.

[285.5] _Cults_, vol. v. pp. 383-384; cf. iv. p. 301.

[286.1] _Cults_, v. p. 356; cf. p. 363 (the purifying animal carried

round the hearth).

[286.2] Eur. _Herc. Fur._, 928.

[286.3] Dio Chrys. _Or._, 48 (Dind., vol. ii. p. 144), περικαθήραντες

τὴν πόλιν μὴ σκίλλῃ μηδὲ δαδί, πολὺ δὲ καθαρωτέρῳ χρήματι τῷ λόγῳ (cf.

Lucian, _Menipp._, c. 7, use of squills and torches in “katharsis,”

(?) Babylonian or Hellenic); Serv. _ad Aen._, 6, 741, “in sacris

omnibus tres sunt istae purgationes, nam aut taeda purgant aut

sulphure aut aqua abluunt aut aere ventilant.”

[286.4] “To take fire and swear by God” is a formula that occurs in

the third tablet of Surpu; _vide_ Zimmern, _Beiträge zur Kenntniss

Babyl. Relig._, p. 13; cf. Soph. _Antig._, 264.

[286.5] Salt used as a means of exorcism in Babylonia as early as the

third millennium (_vide_ Langdon, _Transactions of Congress Hist.

Relig._, 1908, vol. i. p. 251); the fell “of the great ox” used to

purify the palace of the king (_vide_ Zimmern, _Beiträge_, p. 123;

compare the Διὸς κῴδιον in Greek ritual).

[287.1] _Vide_ Thureau-Dangin, _Cylindres de Goudéa_, pp. 29, 93.

[287.2] Vide _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 113, 114, 117; _Cults_, v.

p. 322 (Schol. Demosth., 22, p. 68).

[287.3] 5, 13, 6.

[287.4] Vide _Cults_, iii. pp. 303-304; _Evolution of Religion_, p.

121.

[288.1] _Vide supra_, p. 146.

[288.2] Vide _Cults_, iii. p. 167.

[288.3] Published in Zimmern’s _Beiträge_, p. 123; cf. Weber,

_Dämonenbeschwörung_, pp. 17-19.

[289.1] _Il._, xvi. 228.

[289.2] _Od._, ii. 261.

[289.3] _Il._, i. 313.

[290.1] _Od._, xxii. 481: In the passage referred to above, Achilles

uses sulphur to purify the cups.

[290.2] _Od._, xiii. 256-281: This is rightly pointed out by Stengel

in his _Griechische Kultusaltertümer_, p. 107.

[290.3] _Evolution of Religion_, pp. 139-152; _Cults_, iv. pp.

295-306.

[291.1] Vide _Cults_, iv. pp. 144-147, 300: To suppose that Hellas

learnt its cathartic rites from Lydia, because Herodotus (i. 35) tells

us that in his time the Lydians had the Hellenic system of

purification from homicide, is less natural. Lydia may well have

learnt it from Delphi in the time of Alyattes or Croesus. Or it may

have survived in Lydia as a tradition of the early “Minoan” period;

and, similarly, it may have survived in Crete.

[291.2] _Vide supra_, pp. 176-178.

[292.1] Vide _Cults_, iv. pp. 268-284.

[292.2] For similar practices, vide _Cults_, pp. 415-417.

[292.3] Clem. Alex. _Strom._, p. 755, Pott.

[293.1] Paus., 9, 33, 4.

[293.2] For the facts _vide_ Zimmern, _K.A.T._3, p. 592.

[294.1] _Works and Days_, l. 824.

[294.2] _Ib._, l. 804.

[294.3] _Expositor_, 1909, p. 156.

[294.4] _Vide_ Photius and Hesych., _s.v._ Μιαραὶ ἡμέραι.

[295.1] _Hell._, 1, 4, 12.

[295.2] Vide _Cults_, v. pp. 215-216.

[295.3] _Cults_, iv. p. 259.

[295.4] _Vide supra_, pp. 176-177.

[296.1] _Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms_, p. 196.

[296.2] King, _Babylonian Religion_, p. 196.

[296.3] _Vide_ Fossey, _La Magie Assyrienne_, p. 96.

[297.1] Knudtzon, _Assyrische Gebete an den Sonnengott_, p. 78 (texts

belonging to period of Asarhaddon, _circ._ 681).

[297.2] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., p. 161.

[298.1] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., p. 163.

[298.2] Fossey, _op. cit._, p. 399.

[298.3] iv. _R._ 56, 12; Fossey, _op. cit._, p. 401.

[298.4] _Expositor_, 1909, p. 150, giving text from iv. _R._ 40.

[299.1] Fossey, _op. cit._, p. 209.

[299.2] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, p. 173.

[299.3] _Supra_, p. 176.

[299.4] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 169.

[300.1] Zimmern, _Beiträge_, pp. 30-31; he mentions also the similar

practice of tying up a sheepskin or a fillet of wool and throwing it

into the fire.

[300.2] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 33: note magic use of knots in

general, _vide_ Frazer, _G.B._2, vol. i. pp. 392-403; _Archiv. für

Religionsw._, 1908, pp. 128, 383, 405. The superstition may have

prevailed in Minoan Crete (see A. Evans, _Annual British School_,

1902-1903, pp. 7-9) and was in vogue in ancient Greece.

[300.3] W. Warde Fowler, _The Religious Experiences of the Roman

People_, Gifford Lectures, p. 49.

[301.1] _Vide supra_, pp. 248-249; _Cults_, iv. p. 191.

[301.2] For the main facts relating to the Babylonian system and the

“baru”-priests, _vide_ Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., pp. 82-92; for the

Hellenic, vide _Cults_, iv. 190-192, 224-231; also vol. iii. 9-12.

[301.3] The documentary evidence, from a very early period, is given

by Zimmern, _Beiträge_, etc., pp. 85-97.

[301.4] L. 322: Clytemnestra speaks of pouring oil and vinegar into

the same vessel and reproaching them for their unsociable behaviour.

[302.1] We have also one example of an oracle of Ishtar (in plain

prose), _Keil. Bibl._, ii. p. 179.

[303.1] Zimmern, _op. cit._, p. 89.

[303.2] _Cults_, iii. p. 297.

[303.3] Lucian, _De Dea Syr._, 43.

[303.4] _Cults_, iii. p. 297.

[303.5] Vide _Cults_, iv. pp. 191-192; iii. p. 11.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES.

Page numbers are given in {curly} brackets.

Plain text version only: endnote markers are given in [square]

brackets.

Minor spelling inconsistencies (_e.g._ coexist/co-exist,

temple-ritual/temple ritual, etc.) have been preserved.

Add title, subtitle, and author’s name to cover image.

Alterations to the text:

Convert footnotes to endnotes, relabel note markers (append the

original note number to the page number), and add a corresponding

entry to the TOC.

[Title page]

Add commas to author’s bibliography.

[Chapter I]

Change “from the tyranny of a morbid _ascetism_” to _asceticism_.

[Chapter III]

“In his _Historie des anciennes Religions_, Tiele classifies” to

_Histoire_.

“and their aboriginal god was _Possidon_” to _Poseidon_.

[Chapter IV]

“and _expecially_ the powers of the lower world” to _especially_.

“Even _Allat_, the goddess of Hell, she who” to _Allatu_.

“the great Assyrian god _Ahshur_ is quaintly expressed” to _Asshur_.

“the idea that _Istar_ is the compeer in power” to _Ishtar_.

“between the Hittites and the _Assyrian Babylonian_ kingdom” to

_Assyrian-Babylonian_.

“no clear trace of _theriomophism_ either in the” to _theriomorphism_.

“how far the _Minaon_ religion was purely anthropomorphic” to

_Minoan_.

[Chapter V]

“I formerly developed in the second volume of my cults” capitalize

and italicize _cults_.

[Chapter VI]

“Still less is _Allalu_, the monstrous and grim Queen” to _Allatu_.

[Chapter VII]

(Alalkomenai, “the places of Athena Alalkomene; Nemea, “the…) add

right double quotation mark after _Alalkomene_.

[Chapter VII]

“about whom he is _particulurly_ thoughtful” to _particularly_.

[Chapter IX]

“and regards this _Hititte_ goddess as the ancestress” to _Hittite_.

[Chapter XIII]

“modern savagery and the history of _ascetism_” to _asceticism_.

(and bewail her”: “If you regard her as a deity, do) delete right

double quotation mark.

[Index]

“Hell, Babylonian conception of, 205-206” add period at end of line.

[Endnotes]

(Page 17, note 1) “_Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft_, 1904.” to

_für_.

(Page 42, note 1) “that the _idiogram_ of Enlil, the god of” to

_ideogram_.

(Page 84, note 3) “last of the Babylonian kings, _Nabuna ’id_, who

prays” to _Nabuna’id_.

(Page 124, note 1) “Die Phoenizischen Imschriften,” to _Phönizischen

Inschriften_.

(Page 148, note 1) “Weber, _Dämonenbeschworung bei den Babyloniern_…”

to _Dämonenbeschwörung_.

(Page 183, note 3) “pp. 502 503, n. 2” add comma after _502_.

(Page 232, note 2) “Lagranges, _Études sur les religions sémitiques_”

to _Lagrange_.

(Page 246, note 1) “Stengel, _Die griechischen Kultusalterthümer_, p.

89” to _Kultusaltertümer_.

(Page 286, note 5) “_vide_ Zimmern, _Beitrage_, p. 123;” to _Beiträge_.

[End of text]