TO HIS MOTHER.

I will use a spare hour to begin an account of our doings since I last

wrote, but I don't know when I shall be able to finish it, still less

when post it.

We left B. last Thursday morning and were told we should march sixteen

miles: we marched up the right bank, so our left flank was exposed to

the desert, and "D" Company did flank guard. My platoon formed the

outer screen and we marched strung out in single file. There were

cavalry patrols beyond us again, and anyway no Arab could come within

five miles without our seeing him, so our guarding was a sinecure.

We paraded as soon as it was light, at 7.15 a.m., but owing to the

transport delays, the column did not start till after 9.0. The

transport consists of: (a) ships and barges; (b) carts, mules and

camels. Each has its limitations. Ships tie you to the river-bank, so

every column must have some land transport. Camels can hardly move

after rain: they slip and split themselves. The carts are fearfully

held up by the innumerable ditches which are for draining the floods

back to the river. There are not nearly enough mules to go round and

they only carry 160lbs. each. So you can imagine our transport

difficulties. The country supplies neither food, fodder nor fuel. Our

firewood comes from India. If you leave the river you must carry every

drop of drinking water. So the transport line was three times as long

as the column itself, and moved more slowly.

Our new Brigadier turned up and proved to be a pleasant, sensible kind

of man, looking rather like Lord Derby. Having just come from France,

he keeps quite cool whatever we encounter. (P.S. We have had a new

Brigadier since this one, I haven't yet seen the present one.)

The march was slow and rough, as most of the ground was hard-baked

plough. The country was as level and bare as a table, bar the ditches,

and we hardly saw a human being all day. It took us till after 4 p.m.

to do our sixteen miles. About 2 p.m. we began to hear firing and see

shrapnel in the distance, and it soon became clear that we were

approaching a big battle. Consequently we had to push on beyond our

sixteen miles, and went on till Sunset. By this time we were all very

footsore and exhausted. The men had had no food since the night

before, the ration-cart having stuck in a ditch; and many of the

inexperienced ones had brought nothing with them. My leg held out

wonderfully well, and in fact has given me no trouble worth speaking

of.

We had to wait an hour for orders, the Brigadier knowing nothing of

the General's intentions. By six it was quite dark, and the firing had

ceased: and we got orders to retrace our steps to a certain camping

place (marked _I_ on sketch). This meant an extra mile, and immense

trouble and confusion in finding our way over ditches and then sorting

kits in the dark: but finally we did it, ate a meal, and turned in

about 9.30 p.m. pretty well tired out, as we had been on the move

fourteen hours and had marched about twenty-one miles. To put the lid

on it, a sharp shower of exceedingly frigid rain surprised us all in

our beauty sleep, about 11 p.m. and soaked the men's blankets and

clothes. Luckily I had everything covered up, and I spread my overcoat

over my head and slept on, breathing through the pocket-holes.

(I will continue this in diary form and post it if and when I get a

chance.)

_Friday 7th._ Started at 8.30 and marched quietly about five miles.

This brought us within view of the large village of D., which is

roughly half-way between B. and C. Between us and it the battle was in

full swing. We halted by a pontoon bridge (2 on sketch), just out of

range of the enemy's guns, and watched it for several hours. Owing to

the utter flatness of the ground, we could see very little of the

infantry. It was hot and the mirage blurred everything. Our artillery

was clearly very superior to theirs, both in quantity (quite five to

one it seemed) and in the possession of high explosive shell, of which

the enemy had none: but we were cruelly handicapped (_a_) by the fact

that their men and guns were entrenched and ours exposed; and (_b_) by

the mirage, which made the location of their trenches and emplacements

almost impossible.

I had better not say much about the battle yet, but I will give a

rough sketch and describe our own experiences. I will only say this,

that the two great difficulties our side had to contend with were: (1)

the inability of the artillery to locate anything with certainly in

the mists and mirage, and (2) the difficulty of finding and getting

round the enemy's flanks. Either they had a far larger force than we

expected, or they were very skilfully spread out--for they covered an

amazingly wide front, quite eight miles, I should say, or more.

The battle was interesting to watch, but not exciting. The noise of

the shells from field guns is exactly like that of a rocket going up.

When the shell is coming towards you, there is a sharper hiss in it,

like a whip. It gives you a second or two to get under cover and then

crack-whizz as the shrapnel whizzes out. The heavy shells from the

monitors, etc., make a noise more like a landslide of pebbles down a

beach, only blurred as if echoed. Bobbety's "silk dress swishing

through the air" does his imagination credit, but is not quite

accurate, nor does it express the spirit of the things quite!

About 3.30 we had orders to cross to the left bank. As we passed over

the bridge, we put up two duck, who had been swimming there peacefully

with the shells flying over their heads every half minute for hours.

When we reached the left bank we marched as if to reinforce our right

flank. Presently the Brigadier made us line out into echelon of

companies in line in single rank, so that from a distance we looked

like a brigade, instead of three companies. About 4 we came up to a

howitzer battery and lay down about 200 yards from it, thus:

[Illustration]

We had lain there about ten minutes when a hiss, crack, whizz, and

shells began to arrive, invariably in pairs, about where I've put the

1 and 2. We had a fine view. The first notice we had of each shell was

the sudden appearance of a white puff, about thirty feet above ground,

then a spatter of dust about thirty yards to the right, then the

hiss-crack-whizz. They were ranging on the battery, but after a minute

or two they spotted the ammunition column, and a pair of shells burst

at 3, then a pair at 4. So the column retreated in a hurry along the

dotted arrow, and the shells following them began to catch us in

enfilade. So Foster made us rise and move to the left in file. Just as

we were up, a pair burst right over my platoon. I can't conceive why

nobody was hit. I noticed six bullets strike the ground in a

semi-circle between me and the nearest man three paces away, and

everyone else noticed the same kind of thing, but nobody was touched.

I don't suppose the enemy saw us at all: anyway, the next pair pitched

100 yards beyond us, following the mules, and wounded three men in C.

Company: and the next got two men of B.--all flesh wounds and not

severe. They never touched the ammunition column.

We lay down in a convenient ditch, and only one more pair came our

way, as the enemy was ranging back to the battery. Of this pair, one

hit the edge of the ditch and buried itself without exploding, and the

other missed with its bullets, while the case bounced along and hit a

sergeant on the backside, not even bruising it.

Just before 5 we got orders to advance in artillery formation. My

platoon led, and we followed a course shown by the dotted line. We went

through the battery and about 300 yards beyond, and then had orders to

return to camp. On this trip (which was mere window-dressing) no shell

came nearer than fifty yards: in fact our own battery made us jump much

more.

The whole episode was much more interesting than alarming. Fear is

seated in the imagination, I think, and vanishes once the mind can

assert itself. One feels very funky in the cold nights when nothing is

happening: but if one has to handle men under fire, one is braced up

and one's attention is occupied. I expect rifle fire is much more

trying: but the fact that shell-fire is more or less unaimed at one

individually, and also the warning swish, gives one a feeling of great

security.

We got back to camp near the river (4 on sketch) about 6, and dug a

perimeter, hoping to settle down for the night. But at 7.30 orders

came to move at 9.30. We were told that an enemy force had worked

round our right flank, and that our brigade had to do a night march

eastward down the river and attack it at dawn. So at 10 p.m. we

marched with just a blanket apiece, leaving our kits in the camp.

After we had gone, the Q.M. made up a big fire and got in no fewer

than fifty-two wounded, who were trying to struggle back to the field

dressing station from the firing line four or five miles away.

The fire attracted them and parties went out to help them in. I think

it is very unsatisfactory that beyond the regimental stretcher-bearers

there is no ambulance to bring the wounded back: and how can a dozen

stretchers convey 300 casualties five miles? It is a case of _sauve

qui peut_ for the wounded: and when they get to the dressing station

the congestion is very bad, thirty men in a tent, and only three or

four doctors to deal with 3,000 or 4,000 wounded. I mention this as

confirming my previous criticism of the medical service here.

Well, we started out at 10 p.m. and marched slowly and silently till

nearly midnight. Then we bivouacked for four-and-a-half-hours (5 on

sketch,) and a more uncomfortable time I hope never to spend. We had

not dared bring rugs for fear of losing them in the subsequent attack,

so I had nothing but my Burberry, a muffler and a woollen helmet. The

ground was bare earth everywhere, very damp and cold. I lay in a ditch

and slept for three-quarters-of-an hour, and then woke with extremely

cold feet, so I walked about a little, and then, finding Foster in the

same case, we both took off our Burberrys and laid one under us and

one above and lay like babes in the wood. This expedient kept one

flank nicely warm, and soon I got North to make a pillow of my other

thigh, which kept _that_ warm: but from the knees downwards I was

incurably cold and never got to sleep again. The men were better off,

having each a blanket, and sleeping in packets of four.

_Saturday._ At last 4.30 a.m. arrived and we started marching again.

It was a blessing to get one's feet warm but the pleasures of the

march were strictly comparative. We trekked on eastwards along the

river-bank till sunrise, 7 a.m., when we came on a camp of Arabs who

fled shrieking at our approach (6 on sketch.) At 7.30, we halted and

had breakfast. Our united efforts failed to find enough fuel to boil a

kettle. We waited till 9, when the cavalry patrols returned and

reported no sign of the enemy, so we marched back to the pontoon

bridge (7 on sketch). I suspect our re-entry _qua_ stage

reinforcements was the whole object of our expedition, and the

out-flankers were a myth from the beginning. The march back was the

most unpleasant we've had. It got hot and the ground was hard and

rough and we were all very tired and footsore. A sleepless night takes

the stamina out of one. There and back our trek was about twelve

miles.

On arrival at the bridge we were only allowed half-an-hour's rest and

then got orders to march out to take up an 'observation post' on the

right flank. Being general reserve is no sinecure with bluffing

tactics prevailing.

This last lap was extremely trying. We marched in artillery formation,

all very lame and stiff. We passed behind our yesterday's friend, the

howitzer battery, but at a more respectful distance from the enemy's

battery. This latter showed no sign of life till we were nearly two

miles from the river. Then it started its double deliveries and some

of them came fairly close to some of our platoon, but not to mine.

It took us nearly two hours to drag ourselves three miles and the men

had hardly a kick in them when we reached the place assigned for our

post (8 on sketch). We were ordered to entrench in echelon of

companies facing North. I thought it would take till dark to get us

dug in (it was 2 p.m.); but luckily our men, lined up ready to begin

digging, caught the eye of the enemy as a fine enfilade target (or

else they saw our first line mules) and they started shelling us from

6,500 yards (Enemy's battery, 9 on sketch). The effect on the men was

magical. They woke up and dug so well that we had fair cover within

half an hour and quite adequate trenches by 3. This bombardment was

quite exciting. The first few pairs were exactly over "D" Company's

trench, but pitched about 100 yards beyond it. The next few were

exactly right in range, but about forty yards right, _i.e._ behind us.

Just as we were wondering where the third lot would be, our faithful

howitzer battery and some heavy guns behind them, which opened all

they knew on the enemy battery as soon as they opened on us, succeeded

in attracting its fire to themselves. This happened three or four

times. Just as they were getting on to us the artillery saved us:

there would be a sharp artillery duel and then the Turks would lie

quiet for ten minutes, then begin on us again. This went on until we

were too well dug in to be a tempting target, and they devoted

themselves to our battery. The curious part of it was that though we

could see the flash of their guns every time, the mirages made it

impossible to judge their ranges or even for our battery to observe

its own fire properly. Our howitzer battery unfortunately was not in a

mirage, and they had its range to a yard and plastered it with

shrapnel. If they had had high explosives they could have smashed it.

About 4.30 the mirage cleared and our guns had a free go for the first

time that day: (in the morning mists last until the mirage begins).

I'm told the mirage had put our guns over 1,000 yards out in their

ranging, but I doubt this. Anyway it is the fact that those guns and

trenches which were sited in mirages were practically untouched in a

heavy two days' bombardment.

In that last hour, however, between 4.20 and dark, our heavy guns got

into the enemy finely with their high explosives. They blew one of our

tormentors bodily into the air at 10,500 yards, and silenced the

others, and chased every Turk out of the landscape.

All the same, we were rather gloomy that night. Our line had made no

progress that we could hear of; we had had heavy losses (none in our

battalion), and there seemed no prospect of dislodging the enemy.

Their front was so wide we could not get round them, and frontal

attacks on trenches are desperate affairs here if your artillery is

paralysed by mirages. The troops who have come from France say that in

this respect this action has been more trying than either Neuve

Chappelle or Ypres, because, as they say, it is like advancing over a

billiard-table all the way.

To crown our troubles, we were three miles from the river, which meant

no water except for necessities--the men had no kits, and it was very

cold, and we could not show lights. And finally, after midnight, it

began to pour with rain!

_Sunday._ At 5.30 we stood to arms. It rained harder than ever and

most of us hadn't a dry stitch. At last it got light, the rain

gradually stopped, and a thoroughly depressed battalion breakfasted in

a grey mist, expecting to be bombarded the moment it lifted. About

8.30 the mist cleared a little, and we looked in vain for our

tormentors. Our cavalry reconnoitred and, to our joy, we saw them ride

clean over the place where the enemy's line had been the evening

before. They had gone in the night.

A cold but drying wind sprang up and the sun came out for a short

time, and we managed to get our things dry. At 1 o'clock we marched

back to the river and found the bridge gone.

I think this makes a good place to stop, as it marks the end of our

first series of adventures and of the no doubt by now famous battle of

D.

I enclose a sketch-map to explain our movements. For obvious reasons I

can't say much about the battle itself.

(I will briefly bring this up to date, post it and try to get a cable

through to you.)

When we reached the river (10 on sketch), it began to rain again and

we spent a very chill and damp afternoon on the bank awaiting orders.

About dusk B. and C. Companies were ordered to cross the river to

guard the hospital there, and D. stayed to guard the hospital on the

left bank. Mercifully our ship was handy, so we got our tents and

slept warm, though all our things were wettish.

_Monday._ A quiet morning, no orders. A Scotch mist shrouded

everything till noon and kept our things damp, but the sun got through

at last.

C. Company returned to left bank, as all wounded were being shipped

across. (N.B. They had to bring them across in our ship. There is

still no sign of the Red Cross motor boats up _here_, though I'm glad

to hear they've reached Basra.) We got orders to march to D. by night.

We started at 8 p.m., "B." Company marching parallel on the other

bank. It was seven or eight miles, but we went very slow, and did not

get in till 1.30 and our transport not till nearly 3, heavy guns

sticking in the ditches. (N.B. Once we got behind the evacuated

Turkish line, we found that the ditches had been filled in to allow

passage of guns, an expedient which had apparently not occurred to the

British Command, for no ditch had been filled in between B, and this

point!)

_Tuesday._ When morning came we found ourselves camped just opposite

D. (11 on sketch), and we are still there. Two fine days (though it

freezes at night) and rest have restored us. A mail arrived this

morning, bringing letters to December 7th, and your medical parcels.

I only returned you the quinine and bandages, of which people in Amara

have plenty. They will come in handy for you to send out again. _Here_

everything medical can be used, but I couldn't have brought any more

than I did. As it is, I've left a lot at Amarah.

I must close now. On these cold nights the little kitchener is

invaluable, so is the soup. Of the various brands you sent, Ivelcon is

the best. The chocolate is my mainstay on day marches. Also the Diet

Tablets are very good. Bivouac Cocoa is also good. The Kaross is

invaluable.

Stanford's Map has arrived.

* * * * *

Letters from Mesopotamia in 1915 and January, 1916 From Robert Palmer, who was killed in the Battle of Um El Hannah, June 21, 1916, aged 27 years · 第 79 / 103 题