I have written all the news to Mamma this week. The chief item from my
point of view is that, as I cabled to you, I am to take a draft from
our two Agra Double Coys. to reinforce the 4th Hants, who are now at
Nasiriya on the Euphrates. I got the wire asking me to do this on
Sunday, but have heard no details since (this is Thursday night), so I
presume they know nothing more at Agra or the Major or Luly would
surely have written.
On the other hand the Major wants me back in Agra by Saturday, so I
suppose I shall be starting some time next week, but unless I hear
before posting this I can tell you nothing of the strength or
composition of the draft or the date of sailing.
Everyone insists on ([Greek: alpha]) congratulating me for going to
a front and ([Greek: beta]) condoling that it is the P.G. I don't
really agree with either sentiment. I'm afraid I regard all war jobs
as nasty, and the more warlike the nastier, but I do think one ought
to taste the same cup as all one's friends are drinking, and if I am
to go to any front I would as soon go to the P.G. as anywhere. It will
be a new part of the world to me and very interesting. The only bore
is being separated from the regiment.
_Friday._--I had a talk on Wednesday with a Chaplain just returned
from Basra, and he told me we're likely to stand fast now holding the
line Nasiriya-Awaz (or some such place on the Tigris). An advance on
Baghdad is impossible without two more divisions, because of the
length of communications. There is nothing to be gained by advancing
to any intermediate point. The only reason we went as far as Nasiriya
was that it was the base of the army we beat at Shaiba, and they had
reformed there in sufficient strength to be worth attacking. This is
not thought likely to happen again, as the Dardanelles will
increasingly absorb all Turkey's resources.
It seems to me that what is wanted here pre-eminently is thinking
ahead. The moment the war stops unprecedented clamours will begin, and
only a Government which knows its aim and has thought out its method
can deal with them. It seems to me, though my judgment is fearfully
hampered by my inability to get at any comprehensive statement of most
of the relevant facts, that the aim may be fairly simply defined, as
the training of India to self-government within the Empire, combined
with its good administration in trust meanwhile. That gives you a
clear criterion--India's welfare, not British interests, and fixes the
limit of the employment of Indians as the maximum consistent with good
government.
The _method_ is of course far more difficult and requires far more
knowledge of the facts than I possess. But I should set to work at it
on these lines:--
1. Certain qualities need to be developed, responsibility, public
spirit, self-respect and so on. This should be aimed at (i) by our own
example and teaching, (ii) by a drastic reform of higher education.
2. The barbarisms of the masses must be attacked. This can only be
done by a scheme of universal education.
3. The material level of civilisation should be raised. This means
agricultural and industrial development, in which technical education
would play a large part.
Therefore, your method may be summed up in two words, sympathy and
education. The first is mainly, of course, a personal question.
Therefore, preserve at all costs a high standard of _personnel_ for
I.C.S. Try to get imaginative men at the top. Let all ranks understand
from the outset the aim they have to work for, and let Indians know
it. Above all let every official act prove it, confidence is a plant
of slow and tender growth here. Beware of phrases and western formulæ;
probably the benevolent autocrat, whether English or Indian, will
always govern better than a committee or an assembly.
The second--education--is a question of _£ s. d._ The aim should be a
far-sighted and comprehensive scheme. A great effort to get the
adequate funds should be made and a scheme capable of ready expansion
started. Reform of higher education will be very unpopular, but should
be firmly and thoroughly carried out; it ought not to cost much. The
bulk of the money at first should go to technical education and the
encouragement of agriculture and industry. This will be remunerative,
by increasing the country's wealth. Elementary education would have to
begin by supplying schools where asked for, at a certain rate. From
this they would aim at making it gradually universal, then free, then
compulsory. But that will be many years hence inevitably.
I should work at a policy on these lines: announce it, invite Indian
co-operation, and meanwhile deal very firmly with all forms of
disorder.
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