Zeilan. [Footnote: Ceylon.]

Zeilan is an Iland, in my iudgement, a great deale bigger then Cyprus: on

that side towards the Indies lying Westward is the citie called Columba,

which is a hold of the Portugales, but without walles or enimies. It hath

towards the Sea a free port, the awfull king of that Iland is in Colombo,

and is turned Christian, and maintained by the king of Portugall, being

depriued of his kingdome. The king of the Gentiles, to whom this kingdome

did belong, was called Madoni, which had two sonnes, the first named

Barbinas the prince; and the second Ragine. This king by the pollicie of

his yoonger sonne, was depriued of his kingdome, who because hee had

entised and done that which pleased the armie and souldiours, in despight

of his father and brother being prince, vsurped the kingdome, and became a

great warriour. First, this Iland had three kings; the King of Cotta with

his conquered prisoners: the king of Candia, which is a part of that Iland,

and is so called by the name of Candia, which had a reasonable power, and

was a great friend to the Portugals, which sayd that hee liued secretly a

Christian; the third was the king of Gianifampatan. In thirteene yeeres

that this Ragine gouerned this Iland, he became a great tyrant.

In this Iland there groweth fine Sinamom, great store of Pepper, great

store of Nuttes and Arochoe: there they make great store of Cairo

[Footnote: Cairo is a stuffe that they make rope with, the which is the

barke of a tree.] to make Cordage: it bringeth foorth great store of

Christall Cats eyes, or Ochi de Gati, and they say that they finde there

some Rubies, but I haue sold Rubies well there that I brought with me from

Pegu. I was desirous to see how they gather the Sinamom, or take it from

the tree that it groweth on, and so much the rather, because the time that

I was there, was the season which they gather it in, which was in the

moneth of Aprill, at which time the Portugals were in armes, and in the

field, with the king of the countrey; yet I to satisfie my desire, although

in great danger, tooke a guide with mee and went into a wood three miles

from the Citie, in which wood was great store of Sinamome trees growing

together among other wilde trees; and this Sinamome tree is a small tree,

and not very high, and hath leaues like to our Baie tree. In the moneth of

March or Aprill, when the sappe goeth vp to the toppe of the tree, then

they take the Sinamom from that tree in this wise. [Sidenote: The cutting

and gathering of Sinamom.] They cut the barke of the tree round about in

length from knot to knot, or from ioint to ioint, aboue and belowe, and

then easilie with their handes they take it away, laying it in the Sunne to

drie, and in this wise it is gathered, and yet for all this the tree dieth

not, [Sidenote: A rare thing.] but agaynst the next yeere it will haue a

new barke, and that which is gathered euery yeere is the best Sinamome: for

that which groweth two or three yeares is great, and not so good as the

other is; and in these woods groweth much Pepper.

Negapatan.

From the Iland of Zeilan men vse to goe with small shippes to Negapatan,

within the firme land, and seuentie two miles off is a very great Citie,

and very populous of Portugals and Christians of the countrey, and part

Gentiles: it is a countrey of small trade, neither haue they any trade

there, saue a good quantitie of Rice, and cloth of Bumbast which they carie

into diuers partes: it was a very plentifull countrey of victuals but now

it hath a great deale lesse; and that abundance of victuals caused many

Portugales to goe thither and build houses, and dwell there with small

charge.

This Citie belongeth to a nobleman of the kingdome of Bezeneger being a

Gentile, neuerthelesse the Portugales and other Christians are well

intreated there, and haue their Churches there with a monasterie of Saint

Francis order, with great deuotion and very well accommodated, with houses

round about: yet for all this, they are amongst tyrants, which alwayes at

their pleasure may doe them some harme, as it happened in the yeere of our

Lord God one thousand fiue hundred, sixtie and fiue: [Sidenote: A foolish

feare of Portugals.] for I remember very well, how that the Nayer, that is

to say, the lord of the citie, sent to the citizens to demaund of them

certaine Arabian horses, and they hauing denied them vnto him, and

gainesayd his demaund, it came to passe that this lord had a desire to see

the Sea, which when the poore citizens vnderstood, they doubted some euill,

to heare a thing which was not woont to bee, they thought that this man

would come to sacke the Citie, and presently they embarked themselues the

best they could with their mooueables, marchandize, iewels, money, and all

that they had, and caused the shippes to put from the shore. When this was

done, as their euill chance would haue it, the next night following, there

came such a great storme that it put all the shippes on land perforce, and

brake them to pieces, and all the goods that came on land and were saued,

were taken from them by the souldiours and armie of this lord which came

downe with him to see the Sea, and were attendant at the Sea side, not

thinking that any such thing would haue happened.

Saint Thomas or San Tome.

[Sidenote: St. Thomas his sepulchre.] From Negapatan following my voyage

towards the East an hundred and fiftie miles, I found the house of blessed

Saint Thomas, which is a Church of great deuotion, and greatly regarded of

the Gentiles for the great miracles they haue heard to haue bene done by

that blessed Apostle: neere vnto this Church the Portugals haue builded

them a Citie in the countrey subiect to the king of Bezeneger, which Citie

although it bee not very great, yet in my iudgement, it is the fairest in

all that part of the Indies: and it hath very faire houses and faire

gardens in vacant places very well accommodated: it hath streetes large and

streight, with many Churches of great deuotion, their houses be set close

one vnto another, with little doores, euery house hath his defence, so that

by that meanes it is of force sufficient to defend the Portugals against

the people of that countrey. The Portugals there haue no other possession

but their gardens and houses that are within the citie: the customes belong

to the king of Bezeneger, which are very small and easie, for that it is a

countrey of great riches and great trade: there come euery yeere two or

three great ships very rich, besides many other small ships: one of the two

great ships goeth for Pegu, and the other for Malacca, laden with fine

Bumbast [Marginal Note: A painted kind of cloth and died of diuers colours

which those people delight much in, and esteeme them of great price.] cloth

of euery sort, painted, which is a rare thing, because those kinde of

clothes shew as they were gilded, with diuers colours, and the more they be

washed, the liuelier the colours will shew. Also there is other cloth of

Bumbast which is wouen with diuers colours, and is of great value: also

they make in Sant Tome great store of red Yarne, which they die with a

roote called Saia, and this colour will neuer waste, but the more it is

washed, the more redder it will shew: they lade this yarne the greatest

part of it for Pegu, because that there they worke and weaue it to make

cloth according to their owne fashion, and with lesser charges. It is a

maruelous thing to them which haue not seene the lading and vnlading of men

and marchandize in S. Tome as they do: it is a place so dangerous, that a

man cannot bee serued with small barkes, neither can they doe their

businesse with the boates of the shippes, because they would be beaten in a

thousand pieces, but they make certaine barkes (of purpose) high, which

they call Masadie, they be made of litle boards; one board being sowed to

another with small cordes, and in this order are they made. And when they

are thus made, and the owners will embarke any thing in them, either men or

goods, they lade them on land, and when they are laden, the Barke-men

thrust the boate with her lading into the streame, and with great speed

they make haste all that they are able to rowe out against the huge waues

of the sea that are on that shore, vntill that they carie them to the

ships: and in like maner they lade these Masadies at the shippes with

merchandise and men. When they come neere the shore, the Barke-men leap out

of the Barke into the Sea to keepe the Barke right that she cast not

athwart the shore, and being kept right, the Suffe of the Sea setteth her

lading dry on land without any hurt or danger, and sometimes there are some

of them that are ouerthrowen, but there can be no great losse, because they

lade but a litle at a time. All the marchandize they lade outwards, they

emball it well with Oxe hides, so that if it take wet, it can haue no great

harme.

[Sidenote: In the Iland of Banda they lade Nutmegs for there they grow.] In

my voyage, returning in the yeere of our Lord God one thousand, fiue

hundred, sixtie and sixe, I went from Goa vnto Malacca, in a shippe or

Gallion of the king of Portugal, which went vnto Banda for to lade Nutmegs

and Maces: from Goa to Malacca are one thousand eight hundred miles, we

passed without the Iland Zeilan, and went through the chanell of Nicubar,

or els through the chanell of Sombero, which is by the middle of the Iland

of Sumatra, called in olde time Taprobana: [Sidenote: In the Ilands of

Andemaon, they eate one another.] and from Necubar to Pegu is as it were a

rowe or chaine of an infinite number of Ilands, of which many are inhabited

with wilde people, and they call those Ilands the Ilands of Andemaon, and

they call their people sauage or wilde, because they eate one another: also

these Ilands haue warre one with another, for they haue small Barkes, and

with them they take one another, and so eate one another: and if by euil

chance any ship be lost on those Ilands, as many haue bene, there is not

one man of those ships lost there that escapeth vneaten or vnslaine. These

people haue not any acquaintance with any other people, neither haue they

trade with any, but liue onely of such fruites as those Ilands yeeld: and

if any ship come neere vnto that place or coast as they passe that way, as

in my voyage it happened as I came from Malacca through the chanell of

Sombrero, there came two of their Barkes neere vnto our ship laden with

fruite, as with Mouces which wee call Adam apples, with fresh Nuts, and

with a fruite called Inani, which fruite is like to our Turneps, but is

very sweete and good to eate: they would not come into the shippe for any

thing that wee could doe: neither would they take any money for their

fruite, but they would trucke for olde shirtes or pieces of olde linnen

breeches, these ragges they let downe with a rope into their Barke vnto

them, and looke what they thought those things to bee woorth, so much

fruite they would make fast to the rope and let vs hale it in: and it was

told me that at sometimes a man shall haue for an old shirt a good piece of

Amber.

Sumatra.

This Iland of Sumatra is a great Iland and deuided and gouerned by many

kings, and deuided into many chanels, where through there is passage: upon

the headland towardes the West is the kingdom of Assi gouerned by a Moore

king: this king is of great force and strength, as he that beside his great

kingdom, hath many Foists and Gallies. In his kingdom groweth great store

of Pepper, Ginger, Beniamin: he is an vtter enemy to the Portugals, and

hath diuers times bene at Malacca to fight against it, and hath done great

harme to the boroughes thereof, but the citie alway withstood him

valiantly, and with their ordinance did great spoile to his campe. At

length I came to the citie of Malacca.

The Citie Malacca.

Malacca is a Citie of marueilous great trade of all kind of marchandize,

which come from diuers partes, because that all the shippes that saile in

these seas, both great and small, are bound to touch at Malacca to paie

their custome there, although they vnlade nothing at all, as we do at

Elsinor: and if by night they escape away, and pay not their custome, then

they fall into a greater danger after: for if they come into the Indies and

haue not the seale of Malacca, they pay double custome. I haue not passed

further then Malacca towards the East, but that which I wil speake of here

is by good information of them that haue bene there. The sailing from

Malacca towards the East is not common for all men, as to China and Iapan,

and so forwards to go who will, but onely for the king of Portugall and his

nobles, with leaue granted vnto them of the king to make such voiage, or to

the iurisdiction of the captaine of Malacca, where he expecteth to know

what voiages they make from Malacca thither, and these are the kings

voiages, that euery yere there departeth from Malacca 2. gallions of the

kings, one of them goeth to the Moluccos to lade Cloues, and the other

goeth to Banda to lade Nutmegs and Maces. These two gallions are laden for

the king, neither doe they carie any particular mans goods, sauing the

portage of the Mariners and souldiers, and for this cause they are not

voiages for marchants, because that going thither, they shal not haue where

to lade their goods of returne; and besides this, the captaine wil not cary

any marchants for either of these two places. There goe small shippes of

the Moores thither, which come from the coast of Iaua, and change or guild

their commodities in the kingdom of Assa, and these be the Maces, Cloues,

and Nutmegs, which go for the streights of Mecca. The voiages that the king

of Portugall granteth to his nobles are these, of China and Iapan, from

China to Iapan, and from Iapan to China, and from China to the Indies, and

the voyage of Bengala, Maluco, and Sonda, with the lading of fine cloth,

and euery sort of Bumbast cloth. Sonda is an Iland of the Moores neere to

the coast of Iaua, and there they lade pepper for China. [Sidenote: The

ship of drugs, so termed of the Portugals.] The ship that goeth euery yeere

from the Indies to China, is called the ship of Drugs, because she carieth

diuers drugs of Cambaia, but the greatest part of her lading is siluer.

From Malacca to China is eighteene hundred miles: and from China to Iapan

goeth euery yeere a shippe of great importance laden with Silke, which for

returne of their Silke bringeth barres of siluer which they trucke in

China. The distance betweene China and Iapan is foure and twentie hundred

miles, and in this way there are diuers Ilands not very bigge, in which the

Friers of saint Paul, by the helpe of God, make many Christians there like

to themselues. From these Ilands hitherwards the place is not yet

discouered for the great sholdnesse of Sandes that they find. The Portugals

haue made a small citie neere vnto the coast of China called Macao, whose

church and houses are of wood, and it hath a bishoprike, but the customs

belong to the king of China, and they goe and pay the same at a citie

called Canton which is a citie of great importance and very beautifull two

dayes iourney and a halfe from Macao. The people of China are Gentiles, and

are so iealous and fearefull, that they would not haue a stranger to put

his foote within their land: so that when the Portugals go thither to pay

their custome, and to buy their merchandize, they will not consent that

they shall lie or lodge within the citie, but send them foorth into the

suburbes. The countrey of China [Marginal note: China is vnder the

gouernment of the great Tartar.] is neere the kingdom of great Tartria, and

is a very great countrey of the Gentiles and of great importance, which may

be iudged by the rich and precious marchandize that come from thence, then

which I beleeue there are not better nor in greater quantitie, in the whole

world besides.

First, great store of golde, which they carie to the Indies, made in plates

like to little shippes, and in value three and twentie caracts a peece,

very great aboundance of fine silke, cloth of damaske and taffata, great

quantitie of muske, great quantitie of Occam in barres, great quantitie of

quicksiluer and of Cinaper, great store of Camfora, an infinite quantitie

of Porcellane, made in vessels of diuerse sortes, great quantitie of

painted cloth and squares, infinite store of the rootes of China: and euery

yeere there commeth from China to the Indies, two or three great shippes,

laden with most rich and precious merchandise. [Sidenote: A yeerely Carouan

from Persia to China.] The Rubarbe commeth from thence ouer lande, by the

way of Persia, because that euery yeere there goeth a great Carouan from

Persia to China, which is in going thither sixe moneths. The Carouan

arriueth at a Citie called Lanchin, the place where the king is resident

with his Court. I spake with a Persian that was three yeeres in that citie

of Lanchin, and he tolde me that it was a great Citie and of great

importance. The voiages of Malacca which are in the iurisdiction of the

Captaine of the castle, are these: Euery yeere he sendeth a small shippe to

Timor to lade white Sandols, for all the best commeth from this Iland:

there commeth some also from Solor, but that is not so good: also he

sendeth another small ship euery yere to Cauchin China, to lade there wood

of Aloes, for that all the wood of Aloes commeth from this place, which is

in the firme land neere vnto China, and in that kingdome I could not knowe

how that wood groweth by any meanes. [Sidenote: A market kept aboord of the

ships.] For that the people of the countrey will not suffer the Portugales

to come within the land, but onely for wood and water, and as for all other

things that they wanted, as victuals or marchandise, the people bring that

a boord the ship in small barkes, so that euery day there is a mart kept in

the ship, vntill such time as she be laden: also there goeth another ship

for the said Captaine of Malacca to Sion, to lade Verzino: all these

voiages are for the Captaine of the castle of Malacca, and when he is not

disposed to make these voiages he selleth them to another.

The citie of Sion, or Siam.

[Sidenote: A prince of marueilous strength and power.] Sion was the

imperiall seat, and a great Citie, but in the yeere of our Lord God one

thousand five hundred sixtie and seuen, it was taken by the king of Pegu,

which king made a voyage or came by lande foure moneths iourney with an

armie of men through his lande, and the number of his armie was a million

and foure hundreth thousand men of warre: when hee came to the Citie, he

gaue assault to it, and besieged it one and twentie moneths before he could

winne it, with great losse of his people, this I know, for that I was in

Pegu sixe moneths after his departure, and sawe when that his officers that

were in Pegu, sent fiue hundreth thousand men of warre to furnish the

places of them that were slaine and lost in that assault: yet for all this,

if there had not beene treason against the citie, it had not beene lost:

for on a night there was one of the gates set open, through the which with

great trouble the king gate into the citie, and became gouernour of Sion:

and when the Emperour sawe that he was betrayed, and that his enemie was in

the citie, he poysoned himselfe: and his wiues and children, friends and

noblemen, that were not slaine in the first affront of the entrance into

the citie, were all caried captiues into Pegu, where I was at the comming

home of the king with his triumphs and victorie, which comming home and

returning from the warres was a goodly sight to behold, to see the

Elephants come home in a square, laden with golde, siluer, iewels, and with

Noble men and women that were taken prisoners in that citie.

Now to returne to my yoyage: I departed from Malacca in a great shippe

which went for Saint Tome, being a Citie situate on the coast of

Coromandel: and because the Captaine of the castles of Malacca had

vnderstanding by aduise that the king of Assi [Marginal note: Or Achem.]

would come with a great armie and power of men against them, therefore vpon

this he would not giue licence that any shippes should depart: Wherefore in

this ship wee departed from thence in the night, without making any

prouision of our water: and wee were in that shippe foure hundreth and odde

men: [Sidenote: The mountaines of Zerzeline.] we departed from thence with

intention to goe to an Iland to take in water, but the windes were so

contrary, that they would not suffer vs to fetch it, so that by this meanes

wee were two and fortie dayes in the sea as it were lost, and we were

driuen too and fro, so that the first lande that we discouered, was beyonde

Saint Tome, more then fiue hundreth miles, which were the mountaines of

Zerzerline, neere vnto the kingdome of Orisa, and so wee came to Orisa with

many sicke, and more that were dead for want of water: and they that were

sicke in foure dayes dyed; and I for the space of a yeere after had my

throat so sore and hoarse, that I could neuer satisfie my thirst in

drinking of water: I iudge the reason of my hoarsenesse to bee with soppes

that I wet in vineger and oyle, wherewith I susteyned my selfe many dayes.

There was not any want of bread nor of wine: but the wines of that countrey

are so hot that being drunke without water they will kill a man: neither

are they able to drinke them: when we beganne to want water, I sawe

certaine Moores that were officers in the ship, that solde a small dish

full for a duckat, after this I sawe one that would haue giuen a barre of

Pepper, which is two quintalles and a halfe, for a litle measure of water,

and he could not haue it. Truely I beleeue that I had died with my slaue,

whom then I had to serue mee, which cost mee verie deare: but to prouide

for the daunger at hand, I solde my slaue for halfe that he was worth,

because that I would saue his drinke that he drunke, to serue my owne

purpose, and to saue my life.

Of the kingdome of Orisa, and the riuer Ganges.

Orisa was a faire kingdome and trustie, through the which a man might haue

gone with golde in his hande without any daunger at all, as long as the

lawefull King reigned which was a Gentile, who continued in the citie

called Catecha, which was within the lande size dayes iourney. This king

loued strangers marueilous well, especially marchants which had traffique

in and out of his kingdome, in such wise that hee would take no custome of

them, neither any other grieuous thing. [Sidenote: The commodities that go

out of Orisa.] Onely the shippe that came thither payde a small thing

according to her portage, and euery yeere in the port of Orisa were laden

fiue and twentie or thirtie ships great and small, with ryce and diuers

sortes of fine white bumbaste cloth, oyle of Zerzeline which they make of a

seed, and it is very good to eate and to fry fish withal, great store of

butter, Lacca, long pepper, Ginger, Mirabolans dry and condite, great store

of cloth of herbes, which is a kinde of silke which groweth amongst the

woods without any labour of man, [Marginal note: This cloth we call Nettle

cloth.] and when the bole thereof is growen round as bigge as an Orenge,

then they take care onely to gather them. About sixteene yeeres past, this

king with his kingdome were destroyed by the king of Patane, which was also

king of the greatest part of Bengala, and when he had got the kingdome, he

set custome there twenty pro cento, as Marchants paide in his kingdome: but

this tyrant enioyed his kingdome but a small time, but was conquered by

another tyrant, which was the great Mogol king of Agra, Delly, and of all

Cambaia, without any resistance. I departed from Orisa to Bengala, to the

harbour Piqueno, which is distant from Orisa towardes the East a hundred

and seuentie miles. [Sidenote: The riuer of Ganges.] They goe as it were

rowing alongst the coast fiftie and foure miles, and then we enter into the

riuer Ganges: from the mouth of this riuer, to a citie called Satagan,

where the marchants gather themselues together with their trade, are a

hundred miles, which they rowe in eighteene houres with the increase of the

water: in which riuer it floweth and ebbeth as it doth in the Thamis, and

when the ebbing water is come, they are not able to rowe against it, by

reason of the swiftnesse of the water, yet their barkes be light and armed

with oares, like to Foistes, yet they cannot preuaile against that streame,

but for refuge must make them fast to the banke of the riuer vntill the

next flowing water, and they call these barkes Bazaras and Patuas: they

rowe as well as a Galliot, or as well as euer I haue seene any. A good

tides rowing before you come to Satagan, you shall haue a place which is

called Buttor, and from thence vpwards the ships doe not goe, because that

vpwardes the riuer is very shallowe, and litle water. Euery yeere at Buttor

they make and vnmake a Village, with houses and shoppes made of strawe, and

with all things necessarie to their vses, and this village standeth as long

as the ships ride there, and till they depart for the Indies, and when they

are departed, euery man goeth to his plot of houses, and there setteth fire

on them, which thing made me to maruaile. For as I passed vp to Satagan, I

sawe this village standing with a great number of people, with an infinite

number of ships and Bazars, and at my returne comming downe with my

Captaine of the last ship, for whom I tarried, I was al amazed to see such

a place so soone razed and burnt, and nothing left but the signe of the

burnt houses. The small ships go to Satagan, and there they lade.

Of the citie of Satagan.

[Sidenote: The commodities that are laden in Satagan.] In the port of

Satagan euery yeere lade thirtie or fiue and thirtie ships great and small,

with rice, cloth of Bombast of diuerse sortes, Lacca, great abundance of

sugar, Mirabolans dried and preserued, long pepper, oyle of Zerzeline, and

many other sorts of marchandise. The citie of Satagan is a reasonable faire

citie for a citie of the Moores, abounding with all things, and was

gouerned by the king of Patane, and now is subiect to the great Mogol. I

was in this kingdome foure moneths, whereas many marchants did buy or

fraight boates for their benefites, and with these barkes they goe vp and

downe the riuer of Ganges to faires, buying their commoditie with a great

aduantage, because that euery day in the weeke they haue a faire, now in

one place, and now in another, and I also hired a barke, and went vp and

downe the riuer and did my businesse, and so in the night I saw many

strange things. The kingdome of Bengala in times past hath bene as it were

in the power of Moores, neuerthelesse there is great store of Gentiles

among them; alwayes whereas I haue spoken of Gentiles, is to be vnderstood

Idolaters, and whereas I speak of Moores I meane Mahomets sect. [Sidenote:

A ceremony of the gentiles when they be dead.] Those people especially that

be within the land doe greatly worship the riuer of Ganges: for when any is

sicke, he is brought out of the countrey to the banke of the riuer, and

there they make him a small cottage of strawe, and euery day they wet him

with that water, whereof there are many that die, and when they are dead,

they make a heape of stickes and boughes and lay the dead bodie thereon,

and putting fire thereunto, they let the bodie alone vntill it be halfe

rosted, and then they take it off from the fire, and make an emptie iarre

fas about his necke, and so throw him into the riuer. These things euery

night as I passed vp and downe the riuer I saw for the space of two

moneths, as I passed to the fayres to buy my commodities with the

marchants. And this is the cause that the Portugales will not drinke of the

water of the riuer Ganges, yet to the sight it is more perfect and clearer

then the water of Nilus is. From the port Piqueno I went to Cochin, and

from Cochin to Malacca, from whence I departed for Pegu being eight hundred

miles distant. That voyage is woont to be made in fiue and twentie or

thirtie dayes, but we were foure moneths, and at the ende of three moneths

our ship was without victuals. The Pilot told vs that wee were by his

altitude not farre from a citie called Tanasary, in the kingdome of Pegu,

and these his words were not true, but we were (as it were) in the middle

of many Ilands, and many vninhabited rockes, and there were also some

Portugales that affirmed that they knew the land, and knewe also where the

citie of Tanasari was.

[Sidenote: Marchandise comming from Sion.] This citie of right belongeth to

the kingdome of Sion, which is situate on a great riuers side, which

commeth out of the kingdome of Sion: and where this riuer runneth into the

sea, there is a village called Mirgim, in whose harbour euery yeere there

lade some ships with Verzina, Nypa, and Beniamin, a few cloues, nutmegs and

maces which come from the coast of Sion, but the greatest marchandise there

is Verzin and Nypa, which is an excellent wine, which is made of the flower

of a tree called Nyper. [Sidenote: Niper wine good to cure the French

disease.] Whose licquour they distill, and so make an excellent drinke

cleare as christall, good to the mouth, and better to the stomake, and it

hath an excellent gentle vertue, that if one were rotten with the French

pockes, drinking good store of this, he shall be whole againe, and I haue

seene it proued, because that when I was in Cochin, there was a friend of

mine, whose nose beganne to drop away with that disease, and he was

counselled of the doctors of phisicke, that he should goe to Tanasary at

the time of the new wines, and that he should drinke of the myper wine,

night and day, as much as he could before it was distilled, which at that

time is most delicate, but after that it is distilled, it is more strong,

and if you drinke much of it, it will fume into the head with drunkennesse.

This man went thither, and did so, and I haue seene him after with a good

colour and sound. This wine is very much esteemed in the Indies, and for

that it is brought so farre off, it is very deare: in Pegu ordinarily it it

good cheape, because it is neerer to the place where they make it, and

there is euery yeere great quantitie made thereof. And returning to my

purpose, I say, being amongst these rockes, and farre from the land which

is ouer against Tanasary, with great scarcitie of victuals, and that by the

saying of the Pylot and two Portugales, holding then firme that wee were in

front of the aforesayd harbour, we determined to goe thither with our boat

and fetch victuals, and that the shippe should stay for vs in a place

assigned. We were twentie and eight persons in the boat that went for

victuals, and on a day about twelue of the clocke we went from the ship,

assuring our selues to bee in the harbour before night in the aforesaid

port, wee rowed all that day and a great part of the next night, and all

the next day without finding harbour, or any signe of good landing, and

this came to passe through the euill counsell of the two Portugales that

were with vs.

For we had ouershot the harbour and left it behind vs, in such wise that we

had lost the lande inhabited, together with the shippe, and we eight and

twentie men had no maner of victuall with vs in the boate, but it was the

Lords will that one of the Mariners had brought a little rice with him in

the boate to barter away for some other thing, and it was not so much but

that three or foure men would haue eaten it at a meale: I tooke the

gouernment of this Ryce, promising that by the helpe of God that Ryce

should be nourishment for vs vntil it pleased God to send vs to some place

that was inhabited: [Sidenote: Great extemitie at sea.] and when I slept I

put the ryce into my bosome because they should not rob it from me: we were

nine daies rowing alongst the coast, without finding any thing but

countreys vninhabited, and desert Ilands, where if we had found but grasse

it would haue seemed sugar vnto vs, but wee could not finde any, yet we

found a fewe leaues of a tree, and they were so hard that we could not

chewe them, we had water and wood sufficient, and as wee rowed, we could

goe but by flowing water, for when it was ebbing water, wee made fast our

boat to the banke of one of those Ilandes, and in these nine dayes that we

rowed, we found a caue or nest of Tortoises egges, wherein were one hundred

fortie and foure egges, the which was a great helpe vnto vs: these egges

are as bigge as a hennes egge, and haue no shell about them but a tender

skinne, euery day we sodde a kettle full of those egges, with an handfull

of rice in the broth thereof: it pleased God that at the ende of nine dayes

we discouered certaine fisher men, a fishing with small barkes, and we

rowed towardes them, With a good cheare, for I thinke there were neuer men

more glad then we were, for wee were so sore afflicted with penurie, that

we could scarce stande on our legges. Yet according to the order that we

set for our ryce, when we sawe those fisher men, there was left sufficient

for foure dayes. [Sidenote: Tauay under the king of Pegu.] The first

village that we came to was in the gulfe of Tauay, vnder the king of Pegu,

whereas we found great store of victuals: then for two or three dayes after

our arriuall there, we would eate but litle meate any of vs, and yet for

all this, we were at the point of death the most part of vs. From Tauay to

Martauan, in the kingdome of Pegu, are seuentie two miles. We laded our

bote with victuals which were aboundantly sufficient for sixe moneths, from

whence we departed for the port and Citie of Martauan, where in short time

we arriued, but we found not our ship there as we had thought we should,

from whence presently we made out two barkes to goe to looke for her. And

they found her in great calamitie and neede of water, being at an anker

with a contrary winde, which came very ill to passe, because that she

wanted her boat a moneth, which should haue made her prouision of wood and

water, the shippe also by the grace of God arriued safely in the aforesaid

port of Martauan.

The Citie of Martauan.

[Sidenote: Martauan a citie vnder the king of Pegu.] We found in the Citie

of Martauan ninetie Portugales of Merchants and other base of men, which

had fallen at difference with the Retor or gouernour of the citie, and all

for this cause, that certaine vagabondes of the Portugales had slaine fiue

falchines of the king of Pegu, which chaunced about a moneth after the king

of Pegu was gone with a million and foure hundred thousand men to conquere

the kingdome of Sion. [Sidenote: A custome that these people haue when the

king is in the warres.] They haue for custome in this Countrey and

kingdome, the king being wheresoeuer his pleasure is to bee out of his

kingdome, that euery fifteene dayes there goeth from Pegu a Carouan of

Falchines, with euery one a basket on his head full of some fruites or

other delicates or refreshings, and with cleane clothes: it chaunced that

this Carauan passing by Martauan, and resting themselues there a night,

there happened betweene the Portugales and them wordes of despight, and

from wordes to blowes, and because it was thought that the Portugales had

the worse, the night following, when the Falchines were a sleepe with their

companie, the Portugales went and cut off their heads. [Sidenote: A law in

Pegu for killing of men.] Now there is a law in Pegu, that whosoeuer

killeth a man, he shall buy the shed blood with his money, according to the

estate of the person that is slaine, but these Falchines being the seruants

of the king, the Retors durst hot doe any thing in the matter, without the

consent of the king, because it was necessarie that the king should knowe

of such a matter. When the king had knowledge thereof, he gaue

commaundement that the malefactors should be kept vntill his comming home,

and then be would duely minister iustice, but the Captaine of the

Portugales would not deliuer those men, but rather set himselfe with all

the rest in armes, and went euery day through the Citie marching with his

Drumme und ensignes displayd. [Sidenote: Great pride of the Portugales.]

For at that time the Citie was emptie of men, by reason they were gone all

to the warres, and in businesse of the king: in the middest of this rumour

wee came thither, and I thought it, a strange thing to see the Portugales

vse such insolencie in another mans Citie. And I stoode in doubt of that

which came to passe, and would not vnlade my goods because that they were

more sure in the shippe then on the land, the greatest part of the lading

was the owners of the shippe, who was in Malacca, yet there were diuerse

marchants there, but their goods were of small importance, all those

marchants tolde me that they would not vnlade any of their goods there,

vnlesse I would vnlade first, yet after they left my counsell and followed

their owne, and put their goods a lande and lost euery whit. The Retor with

the customer sent for mee, and demaunded why I put not my goods a lande,

and payed my custome as other men did? To whom I answered, that I was a

marchant that was newly come thither, and seeing such disorder amongst the

Portugales, I doubted the losse of my goods which cost me very deare, with

the sweate of my face, and for this cause I was determined not to put my

goods on lande, vntil such time as his honour would assure me in the name

of the king, that I should haue no losse, and although there came harme to

the Portugales, that neither I nor my goods should haue any hurt, because I

had neither part nor any difference with them in this tumult: my reason

sounded well in the Retors eares, and so presently he sent for the Bargits,

which are as Counsellors of the Citie, and then they promised mee on the

kings head or in the behalfe of the king, that neither I nor my goods

should haue any harme, but that we should be safe and sure: of which

promise there were made publike notes. And then I sent for my goods and had

them on land, and payde my custome, which is in that countrey ten in the

hundreth of the same goods, and for my more securitie I tooke a house right

against the Retors house. The Captaine of the Portugales, and all the

Portugall marchants were put out of the Citie, and I with twentie and two

poore men which were officers in the shippe had my dwelling in the Citie.

[Sidenote: A reuenge on the Portugales.] After this the Gentiles deuised to

be reuenged of the Portugales; but they would not put it in execution,

vntil such time as our small shippe had discharged all her goods, and then

the next night following came from Pegu foure thousand souldiers with some

Elephants of warre; and before that they made any tumult in the citie, the

Retor sent, and gaue commaundement to all Portugales that were in the

Citie, when they heard any rumour or noyse, that for any thing they should

not goe out of their houses, as they tendered their owne health. Then foure

houres within night I heard a great rumour and noyse of men of warre, with

Elephants which threw downe the doores of the ware-houses of the

Portugales, and their houses of wood and strawe, in the which tumult there

were some Portugales wounded, and one of them slaine; and others without

making proofe of their manhoode, which the day before did so bragge, at

that time put themselues to flight most shamefully, and saued themselues a

boord of litle shippes, that were at an anker in the harbour, and some that

were in their beds fled away naked, and that night they caried away all the

Portugalles goods out of the suburbes into the Citie, and those Portugales

that had their goods in the suburbes also. After this the Portugales that

were fledde into the shippes to saue themselues, tooke a newe courage to

themselues, and came on lande and set fire on the houses in the suburbes,

which houses being made of boorde and strawe, and the winde blowing fresh,

in small time were burnt and consumed, with which fire halfe the Citie had

like to haue beene burnt; when the Portugales had done this, they were

without all hope to recouer any part of their goods againe, which goods

might amount to the summe of sixteene thousand duckats, which, if they had

not set fire to the towne, they might haue had againe without any losse at

all. Then the Portugales vnderstanding that this thing was not done by the

consent of the king, but by his Lieutenant and the Retor of the citie were

very ill content, knowing that they had made a great fault, yet the next

morning following, the Portugales beganne to bende and shoot their

ordinance against the Citie, which batterie of theirs continued foure

dayes, but all was in vaine, for the shotte neuer hit the Citie, but

lighted on the top of a small hill neere vnto it, so that the citie had no

harme. When the Retor perceiued that the Portugales made battery against

the Citie, be tooke one and twentie Portugales that were there in the

Citie, and sent them foure miles into the Countrey, there to tarry vntill

such time as the other Portugales were departed, that made the batterie,

who after their departure let them goe at their owne libertie without any

harme done vnto them. I my selfe was alwayes in my house with a good guard

appointed me by the Retor, that no man should doe me iniurie, nor harme me

nor my goods; in such wise that hee perfourmed all that he had promised me

in the name of the king, but he would not let me depart before the comming

of the king, which was greatly to my hinderance, because I was twenty and

one moneths sequestred, that I could not buy nor sell any kinde of

marchandise. Those commodities that I brought thither, were peper, sandols,

and Porcellan of China: so when the king was come home, I made my

supplication vnto him, and I was licenced to depart when I would.

From Martauan I departed to goe to the chiefest Citie in the kingdome of

Pegu, which is also called after the name of the kingdome, which voyage is

made by sea in three or foure daies: they may goe also by lande, but it is

better for him that hath marchandize to goe by sea and lesser charge. And

in this voyage you shall haue a Macareo, which is one of the most

marueilous things [Marginal note: A thing most marueilous, that at the

comming of a tide the earth should quake.] in the world that Nature hath

wrought, and I neuer saw any thing so hard to be beleeued as this, to wit,

the great increasing and diminishing of the water there at one push or

instant, and the horrible earthquake and great noyse that the said Macareo

maketh where it commeth. We departed from Martauan in barkes, which are

like to our Pylot boates, with the increase of the water, and they goe as

swift as an arrowe out of a bow, so long as the tide runneth with them, and

when the water is at the highest, then they drawe themselues out of the

Channell towardes some banke, and there they come to anker, and when the

water is diminished, then they rest on dry land: and when the barkes rest

dry, they are as high from the bottome of the Chanell, as any house top is

high from the ground. [Sidenote: This tide is like to the tides in our

riuer of Seuerne.] They let their barkes lie so high for this respect, that

if there should any shippe rest or ride in the Chanell, with such force

commeth in the water, that it would ouerthrowe shippe or barke: yet for all

this, that the barkes be so farre out of the Chanell, and though the water

hath lost her greatest strength and furie before it come so high, yet they

make fast their prowe to the streme, and oftentimes it maketh them very

fearefull, and if the anker did not holde her prowe vp by strength, shee

would be ouerthrowen and lost with men and goods. [Sidenote: These tides

make their iust coarse as ours doe.] When the water beginneth to increase,

it maketh such a noyse and so great that you would think it an earthquake,

and presently at the first it maketh three waues. So that the first washeth

ouer the barke, from stemme to sterne, the second is not so furious as the

first, and the thirde rayseth the Anker, and then for the space of sixe

houres while the water encreaseth, they rowe with such swiftnesse that you

would thinke they did fly: in these tydes there must be lost no iot of

time, for if you arriue not at the stagions before the tyde be spent, you

must turne back from whence you came. For there is no staying at any place,

but at these stagions, and there is more daunger at one of these places

then at another, as they be higher and lower one then another. When as you

returne from Pegu to Martauan, they goe but halfe the tide at a time,

because they will lay their barkes vp aloft on the bankes, for the reason

aforesayd. I could neuer gather any reason of the noyse that this water

maketh in the increase of the tide, and in deminishing of the water. There

is another Macareo in Cambaya, [Sidenote: The Macareo is a tide or a

currant.] but that is nothing in comparison of this. By the helpe of God we

came safe to Pegu, which are two cities, the olde and the newe, in the olde

citie are the Marchant strangers, and marchants of the Countrey, for there

are the greatest doings and the greatest trade. This citie is not very

great, but it hath very great suburbes. Their houses be made with canes,

and couered with leaues, or with strawe, but the marehants haue all one

house or Magason, which house they call Godon which is made of brickes, and

there they put all their goods of any valure, to saue them from the often

mischances that there happen to houses made of such stuffe. In the newe

citie is the pallace of the king, and his abiding place with all his barons

and nobles, and other gentlemen; and in the time that I was there, they

finished the building of the new citie: it is a great citie, very plaine

and flat, and foure square, walled round about and with ditches that

compasse the wals about with water, in which ditches are many crocodils, it

hath no drawe bridges, yet it hath twentie gates, fiue for euery square on

the walles, there are many places made for centinels to watch, made of wood

and couered or guilt with gold, the streetes thereof are the fayrest that I

haue seene, they are as straight as a line from one gate to another, and

standing at the one gate you may discouer to the other, and they are as

broad as 10 or 12 men may ride a breast in them: [Sidenote: A rich and

stately palace.] and those streetes that be thwart are faire and large,

these streetes, both on the one side and on the other, are planted at the

doores of the houses, with nut trees of India, which make a very commodious

shadowe, the houses be made of wood and couered with a kind of tiles in

forme of cups, very necessary for their vse, the kings palace is in the

middle of the citie, made in forme of a walled castle, with ditches full of

water round about it, the lodgings within are made of wood all ouer gilded,

with fine pinacles, and very costly worke, couered with plates of golde.

Truely it may be a kings house: within the gate there is a faire large

court, from the one side to the other, wherein there are made places for

the strongest and stoutest Eliphants appointed for the seruice of the kings

person, and amongst all other Eliphants, he hath foure that be white, a

thing so rare that a man shall hardly finde another king that hath any

such, and if this king knowe any other that hath white Eliphantes, he

sendeth for them as for a gift. The time that I was there, there were two

brought out of a farre Countrey, and that cost me something the sight of

them, for they commaund the marchants to goe to see them, and then they

must giue somewhat to the men that bring them: the brokers of the marchants

giue for euery man halfe a duckat, which they call a Tansa, [Marginal note:

This money called Tansa is halfe a duckat which may be three shillings and

foure pence.] which amounteth to a great summe, for the number of merchants

that are in that citie; and when they haue payde the aforesayde Tansa, they

may chuse whether they will see them at that time or no, because that when

they are in the kings stall, euery man may see them that will: but at that

time they must goe and see them, for it is the kings pleasure it should be

so. This king amongst all other his titles, is called the King of the white

Eliphantes and it is reported that if this king knewe any other king that

had any of these white Eliphantes, and woud not send them vnto him, that he

would hazard his whole kingdome to conquer them, he esteemeth these white

Eliphantes very deerely, and they are had in great regard, and kept with

very meete seruice, euery one of them is in a house, all guilded ouer, and

they haue their meate giuen them in vessels of siluer and golde, there is

one blacke Eliphant the greatest that hath bene seene, and is kept

according to his bignesse, he is nine cubites high, which is a marueilous

thing. [Sidenote: A warlike policie.] It is reported that this king hath

foure thousand Eliphantes of warre, and all haue their teeth, and they vse

to put on their two vppermost teeth sharpe spikes of yron, and make them

fast with rings, because these beastes fight, and make battell with their

teeth; hee hath also very many yong Eliphants that haue not their teeth

sprowted foorth: also this king hath a braue deuise in hunting to take

these Eliphantes when hee will, two miles from the Citie. [Sidenote: An

excellent deuise to hunt, and take wilde Elephants.] He hath builded a

faire pallace all guilded, and within it a faire Court, and within it and

rounde about there are made an infinite number of places for men to stande

to see this hunting: neere vnto this Pallace is a mighty great wood,

through the which the hunts-men of the king ride continually on the backs

of the feminine Eliphants, teaching them in this businesse. Euery hunter

carieth out with him fiue or sixe of these feminines, and they say that

they anoynt the secret places with a certaine composition that they haue,

that when the wilde Eliphant doeth smell thereunto, they followe the

feminines and cannot leaue them: when the hunts-men haue made prouision and

the Eliphant is so entangled, they guide the feminines towards the Pallace

which is called Tambell, and this Pallace hath a doore which doth open and

shut with engines, before which doore there is a long streight way with

trees on both the sides, which couereth the way in such wise as it is like

darkenesse in a corner: the wilde Eliphant when he commeth to this way,

thinketh that he is in the woods. At end of this darke way there is a great

field, when the hunters haue gotten this praye, when they first come to

this field, they send presently to giue knowledge thereof to the Citie, and

with all speed there go out fiftie or sixtie men on horsebacke, and doe

beset the fielde rounde about: in the great fielde then the females which

are taught in this businesse goe directly to the mouth of the darke way,

and when as the wilde Eliphant is entred in there, the hunters shoute and

make a great noyse, as much as is possible, to make the wilde Eliphant

enter in at the gate of that Pallace, which is then open, and as soone as

he is in, the gate is shut without any noyse, and so the hunters with the

female Eliphants and the wilde one are all in the Court together, and then

within a small time the females withdraw themselues away one by one out of

the Court, leauing the wilde Eliphant alone: [Sidenote: An excellent

pastime of the Eliphants.] and when he perceiueth that he is left alone, he

is so madde that for two or three houres to see him, it is the greatest

pleasure in the world: he weepeth, hee flingeth, hee runneth, he iustleth,

hee thrusteth vnder the places where the people stand to see him, thinking

to kil some of them, but the posts and timber is so strong and great, that

hee cannot hurt any body, yet hee oftentimes breaketh his teeth in the

grates; at length when hee is weary and hath laboured his body that hee is

all wet with sweat, then hee plucketh in his truncke into his mouth, and

then hee throweth out so much water out of his belly, that he sprinckleth

it ouer the heades of the lookers on, to the vttermost of them, although it

bee very high: and then when they see him very weary, there goe certaine

officers into the Court with long sharpe canes [Marginal note: These canes

are like to them in Spain which they call Ioco de tore.] in their hands,

and prick him that they make him to goe into one of the houses that is made

alongst the Court for the same purpose: as there are many which are made

long and narrow, and when the Eliphant is in, he cannot turne himself to go

backe againe. And it is requisite that these men should be very wary and

swift, for although their canes be long, yet the Eliphant would kill them

if they were not swift to saue themselues: at length when they haue gotten

him into one of those houses, they stand ouer him in a loft and get ropes

vnder his belly and about his necke, and about his legges, and binde him

fast, and so let him stand foure or fiue dayes, and giue him neither meate

nor drinke. At the ende of these foure or fiue dayes, they vnloose him and

put one of the females vnto him, and giue him meate and drinke, and in

eight dayes he is become tame. In my. iudgement there is not a beast so

intellectiue as are these Eliphants, nor of more vnderstanding in al the

world: for he wil do all things that his keeper saith, so that he lacketh

nothing but humaine speech.

It is reported that the greatest strength that the king of Pegu hath is in

these Eliphants, for when they goe to battell, they set on their backes a

Castle of wood bound thereto, with bands vnder their bellies: and in euery

Castle foure men very commodiously set to fight with harqubushes, with

bowes and arrowes, with darts and pikes, and other launcing weapons: and

they say that the skinne of this Eliphant is so hard, that an harquebusse

will not pierce it, vnlesse it bee in the eye, temples, or some other

tender place of his body. [Sidenote: A goodly order in a barbarous people.]

And besides this, they are of great strength, and haue a very excellent

order in their battel, as I haue seene at their feastes which they make in

the yeere, in which feastes the king maketh triumphes, which is a rare

thing and worthy memorie, that in so barbarous a people should be such

goodly orders as they haue in their armies, which be distinct in squares of

Eliphants, of horsemen, of harquebushers and pikemen, that truly the number

of men are infinite: but their armour and weapons are very nought and weake

as well the one as the other: they haue very bad pikes, their swords are

worse made, like long kniues without points, his harquebushes are most

excellent, and alway in his warres he hath eightie thousand harquebushes,

and the number of them encreaseth dayly. Because the king will haue them

shoote every day at the Plancke, and so by continuall exercise they become

most excellent shot: also hee hath great ordinance made of very good

mettall; to conclude there is not a King on the earth that hath more power

or strength then this king of Pegu, because hee hath twentie and sixe

crowned kings at his commaunde. He can make in his campe a million and a

halfe of men of warre in the fielde against his enemies. The state of his

kingdome and maintenance of his army, is a thing incredible to consider,

and the victuals that should maintaine such a number of people in the

warres: but he that knoweth the nature and quality of that people, will

easily beleeue it. [Sidenote: Eating of serpents.] I haue seene with mine

eyes, that those people and souldiers haue eaten of all sorts of wild

beastes that are on the earth, whether it bee very filthie or otherwise all

serueth for their mouthes: yea, I haue seene them eate Scorpions and

Serpents, also they feed of all kinde of herbes and grasse. So that if such

a great armie want not water and salt, they will maintaine themselues a

long time in a bush with rootes, flowers and leaues of trees, they cary

rice with them for their voyage, and that serueth them in stead of comfits;

it is so daintie vnto them. This king of Pegu hath not any army or power by

sea, but in the land, for people, dominions, golde and siluer, he farre

exceeds the power of the great Turke in treasure and strength. [Sidenote:

The riches of the king of Pegu.] This king hath diuers Magasons full of

treasure, as gold, and siluer, and euery day he encreaseth it more and

more, and it is neuer diminished. Also hee is Lord of the Mines of Rubies,

Safires and Spinels. Neere vnto his royall pallace there is an inestimable

treasure whereof hee maketh no accompt, for that it standeth in such a

place that euery one may see it, and the place where this treasure is, is a

great Court walled round about with walles of stone, with two gates which

stand open euery day. And within this place or Court are foure gilded

houses couered with lead, and in euery one of these are certaine heathenish

idoles of a very great valure. In the first house there is a stature of the

image of a man of gold very great, and on his head a crowne of gold beset

with most rare Rubies and Safires, and round about him are 4. litle

children of gold. In the second house there is the stature of a man of

siluer, that is set as it were sitting on heapes of money: whose stature in

height, as hee sitteth, is so high, that his highnesse exceeds the height

of any one roofe of an house; I measured his feete, and found that they

were as long as all my body was in height, with a crowne on his head like

to the first. And in the thirde house, there is a stature of brasse of the

same bignesse, with a like crowne on his head. In the 4. and last house

there is a stature of a man as big as the other, which is made of Gansa,

which is the metall they make their money of, and this metall is made of

copper and leade mingled together. This stature also hath a crowne on his

head like the first: this treasure being of such a value as it is, standeth

in an open place that euery man at his pleasure may go and see it: for the

keepers therof neuer forbid any man the sight thereof. I say as I haue said

before, that this king euery yere in his feastes triumpheth: and because it

is worthy of the noting, I thinke it meet to write therof, which is as

foloweth. [Sidenote: The great pompe of the king.] The king rideth on a

triumphant cart or wagon all gilded, which is drawen by 16. goodly horses:

and this cart is very high with a goodly canopy ouer it, behind the cart

goe 20. of his Lords and nobles, with euery one a rope in his hand made

fast to the cart for to hold it vpright that it fal not. The king sitteth

in the middle of the cart; and vpon the same cart about the king stande 4.

of his nobles most fauored of him, and before this cart wherein the king is

goeth all his army as aforesaid, and in the middle of his army goeth all

his nobilitie, round about the cart, that are in his dominions, a

marueilous thing it is to see so many people, such riches and such good

order in a people so barbarous as they be. This king of Pegu hath one

principal wife which is kept in a Seralio, he hath 300. concubines, of whom

it is reported that he hath 90. children. [Sidenote: The order of Iustice.]

This king sitteth euery day in person to heare the suites of his subiects,

but he nor they neuer speake one to another, but by supplications made in

this order. [Sidenote: No difference of persons before the King in

controuersies or in iustice.] The king sitteth vp aloft, in a great hall,

on a tribunall seat, and lower vnder him sit all his Barons round about,

then those that demaund audience enter into a great Court before the king,

and there set them downe on the ground 40. paces distant from the kings

person, and amongst those people there is no difference in matters of

audience before the king, but all alike, and there they sit with their

supplications in their hands, which are made of long leaues of a tree,

these leaues are 3. quarters of a yard long, and two fingers broad, which

are written with a sharpe iron made for that purpose, and in those leaues

are their supplications written, and with their supplications, they haue in

their hands a present or gift, according to the waightines of their matter.

Then come the secretaries downe to read these supplications, taking them

and reading them before the king, and if the king think it good to do to

them that fauour or iustice that they demaund, then he commandeth to take

the presents out of their hands: but if he thinke their demand be not iust

or according to right, he commandeth them away without taking of their

gifts or presents. In the Indies there is not any marchandise that is good

to bring to Pegu, vnlesse it bee at some times by chance to bring Opium of

Cambaia, and if he bring money he shall lose by it. Now the commodities

that come from S. Tome are the onely marchandise for that place, which is

the great quantity of cloth made, which they vse in Pegu: which cloth is

made of bombast wouen and painted, so that the more that kinde of cloth is

washed, the more liuelie they shewe their colours, which is a rare thing,

and there is made such accompt of this kinde of cloth which is so great

importance, that a small bale of it will cost a thousand or two thousand

duckets. Also from S. Tome they layd great store of red yarne, of bombast

died with a roote which they call Saia, as aforesayd, which colour will

neuer out. With which marchandise euery yeere there goeth a great shippe

from S. Tome to Pegu, of great importance, and they vsually depart from S.

Tome to Pegu the 11. or 12. of September, and if she stay vntill the

twelfth, it is a great hap if she returne not without making of her voiage.

Their vse was to depart the sixt of September, and then they made sure

voyages, and now because there is a great labour about that kind of cloth

to bring it to perfection, and that it be well dried, as also the

greedinesse of the Captaine that would made an extraordinary gaine of his

fraight, thinking to haue the wind alwayes to serue their turne, they stay

so long, that at sometimes the winde turneth. For in those parts the windes

blow firmely for certaine times, with the which they goe to Pegu with the

winde in poope, and if they arriue not there before the winde change, and

get ground to anker, perforce they must returne backe againe: for that the

gales of the winde blowe there for three or foure moneths together in one

place with great force. But if they get the coast and anker there, then

with great labour they may saue their voyage. Also there goeth another

great shippe from Bengala euery yeere, laden with fine cloth of bombast of

all sorts, which arriueth in the harbour of Pegu, when the ship that

commeth from S. Tome departeth. The harbour where these two ships arriue is

called Cosmin. From Malaca to Martauan, which is a port in Pegu, there come

many small ships, and great, laden with pepper, Sandolo, Porcellan of

China, Camfora, Bruneo and other marchandise. The ships that come from

Mecca enter into the port of Pegu and Cirion, and those shippes bring cloth

of Wooll, Scarlets, Veluets, Opium, and Chickinos, [Sidenote: The Chikinos

are pieces of gold worth sterling 7. shillings.] by the which they lose,

and they bring them because they haue no other thing that is good for Pegu:

but they esteeme not the losse of them, for they make such great gaine of

their commodities that they cary from thence out of that kingdome. Also the

king of Assi his ships come thither into the same port laden with peper;

from the coast of S. Tome of Bengala, out of the Sea of Bara to Pegu are

three hundreth miles, and they go it vp the riuer in foure daies, with the

encreasing water, or with the flood, to a City called Cosmin, and there

they discharge their ships, whither the Customers of Pegu come to take the

note and markes of all the goods of euery man, and take the charge of the

goods on them, and conuey them to Pegu, into the kings house, wherein they

make the custome of the marchandize. When the Customers haue taken the

charge of the goods and put them into barks, the Retor of the City giueth

licence to the Marchants to take barke, and goe vp to Pegu with their

marchandize; and so three or foure of them take a barke and goe vp to Pegu

in company. [Sidenote: Great rigour for the stealing of customes.] God

deliuer euery man that hee giue not a wrong note, and entrie, or thinke to

steale any custome: for if they do, for the least trifle that is, he is

vtterly vndone, for the king doeth take it for a most great affront to bee

deceiued of his custome: and therefore they make diligent searches, three

times at the lading and vnlading of the goods, and at the taking of them a

land. In Pegu this search they make when they goe out of the ship for

Diamonds, Pearles, and fine cloth which taketh little roome: for because

that all the iewels that come into Pegu, and are not found of that

countrey, pay custome, but Rubies, Safyres, and Spinels pay no custome in

nor out: because they are found growing in that Countrey. I haue spoken

before, how that all Marchants that meane to goe thorow the Indies, must

cary al manor of houshold stuffe with them which is necessary for a house,

because that there is not any lodging nor Innes nor hostes, nor chamber

roome in that Countrey, but the first thing a man doth when he commeth to

that City is to hier a house, either by the yeere or by the moneth, or as

he meanes to stay in those parts.

In Pegu their order is to hire their houses for sixe moneths. Nowe from

Cosmin to the Citie of Pegu they goe in sixe houres with the flood, and if

it be ebbing water, then they make fast their boate to the riuer side, and

there tary vntil the water flow againe. [Sidenote: Description of the

fruitfulnesse of that soyle.] It is a very commodious and pleasant voyage,

hauing on both sides of the riuers many great vilages, which they call

Cities: in the which hennes, pigeons, egges, milke, rice, and other things

be very goode cheape. It is all plaine, and a goodly Countrey, and in eight

dayes you may make your voyage vp to Macceo, distant from Pegu twelue

miles, and there they discharge their goods, and lade them in Carts or

waines drawen with oxen, and the Marchants are caried in a closet which

they call Deling, [Sidenote: Deling is a small litter carried with men as

is aforesaid.] in the which a man shall be very well accommodated, with

cushions under his head, and couered for the defence of the Sunne and

raine, and there he may sleep if he haue will thereunto: and his foure

Falchines cary him running away, changing two at one time and two at

another. The custome of Pegu and fraight thither, may amount vnto twentie

or twentie two per cento, and 23. according as he hath more or lesse stolen

from him that day they custome the goods. It is requisite that a man haue

his eyes watchfull, and to be carefull, and to haue many friendes, for when

they custome in the great hall of the king, there come many gentlemen

accompanied with a number of their slaues, and these gentlemen haue no

shame that their slaues rob strangers; whether it be cloth in shewing of it

or any other thing, they laugh at it. And although the Marchants helpe one

another to keepe watch, and looke to their goods, they cannot looke therto

so narrowly but one or other will rob something, either more or lesse,

according as their marchandise is more or lesse: and yet on this day there

is a worse thing then this: although you haue set so many eyes to looke

there for your benefit, that you escape vnrobbed of the slaues, a man

cannot choose but that he must be robbed of the officers of the custome

house. For paying the custome with the same goods oftentimes they take the

best that you haue, and not by rate of euery sort as they ought to do, by

which meanes a man payeth more then his dutie. At length when the goods be

dispatched out of the custome house in this order, the Marchant causeth

them to be caried to his house, and may do with them at his pleasure.

There are in Pegu 8. brokers of the kings, which are called Tareghe, who

are bound to sell all the marchandize which come to Pegu, at the common or

the currant price: then if the marchants wil sell their goods at that

price, they sel them away, and the brokers haue two in the hundreth of

euery sort of marchandise, and they are bound to make good the debts of

those goods, because they be sold by their hands or meanes, and on their

wordes, and oftentimes the marchant knoweth not to whom he giueth his

goods, yet he cannot lose anything thereby, for that the broker is bound in

any wise to pay him, and if the marchant sel his goods without the consent

of the broker, yet neuerthelesse he must pay him two per cento, and be in

danger of his money: [Sidenote: A lawe for Bankrupts.] but this is very

seldom seene, because the wife, children, and slaues of the debtor are

bound to the creditor, and when his time is expired and paiment not made,

the creditor may take the debtor and cary him home to his house, and shut

him vp in a Magasin, whereby presently he hath his money, and not being

able to pay the creditor, he may take the wife, children, and slaues of the

debtor and sel them, for so is the lawe of that kingdome. [Sidenote: Euery

man may stampe what money he wil.] The currant money that is in this city,

and throughout all this kingdom is called Gansa or Ganza, which is made of

Copper and leade: It is not the money of the king, but euery man may stamp

it that wil, because it hath his iust partition or value: but they make

many of them false, by putting ouermuch lead into them, and those will not

passe, neither will any take them. With this money Ganza, you may buy golde

or siluer, Rubies and Muske, and other things. For there is no other money

currant amongst them. And Golde, siluer and other marchandize are at one

time dearer than another, as all other things be.

This Ganza goeth by weight of Byze, and this name of Byza goeth for the

accompt of the weight, and commonly a Byza of a Ganza is worth (after our

accompt) halfe a ducat, litle more or lesse: and albeit that Gold and

siluer is more or lesse in price, yet the Byza neuer changeth: euery Byza

maketh a hundreth Ganza of weight, and so the number of the money is Byza.

[Sidenote: How a man may dispose himselfe for the trade in Pegu.] He that

goeth to Pegu to buy Iewels, if he wil do well, it behoueth him to be a

whole yere there to do his businesse. For if so be that he would return

with the ship he came in, he cannot do any thing so conueniently for the

breuitie of the time, because that when they custome their goods in Pegu

that come from S. Tome in their ships, it is as it were about Christmas:

and when they haue customed their goods, then must they sell them for their

credits sake for a moneth or two: and then at the beginning of March the

ships depart. The Marchants that come from S. Tome take for the paiment of

their goods, gold and siluer, which is neuer wanting there. [Sidenote: Good

instructions.] And 8. or 10. daies before their departure they are all

satisfied: also they may haue Rubies in paiment, but they make no accompt

of them: and they that will winter there for another yere, it is needfull

that they be aduertized, that in the sale of their goods, they specifie in

their bargaine, the terme of two or 3. moneths paiment, and that their

paiment shal be in so many Ganza, and neither golde nor siluer: because

that with the Ganza they may buy and sel euery thing with great aduantage.

And how needfull is it to be aduertized, when they wil recouer their

paiments, in what order they shal receiue their Ganza? Because he that is

not experienced may do himselfe great wrong in the weight of the Gansa, as

also in the falsenesse of them: in the weight he may be greatly deceiued,

because that from place to place it doth rise and fall greatly: and

therefore when any wil receiue money or make paiment, he must take a

publique wayer of money, a day or two before he go about his businesse, and

giue him in paiment for his labour two Byzaes a moneth, and for this he is

bound to make good all your money, and to maintaine it for good, for that

hee receiueth it and seales the bags with his scale: and when hee hath

receiued any store, then hee causeth it to bee brought into the Magason of

the Marchant, that is the owner of it.

That money is very weightie, for fortie Byza is a strong Porters burden;

and also where the Marchant hath any payment to be made for those goods

which he buyeth, the Common wayer of money that receiueth his money must

make the payment thereof. So that by this meanes, the Marchant with the

charges of two Byzes a moneth, receiueth and payeth out his money without

losse or trouble. [Sidenote: The marchandizes that goe out of Pegu.] The

Marchandizes that goe out of Pegu are Gold, Siluer, Rubies, Saphyres,

Spinelles, great store of Beniamin, long peper, Leade, Lacca, rice, wine,

some sugar, yet there might be great store of sugar made in the Countrey,

for that they haue aboundance of Canes, but they giue them to Eliphants to

eate, and the people consume great store of them for food, and many more

doe they consume in vaine things, as these following. In that kingdome they

spend many of these Sugar canes in making of houses and tents which they

call Varely for their idoles, which they call Pagodes, whereof there are

great aboundance, great and smal, and these houses are made in forme of

little hilles, like to Sugar loaues or to Bells, and some of these houses

are as high as a reasonable steeple, at the foote they are very large, some

of them be in circuit a quarter of a mile. The saide houses within are full

of earth, and walled round about with brickes and dirt in steade of lime,

and without forme, from the top to the foote they make a couering for them

with Sugar canes, and plaister it with lime all ouer, for otherwise they

would bee spoyled, by the great aboundance of raine that falleth in those

Countreys. [Sidenote: Idol houses couered with gold.] Also they consume

about these Varely or idol houses great store of leafe-gold, for that they

ouerlay all the tops of the houses with gold, and some of them are couered

with golde from the top to the foote: in couering whereof there is great

store of gold spent, for that euery 10. yeeres they new ouerlay them with

gold, from the top to the foote, so that with this vanitie they spend great

aboundance of golde. For euery 10. yeres the raine doth consume the gold

from these houses. And by this meanes they make golde dearer in Pegu then

it would bee, if they consumed not so much in this vanitie. Also it is a

thing to bee noted in the buying of iewels in Pegu, that he that hath no

knowledge shall haue as good iewels, and as good cheap, as he that hath

bene practized there a long time, which is a good order, and it is in this

wise. There are in Pegu foure men of good reputation, which are called

Tareghe, or brokers of Iewels. These foure men haue all the Iewels or

Rubies in their handes, and the Marchant that wil buy commeth to one of

these Tareghe and telleth him, that he hath so much money to imploy in

Rubies. [Sidenote: Rubies exceeding cheape in Pegu.] For through the hands

of these foure men passe all the Rubies: for they haue such quantitie, that

they knowe not what to doe with them, but sell them at most vile and base

prices. When the Marchant hath broken his mind to one of these brokers or

Tareghe, they cary him home to one of their Shops, although he hath no

knowledge in Iewels: and when the Iewellers perceiue that hee will employ a

good round summe, they will make a bargaine, and if not, they let him

alone. The vse generally of this Citie is this: that when any Marchant hath

bought any great quantitie of Rubies, and hath agreed for them, hee carieth

them home to his house, let them be of what value they will, he shall haue

space to looke on them and peruse them two or three dayes: and if he hath

no knowledge in them, he shall alwayes haue many Marchants in that Citie

that haue very good knowledge in Iewels; with whom he may alwayes conferre

and take counsell, and may shew them vnto whom he will; and if he finde

that hee hath not employed his money well, hee may returne his Iewels backe

to them whom hee had them of, without any losse at all. Which thing is such

a shame to the Tareghe to haue his Iewels returned, that he had rather

beare a blow on the face then that it should be thought that he solde them

so deere to haue them returned. [Sidenote: An honest care of heathen

people.] For these men haue alwayes great care that they afford good

peniworths, especially to those that haue no knowledge. This they doe,

because they woulde not loose their credite: and when those Marchants that

haue knowledge in Iewels buy any, if they buy them deere, it is their own

faults and not the brokers: yet it is good to haue knowledge in Iewels, by

reason that it may somewhat ease the price. [Sidenote: Bargaines made with

the nipping of fingers vnder a cloth.] There is also a very good order

which they haue in buying of Iewels, which is this; There are many

Marchants that stand by at the making of the bargaine, and because they

shall not vnderstand howe the Iewels be solde, the Broker and the Marchants

haue their hands vnder a cloth, and by touching of fingers and nipping the

ioynts they know what is done, what is bidden, and what is asked. So that

the standers by knowe not what is demaunded for them, although it be for a

thousand or 10. thousand duckets. For euery ioynt and euery finger hath his

signification. For if the Marchants that stande by should vnderstand the

bargaine, it would breede great controuersie amongst them. And at my being

in Pegu in the moneth of August, in Anno 1569, hauing gotten well by my

endeuour, I was desirous to see mine owne Countrey, and I thought it good

to goe by the way of S. Tome, but then I should tary vntil March.

In which iourney I was counsailed, yea, and fully resolued to go by the way

of Bengala, with a shippe there ready to depart for that voyage. And then

wee departed from Pegu to Chatigan a great harbour or port, from whence

there goe smal ships to Cochin, before the fleete depart for Portugall, in

which ships I was fully determined to goe to Lisbon, and so to Venice.

[Sidenote: This Touffon is an extraordinary storme at Sea.] When I had thus

resolued my selfe, I went a boord of the shippe of Bengala, at which time

it was the yeere of Touffon: concerning which Touffon ye are to vnderstand,

that in the East Indies often times, there are not stormes as in other

countreys; but euery 10. or 12. yeeres there are such tempests and stormes,

that it is a thing incredible, but to those that haue seene it, neither do

they know certainly what yeere they wil come.

[Sidenote: The Touffon commeth but euery 10. or 12. yeeres.] Vnfortunate

are they that are at sea in that yere and time of the Touffon, because few

there are that escape that danger. In this yere it was our chance to be at

sea with the like storme, but it happened well vnto vs, for that our ship

was newly ouer-plancked, and had not any thing in her saue victuall and

balasts, Siluer and golde, which from Pegu they cary to Bengala, and no

other kinde of Marchandise. This Touffon or cruel storme endured three

dayes and three nights: in which time it caried away our sailes, yards, and

rudder; and because the shippe laboured in the Sea, wee cut our mast ouer

boord: which when we had done she laboured a great deale more then before,

in such wise, that she was almost full with water that came ouer the

highest part of her and so went downe: and for the space of three dayes and

three nights sixtie men did nothing but hale water out of her in this wise,

twentie men in one place, and twentie men in another place, and twentie in

a thirde place: and for all this storme, the shippe was so good, that shee

tooke not one iot of water below through her sides, but all ran downe

through the hatches, so that those sixtie men did nothing but cast the Sea

into the Sea. And thus driuing too and fro as the winde and Sea would, we

were in a darke night about foure of the clocke cast on a sholde: yet when

it was day, we could neither see land on one side nor other, and knew not

where we were: And as it pleased the diuine power, there came a great waue

of the Sea, which draue vs beyonde the should. [Sidenote: A manifest token

of the ebbing and flowing in those Countries.] And when wee felt the shippe

aflote, we rose vp as men reuiued, because the Sea was calme and smooth

water, and then sounding we found twelue fadome water, and within a while

after wee had but sixe fadome, and then presently we came to anker with a

small anker that was left vs at the sterne, for all our other were lost in

the storme: and by and by the shippe stroke a ground, and then we did prop

her that she should not ouerthrow.

When it was day the shippe was all dry, and wee found her a good mile from

the Sea on drie land. [Sidenote: This Island is called Sondiua.] This

Touffon being ended, we discouered an Island not farre from vs, and we went

from the shippe on the sands to see what Island it was: and wee found it a

place inhabited, and, to my iudgement, the fertilest Island in all the

world, the which is diuided into two parts by a chanell which passeth

betweene it, and with great trouble we brought our ship into the same

chanel, which parteth the Island at flowing water, and there we determined

to stay 40. dayes to refresh vs. And when the people of the Island saw the

ship, and that we were comming a land: presently they made a place of bazar

or a market, with shops right ouer against the ship with all maner of

prouision of victuals to eate, which they brought downe in great abundance,

and sold it so good cheape, that we were amazed at the cheapenesse thereof.

I bought many salted kine there, for the prouision of the ship, for halfe a

Larine a piece, which Larine may be 12. shillings sixe pence, being very

good and fat; and 4. wilde hogges ready dressed for a Larine, great fat

hennes for a Bizze a piece, which is at the most a pennie: and the people

told vs that we were deceiued the halfe of our money, because we bought

things so deare. Also a sacke of fine rice for a thing of nothing, and

consequently all other things for humaine sustenance were there in such

aboundance, that it is a thing incredible but to them that haue seene it.

[Sidenote: Sondiua is the fruitfullest Countrey in al the world.] This

Island is called Sondiua belonging to the kingdome of Bengala, distant 120.

miles from Chatigan, to which place wee were bound. The people are Moores,

and the king a very good man of a Moore king, for if he had bin a tyrant as

others be, he might haue robbed vs of all, because the Portugall captaine

of Chatigan was in armes against the Retor of that place, and euery day

there were some slaine, at which newes we rested there with no smal feare,

keeping good watch and ward aboord euery night as the vse is, but the

gouernour of the towne did comfort vs, and bad vs that we should feare

nothing, but that we should repose our selues securely without any danger,

although the Portugales of Chatigan had slaine the gouernour of that City,

and said that we were not culpable in that fact: and moreouer he did vs

euery day what pleasure he could, which was a thing contrary to our

expectations considering that they and the people of Chatigan were both

subiects to one king. [Sidenote: Chatigan is a port in Bengala, whither the

Portugales go with their ships.] We departed from Sondiua, and came to

Chatigan the great port of Bengala, at the same time when the Portugales

had made peace and taken a truce with the gouernours of the towne, with

this condition that the chiefe Captaine of the Portugales with his ship

should depart without any lading: for there were then at that time 18.

ships of Portugales great and small. This Captaine being a Gentleman and of

good courage, was notwithstanding contented to depart to his greatest

hinderance, rather than hee would seeke to hinder so many of his friends as

were there, as also because the time of the yeere was spent to go to the

Indies. The night before he departed, euery ship that had any lading

therein, put it aboord of the Captaine to helpe to ease his charge and to

recompense his courtesies. [Sidenote: The King of Rachim, or Aracam,

neighbour to Bengala.] In this time there came a messenger from the king of

Rachim to this Portugal Captaine, who saide in the behalfe of his king,

that hee had heard of the courage and valure of him, desiring him gently

that he would vouchsafe to come with the ship into his port, and comming

thither he should be very wel intreated. This Portugal went thither and was

very well satisfied of this King.

This King of Rachim hath his seate in the middle coast betweene Bengala and

Pegu, and the greatest enemie he hath is the king of Pegu: which king of

Pegu deuiseth night and day how to make this king of Rachim his subiect,

but by no meanes hee is able to doe it: because the king of Pegu hath no

power nor armie by Sea. And this king of Rachim [Marginal note: Or,

Aracam.] may arme two hundreth Galleyes or Fusts by Sea, and by land he

hath certaine sluses with the which when the king of Pegu pretendeth any

harme towards him, hee may at his pleasure drowne a great part of the

Countrey. So that by this meanes hee cutteth off the way whereby the king

of Pegu should come with his power to hurt him.

[Sidenote: The commodities that goe from Chatigan to the Indies.] From the

great port of Chatigan they cary for the Indies great store of rice, very

great quantitie of Bombast cloth of euery sort, Suger, corne, and money,

with other marchandize. And by reason of the warres in Chatigan, the

Portugall ships taried there so long, that they arriued not at Cochin so

soone as they were wont to doe other yeeres. For which cause the fleete

that was at Cochin [Marginal note: The Portugal ships depart toward

Portugall out of the harbor of Cochin.] was departed for Portugal before

they arriued there, and I being in one of the small shippes before the

fleete, in discouering of Cochin, we also discouered the last shippe of the

Fleete that went from Cochin to Portugall, where shee made saile, for which

I was marueilously discomforted, because that all the yeere following,

there was no going for Portugale, and when we arriued at Cochin I was fully

determined to goe for Venice by the way of Ormus, [Sidenote: Goa was

besieged.] and at that time the Citie of Goa was besieged by the people of

Dialcan, but the Citizens forced not this assault, because they supposed

that it would not continue long. For all this I embarked my selfe in a

Galley that went for Goa, meaning there to shippe my selfe for Ormus: but

when we came to Goa, the Viceroy would not suffer any Portugal to depart,

by reason of the warres. And being in Goa but a small time, I fell sicke of

an infirmitie that helde mee foure moneths: which with phisicke and diet

cost me eight hundreth duckets, and there I was constrained to sell a smal

quantitie of Rubies to sustaine my neede: and I solde that for fiue

hundreth duckets, that was worth a thousand. And when I beganne to waxe

well of my disease, I had but little of that money left, euery thing was so

scarse: For euery chicken (and yet not good) cost mee seuen or eight

Liuers, which is sixe shillings, or sixe shillings eight pence. Beside this

great charges, the Apothecaries with their medicines were no small charge

to me. At the ende of sixe moneths they raised the siege, and then I

beganne to worke, for Iewels were risen in their prices: for whereas before

I sold a few of refused Rubies, I determined then to sell the rest of all

my Iewels that I had there, and to make an other voyage to Pegu. [Sidenote:

Opium a good commoditie in Pegu.] And for because that at my departure from

Pegu, Opium was in great request, I went then to Cambaya to imploy a good

round summe of money in Opium, and there I bought 60. percels of Opium,

which cost me two thousand and a hundreth duckets, euery ducket at foure

shillings two pence. Moreouer I bought three bales of Bombast cloth, which

cost me eight hundred duckats, which was a good commoditie for Pegu: when I

had bought these things, the Viceroy commanded that the custome of the

Opium should be paide in Goa, and paying custome there I might cary it

whither I would. I shipped my 3. bales of cloth at Chaul in a shippe that

went for Cochin, and I went to Goa to pay the aforesaid custome for my

Opium, and from Goa I departed to Cochin in a ship that was for the voyage

of Pegu, and went to winter then at S. Tome. When I come to Cochin, I

vnderstood that the ship that had my three bales of cloth was cast away and

lost, so that I lost my 800. Serafins or duckats: and departing from Cochin

to goe for S. Tome, in casting about for the Island of Zeilan the Pilote

was deceiued, for that the Cape of the Island of Zeilan lieth farre out

into the sea, and the Pilot thinking that he might haue passed hard aboord

the Cape, and paying roomer in the night; when it was morning we were farre

within the Cape, and past all remedy to go out, by reason the winds blew so

fiercely against vs. So that by this meanes we lost our voyage for that

yere, and we went to Manar with the ship to winter there, the ship hauing

lost her mastes, and with great dilligence we hardly saued her, with great

losses to the Captaine of the ship, because he was forced to fraight

another ship in S. Tome for Pegu with great losses and interest, and I with

my friends agreed together in Manar to take a bark to cary vs to S. Tome;

which thing we did with al the rest of the marchants; and arriuing at S.

Tome I had news through or by the way of Bengala, that in Pegu Opium was

very deare, and I knew that in S. Tome there was no Opium but mine to go

for Pegu that yere, so that I was holden of al the marchants there to be

very rich: and so it would haue proued, if my aduerse fortune had not bin

contrary to my hope, which was this. At that time there went a great ship

from Cambaya, to the king of Assi, with great quantitie of Opium, and there

to lade peper: in which voyage there came such a storme, that the ship was

forced with wether to goe roomer 800. miles, and by this meanes came to

Pegu, whereas they arriued a day before mee; so that Opium which was before

very deare, was now at a base price: so that which was sold for fiftie

Bizze before, was solde for 2. Bizze and an halfe, there was such quantitie

came in that ship; so that I was glad to stay two yeres in Pegu vnlesse I

would haue giuen away my commoditie: and at the end of two yeres of my

2100. duckets which I bestowed in Cambaya, I made but a thousand duckets.

Then I departed againe from Pegu to goe for the Indies for Chaul, and from

Chaul to Cochin, and from Cochin to Pegu. Once more I lost occasion to make

me riche, for whereas I might haue brought good store of Opium againe, I

brought but a little, being fearefull of my other voyage before. In this

small quantitie I made good profite. And now againe I determined to go for

my Countrey, and departing from Pegu, I tarried and wintered in Cochin, and

then I left the Indies and came for Ormus.

I thinke it very necessary before I ende my voyage, to reason somewhat, and

to shewe what fruits the Indies do yeeld and bring forth. First, In the

Indies and other East parts of India there is Peper and ginger, which

groweth in all parts of India. And in some parts of the Indies, the

greatest quantitie of peper groweth amongst wilde bushes, without any maner

of labour: sauing, that when it is ripe they goe and gather it. The tree

that the peper groweth on is like to our Iuie, which runneth vp to the tops

of trees wheresoeuer it groweth: and if it should not take holde of some

tree, it would lie flat and rot on the ground. This peper tree hath his

floure and berry like in all parts to our Iuie berry, and those berries be

graines of peper: so that when they gather them they be greene, and then

they lay them in the Sunne, and they become blacke.

The Ginger groweth in this wise: the land is tilled and sowen, and the

herbe is like to Panizzo, and the roote is the ginger. These two spices

grow in diuers places.

The Cloues come all from the Moluccas, which Moluccas are two Islands, not

very great, and the tree that they grow on is like to our Lawrell tree.

The Nutmegs and Maces, which grow both together, are brought from the

Island of Banda, whose tree is like to our walnut tree, but not so big.

All the good white Sandol is brought from the Island of Timor. Canfora

being compound commeth all from China, and all that which groweth in canes

commeth from Borneo, and I thinke that this Canfora commeth not into these

parts: for that in India they consume great store, and that is very deare.

The good Lignum Aloes commeth from Cauchinchina.

The Beniamin commeth from the kingdome of Assi and Sion.

Long pepper groweth in Bengala, Pegu, and Iaua.

Muske [Marginal note: This Muske the Iewes doe counterfeit and take out

halfe the good muske and beat the flesh of an asse and put in the roome of

it.] commeth from Tartaria, which they make in this order, as by good

information I haue bene told. There is a certaine beast in Tartaria, which

is wilde and as big as a wolfe, which beast they take aliue, and beat him

to death with small staues that his blood may be spread through his whole

body, then they cut it in pieces and take out all the bones, and beat the

flesh with the blood in a morter very smal, and dry it, and make purses to

put it in of the skin, and these be the cods of muske.

Truely I know not whereof the Amber is made, and there are diuers opinions

of it, but this is most certaine, it is cast out of the Sea, and throwne on

land, and found vpon the sea bankes.

The Rubies, Saphyres, and the Spinels be gotten in the kingdome of Pegu.

The Diamants come from diuers places; and I know but three sorts of them.

That sort of Diamants that is called Chiappe, commeth from Bezeneger. Those

that be pointed naturally come from the land of Delly, and from Iaua, but

the Diamants of Iaua are more waightie then the other. I could neuer

vnderstand from whence they that are called Balassi come. [Sidenote: The

Balassi grow in Zeilan.]

Pearles they fish in diuers places, as before in this booke is showne.

From Cambaza commeth the Spodiom which congeleth in certaine canes, whereof

I found many in Pegu, when I made my house there, because that (as I haue

sayd before) they make their houses there of wouen canes like to mats. From

Chaul they trade alongst the coast of Melinde in Ethiopia, [Marginal note:

On the coast of Melynde in Ethiopia, in the land of Cafraria, the great

trade that the Portugals haue.] within the land of Cafraria: on that coast

are many good harbors kept by the Moores. Thither the Portugals bring a

kinde of Bombast cloth of a low price, and great store of Paternosters or

beads made of paltrie glasse, which they make in Chaul according to the vse

of the Countrey: and from thence they cary Elephants teeth for India,

slaues called Cafari, and some Amber and Gold. On this coast the king of

Portugall hath his castle called Mozambique, which is of as great

importance as any castle that hee hath in all his Indies vnder his

protection, and the Captaine of this castle hath certaine voyages to this

Cafraria, to which places no Marchants may goe, but by the Agent of this

Captaine: [Sidenote: Buying and selling without words one to another.] and

they vse to goe in small shippes, and trade with the Cafars, and their

trade in buying and selling is without any speach one to the other. In this

wise the Portugals bring their goods by litle and litle alongst the Sea

coast, and lay them downe: and so depart, and the Cafar Marchants come and

see the goods, and there they put downe as much gold as they thinke the

goods are worth, and so goe their way and leaue their golde and the goods

together, then commeth the Portugal, and finding the golde to his content,

hee taketh it and goeth his way into his ship, and then commeth the Cafar,

and taketh the goods and carieth them away: and if he finde the golde there

still, it is a signe that the Portugals are not contented, and if the Cafar

thinke he hath put too little, he addeth more, as he thinketh the thing is

worth: and the Portugales must not stand with them too strickt; for if they

doe, then they will haue no more trade with them: For they disdaine to be

refused, when they thinke that they haue offered ynough, for they bee a

peeuish people, and haue dealt so of a long time: [Sidenote: Golden trades

that the Portugals haue.] and by this trade the Portugals change their

commodities into gold, and cary it to the Castle of Mozambique, which is an

Island not farre distant from the firme land of Cafraria on the coast of

Ethiopia, and is distant from India 2800. miles. Nowe to returne to my

voyage, when I came to Ormus, I found there Master Francis Berettin of

Venice, and we fraighted a bark together to goe for Basora for 70. duckets,

and with vs there went other Marchants, which did ease our fraight, and

very commodiously wee came to Basora and there we stayed 40. dayes for

prouiding a Carouan of barks to go to Babylon, because they vse not to goe

two or 3. barkes at once, but 25. or 30. because in the night they cannot

go, but must make them fast to the banks of the riuer, and then we must

make a very good and strong guard, and be wel prouided of armor, for

respect and safegard of our goods, because the number of theeues is great

that come to spoile and rob the marchants. And when we depart for Babylon

we goe a litle with our saile, and the voyage is 38. or 40. dayes long, but

we were 50. dayes on it. When we came to Babylon we stayed there 4.

moneths, vntill the Carouan was ready to go ouer the wildernes, or desert

for Alepo; in this city we were 6. Marchants that accompanied together,

fiue Venetians and a Portugal: whose names were as followeth, Messer

Florinasa with one of his kinsmen, Messer Andrea de Pola, the Portugal and

M. Francis Berettin and I, and so wee furnished our selues with victuals

and beanes for our horses for 40. dayes; [Marginal note: An order how to

prouide to goe ouer the Desert from Babylon to Alepo.] and wee bought

horses and mules, for that they bee very good cheape there, I my selfe

bought a horse there for 11. akens, and solde him after in Alepo for 30.

duckets. Also we bought a Tent which did vs very great pleasure: we had

also amongst vs 32. Camels laden with marchandise: for the which we paid 2.

duckets for euery camels lading, and for euery 10. camels they made 11, for

so is their vse and custome. We take also with vs 3. men to serue vs in the

voyage, which are vsed to goe in those voyages for fiue D d. a man, and are

bound to serue vs to Alepo: so that we passed very well without any

trouble: when the camels cried out to rest, our pauilion was the first that

was erected. The Carouan maketh but small iourneis about 20. miles a day,

and they set forwards euery morning before day two houres, and about two in

the afternoone they sit downe. We had great good hap in our voyage, for

that it rained: For which cause we neuer wanted water, but euery day found

good water, so that we could not take any hurt for want of water. Yet we

caried a camel laden alwayes with water for euery good respect that might

chance in the desert, so that wee had no want neither of one thing, nor

other that was to bee had in the countrey. For wee came very well furnished

of euery thing, and euery day we eat fresh mutton, because there came many

shepheards with vs with their flocks, who kept those sheepe that we bought

in Babylon, and euery marchant marked his sheepe with his owne marke, and

we gaue the shepheards a Medin, which is two pence of our money for the

keeping and feeding our sheep on the way and for killing of them. And

beside the Medin they haue the heads, the skinnes, and the intrals of euery

sheepe they kil. We sixe bought 20. sheepe, and when we came to Alepo we

had 7. aliue of them. And in the Carouan they vse this order, that the

marchants doe lende flesh one to another, because they will not cary raw

flesh with them, but pleasure one another by lending one one day and

another another day.

[Sidenote: 36. Dayes iourney ouer the wildernes.] From Babylon to Alepo is

40. dayes iourney, of the which they make 36. dayes ouer the wildernes, in

which 36. dayes they neither see house, trees nor people that inhabite it,

but onely a plaine, and no signe of any way in the world. The Pilots goe

before, and the Carouan followeth after. And when they sit downe all the

Carouan vnladeth and sitteth downe, for they know the stations where the

wells are. I say, in 36. dayes we pass ouer the wildernesse. For when wee

depart from Babylon two dayes we passe by villages inhabited vntil we haue

passed the riuer Euphrates. And then within two dayes of Alepo we haue

villages inhabited. [Sidenote: An order how to prouide for the going to

Ierusalem.] In this Carouan there goeth alway a Captaine that doth Iustice

vnto all men: and euery night they keepe watch about the Carouan, and

comming to Alepo we went to Tripoli, whereas Master Florin, and Master

Andrea Polo, and I with a Frier, went and hired a barke to goe with vs to

Ierusalem. Departing from Tripolie, we arriued at Iaffa: from which place

in a day and a halfe we went to Ierusalem, and we gaue order to our barke

to tary for vs vntill our returne. [Sidenote: The author returned to Venice

1581.] Wee stayed in Ierusalem 14. dayes, to visite those holy places: from

whence we returned to Iaffa, and from Iaffa to Tripolie, and there wee

shipped our selues in a ship of Venice called the Bagazzana: And by the

helpe of the deuine power, we arriued safely in Venice the fift of Nouember

1581. If there be any that hath any desire to goe into those partes of

India, let him not be astonied at the troubles that I haue passed: because

I was intangled in many things: for that I went very poore from Venice with

1200. duckets imployed in marchandize, and when I came to Tripolie, I fell

sicke in the house of Master Regaly Oratio, and this man sent away my goods

with a small Carouan that went from Tripolie to Alepo, and the Carouan was

robd, and all my goods lost sauing foure chests of glasses which cost me

200. duckets, of which glasses I found many broken: because the theeues

thinking it had bene other marchandize, brake them vp, and seeing they were

glasses they let them all alone. And with this onely stocke I aduentured to

goe into the Indies: And thus with change and rechange, and by diligence in

my voyage, God did blesse and helpe mee, so that I got a good stocke. I

will not be vnmindfull to put them in remembrance, that haue a desire to

goe into those parts, how they shall keepe their goods, and giue them to

their heires at the time of their death, [Marginal note: A very good order

that they haue in those Countreys for the recouering of the goods of the

dead.] and howe this may be done very securely. In all the cities that the

Portugales haue in the Indies, there is a house called the schoole of

Sancta misericordia comissaria: the gouernours whereof, if you giue them

for their paines, will take a coppy of your will and Testament, which you

must alwayes cary about you; and chiefly when you go into the Indies. In

the countrey of the Moores and Gentiles, in those voyages alwayes there

goeth a Captaine to administer Iustice to all Christians of the Portugales.

Also this captaine hath authoritie to recouer the goods of those Marchants

that by chance die in those voyages, and they that haue not made their

Wills and registred them in the aforesayde schooles, the Captaines wil

consume their goods in such wise, that litle or nothing will be left for

their heires and friends. Also there goeth in these same voyages some

marchants that are commissaries of the schoole of Sancta misericordia, that

if any Marchant die and haue his Will made, and hath giuen order that the

schoole of Misericordia shall haue his goods and sell them, then they sende

the money by exchange to the schoole of Misericordia in Lisbone, with that

copie of his Testament, then from Lisbon they giue intelligence thereof,

into what part of Christendome soeuer it be, and the heires of such a one

comming thither, with testimoniall that they be heires, they shall receiue

there the value of his goods: in such wise that they shall not loose any

thing. But they that die in the kingdome of Pegu loose the thirde part of

their goods by antient custome of the Countrey, that if any Christian dieth

in the kingdome of Pegu, the king and his officers rest heires of a thirde

of his goods, and there hath neuer bene any deceit or fraude vsed in this

matter. I haue knowen many rich men that haue dwelled in Pegu, and in their

age they haue desired to go into their owne Countrey to die there, and haue

departed with al their goods and substance without let or troubles.

[Sidenote: Order of apparel in Pegu.] In Pegu the fashion of their apparel

is all one, as well the noble man as the simple: the onely difference is in

the finenes of the cloth, which is cloth of Bombast one finer then another,

and they weare their apparell in this wise: First a white Bombast cloth

which serueth for a shirt, then they gird another painted bombast cloth of

foureteene brases, which they binde vp betwixt their legges, and on their

heads they weare a small tock of three braces, made in guize of a myter,

and some goe without tocks, and cary (as it were) a hiue on their heades,

which doeth not passe the lower part of his eare, when it is lifted vp:

they goe all bare footed, but the Noble men neuer goe on foote, but are

caried by men in a seate with great reputation, with a hat made of the

leaues of a tree to keepe him from the raine and Sunne, or otherwise they

ride on horsebacke with their feete bare in the stirops. [Sidenote: The

order of the womens apparel in Pegu.] All sorts of women whatsoeuer they

be, weare a smocke downe to the girdle, and from the girdle downewards to

the foote they weare a cloth of three brases, open before; so straite that

they cannot goe, but they must shewe their secret as it were aloft, and in

their going they faine to hide it with their hand, but they cannot by

reason of the straitnes of their cloth. They say that this vse was inuented

by a Queene to be an occasion that the sight thereof might remoue from men

the vices against nature, which they are greatly giuen vnto; which sight

should cause them to regard women the more. Also the women goe bare footed,

their armes laden with hoopes of golde and Iewels: And their fingers full

of precious rings, with their haire rolled vp about their heads. Many of

them weare a cloth about their shoulders instead of a cloake.

Now to finish that which I haue begunne to write, I say, that those parts

of the Indies are very good, because that a man that hath litle, shall make

a great deale thereof; alwayes they must gouerne themselues that they be

taken for honest men. For why? to such there shal neuer want helpe to doe

wel, but he that is vicious, let him tary at home and not go thither,

because he shall alwayes be a beggar, and die a poore man.

* * * * *

The money and measures of Babylon, Balsara, and the Indies, with the

customes, &c. written from Aleppo in Syria, An. 1584. by M. Will. Barret.