UNITED STATES, _May 16, 1797_.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:
The personal inconveniences to the members of the Senate and of the
House of Representatives in leaving their families and private affairs
at this season of the year are so obvious that I the more regret the
extraordinary occasion which has rendered the convention of Congress
indispensable.
It would have afforded me the highest satisfaction to have been able to
congratulate you on a restoration of peace to the nations of Europe
whose animosities have endangered our tranquillity; but we have still
abundant cause of gratitude to the Supreme Dispenser of National
Blessings for general health and promising seasons, for domestic and
social happiness, for the rapid progress and ample acquisitions of
industry through extensive territories, for civil, political, and
religious liberty. While other states are desolated with foreign war or
convulsed with intestine divisions, the United States present the
pleasing prospect of a nation governed by mild and equal laws, generally
satisfied with the possession of their rights, neither envying the
advantages nor fearing the power of other nations, solicitous only for
the maintenance of order and justice and the preservation of liberty,
increasing daily in their attachment to a system of government in
proportion to their experience of its utility, yielding a ready and
general obedience to laws flowing from the reason and resting on the
only solid foundation--the affections of the people.
It is with extreme regret that I shall be obliged to turn your thoughts
to other circumstances, which admonish us that some of these felicities
may not be lasting. But if the tide of our prosperity is full and a
reflux commencing, a vigilant circumspection becomes us, that we may
meet our reverses with fortitude and extricate ourselves from their
consequences with all the skill we possess and all the efforts in our
power.
In giving to Congress information of the state of the Union and
recommending to their consideration such measures as appear to me to be
necessary or expedient, according to my constitutional duty, the causes
and the objects of the present extraordinary session will be explained.
After the President of the United States received information that the
French Government had expressed serious discontents at some proceedings
of the Government of these States said to affect the interests of
France, he thought it expedient to send to that country a new minister,
fully instructed to enter on such amicable discussions and to give such
candid explanations as might happily remove the discontents and suspicions
of the French Government and vindicate the conduct of the United States.
For this purpose he selected from among his fellow-citizens a character
whose integrity, talents, experience, and services had placed him in the
rank of the most esteemed and respected in the nation. The direct object
of his mission was expressed in his letter of credence to the French
Republic, being "to maintain that good understanding which from the
commencement of the alliance had subsisted between the two nations, and
to efface unfavorable impressions, banish suspicions, and restore that
cordiality which was at once the evidence and pledge of a friendly
union." And his instructions were to the same effect, "faithfully to
represent the disposition of the Government and people of the United
States (their disposition being one), to remove jealousies and obviate
complaints by shewing that they were groundless, to restore that mutual
confidence which had been so unfortunately and injuriously impaired,
and to explain the relative interests of both countries and the real
sentiments of his own."
A minister thus specially commissioned it was expected would have proved
the instrument of restoring mutual confidence between the two Republics.
The first step of the French Government corresponded with that
expectation. A few days before his arrival at Paris the French minister
of foreign relations informed the American minister then resident at
Paris of the formalities to be observed by himself in taking leave, and
by his successor preparatory to his reception. These formalities they
observed, and on the 9th of December presented officially to the
minister of foreign relations, the one a copy of his letters of recall,
the other a copy of his letters of credence.
These were laid before the Executive Directory. Two days afterwards the
minister of foreign relations informed the recalled American minister
that the Executive Directory had determined not to receive another
minister plenipotentiary from the United States until after the redress
of grievances demanded of the American Government, and which the French
Republic had a right to expect from it. The American minister
immediately endeavored to ascertain whether by refusing to receive him
it was intended that he should retire from the territories of the French
Republic, and verbal answers were given that such was the intention of
the Directory. For his own justification he desired a written answer,
but obtained none until toward the last of January, when, receiving
notice in writing to quit the territories of the Republic, he proceeded
to Amsterdam, where he proposed to wait for instruction from this
Government. During his residence at Paris cards of hospitality were
refused him, and he was threatened with being subjected to the
jurisdiction of the minister of police; but with becoming firmness he
insisted on the protection of the law of nations due to him as the known
minister of a foreign power. You will derive further information from
his dispatches, which will be laid before you.
As it is often necessary that nations should treat for the mutual
advantage of their affairs, and especially to accommodate and terminate
differences, and as they can treat only by ministers, the right of
embassy is well known and established by the law and usage of nations.
The refusal on the part of France to receive our minister is, then, the
denial of a right; but the refusal to receive him until we have acceded
to their demands without discussion and without investigation is to
treat us neither as allies nor as friends, nor as a sovereign state.
With this conduct of the French Government it will be proper to take
into view the public audience given to the late minister of the United
States on his taking leave of the Executive Directory. The speech of the
President discloses sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a
minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at
the same time studiously marked with indignities toward the Government
of the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people of
the United States from the Government, to persuade them that they have
different affections, principles, and interests from those of their
fellow-citizens whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common
concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such
attempts ought to be repelled with a decision which shall convince
France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humiliated under
a colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the
miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national
honor, character, and interest.
I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions
if it had been possible to conceal them; but they have passed on the
great theater of the world, in the face of all Europe and America, and
with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity that they can not be
disguised and will not soon be forgotten. They have inflicted a wound in
the American breast. It is my sincere desire, however, that it may be
healed.
It is my sincere desire, and in this I presume I concur with you and
with our constituents, to preserve peace and friendship with all
nations; and believing that neither the honor nor the interest of the
United States absolutely forbid the repetition of advances for securing
these desirable objects with France, I shall institute a fresh attempt
at negotiation, and shall not fail to promote and accelerate an
accommodation on terms compatible with the rights, duties, interests,
and honor of the nation. If we have committed errors, and these can be
demonstrated, we shall be willing to correct them; if we have done
injuries, we shall be willing on conviction to redress them; and equal
measures of justice we have a right to expect from France and every
other nation.
The diplomatic intercourse between the United States and France being at
present suspended, the Government has no means of obtaining official
information from that country. Nevertheless, there is reason to believe
that the Executive Directory passed a decree on the 2d of March last
contravening in part the treaty of amity and commerce of 1778, injurious
to our lawful commerce and endangering the lives of our citizens. A copy
of this decree will be laid before you.
While we are endeavoring to adjust all our differences with France by
amicable negotiation, the progress of the war in Europe, the
depredations on our commerce, the personal injuries to our citizens, and
the general complexion of affairs render it my indispensable duty to
recommend to your consideration effectual measures of defense.
The commerce of the United States has become an interesting object of
attention, whether we consider it in relation to the wealth and finances
or the strength and resources of the nation. With a seacoast of near
2,000 miles in extent, opening a wide field for fisheries, navigation,
and commerce, a great portion of our citizens naturally apply their
industry and enterprise to these objects. Any serious and permanent
injury to commerce would not fail to produce the most embarrassing
disorders. To prevent it from being undermined and destroyed it is
essential that it receive an adequate protection.
The naval establishment must occur to every man who considers the
injuries committed on our commerce, the insults offered to our citizens,
and the description of vessels by which these abuses have been
practiced. As the sufferings of our mercantile and seafaring citizens
can not be ascribed to the omission of duties demandable, considering
the neutral situation of our country, they are to be attributed to the
hope of impunity arising from a supposed inability on our part to afford
protection. To resist the consequences of such impressions on the minds
of foreign nations and to guard against the degradation and servility
which they must finally stamp on the American character is an important
duty of Government.
A naval power, next to the militia, is the natural defense of the United
States. The experience of the last war would be sufficient to shew that
a moderate naval force, such as would be easily within the present
abilities of the Union, would have been sufficient to have baffled many
formidable transportations of troops from one State to another, which
were then practiced. Our seacoasts, from their great extent, are more
easily annoyed and more easily defended by a naval force than any other.
With all the materials our country abounds; in skill our naval
architects and navigators are equal to any, and commanders and seamen
will not be wanting.
But although the establishment of a permanent system of naval defense
appears to be requisite, I am sensible it can not be formed so speedily
and extensively as the present crisis demands. Hitherto I have thought
proper to prevent the sailing of armed vessels except on voyages to the
East Indies, where general usage and the danger from pirates appeared to
render the permission proper. Yet the restriction has originated solely
from a wish to prevent collisions with the powers at war, contravening
the act of Congress of June, 1794, and not from any doubt entertained by
me of the policy and propriety of permitting our vessels to employ means
of defense while engaged in a lawful foreign commerce. It remains for
Congress to prescribe such regulations as will enable our seafaring
citizens to defend themselves against violations of the law of nations,
and at the same time restrain them from committing acts of hostility
against the powers at war. In addition to this voluntary provision for
defense by individual citizens, it appears to me necessary to equip the
frigates, and provide other vessels of inferior force, to take under
convoy such merchant vessels as shall remain unarmed.
The greater part of the cruisers whose depredations have been most
injurious have been built and some of them partially equipped in the
United States. Although an effectual remedy may be attended with
difficulty, yet I have thought it my duty to present the subject
generally to your consideration. If a mode can be devised by the wisdom
of Congress to prevent the resources of the United States from being
converted into the means of annoying our trade, a great evil will be
prevented. With the same view, I think it proper to mention that some of
our citizens resident abroad have fitted out privateers, and others have
voluntarily taken the command, or entered on board of them, and
committed spoliations on the commerce of the United States. Such
unnatural and iniquitous practices can be restrained only by severe
punishments.
But besides a protection of our commerce on the seas, I think it highly
necessary to protect it at home, where it is collected in our most
important ports. The distance of the United States from Europe and the
well-known promptitude, ardor, and courage of the people in defense of
their country happily diminish the probability of invasion.
Nevertheless, to guard against sudden and predatory incursions the
situation of some of our principal seaports demands your consideration.
And as our country is vulnerable in other interests besides those of its
commerce, you will seriously deliberate whether the means of general
defense ought not to be increased by an addition to the regular
artillery and cavalry, and by arrangements for forming a provisional
army.
With the same view, and as a measure which, even in a time of universal
peace, ought not to be neglected, I recommend to your consideration a
revision of the laws for organizing, arming, and disciplining the
militia, to render that natural and safe defense of the country
efficacious.
Although it is very true that we ought not to involve ourselves in the
political system of Europe, but to keep ourselves always distinct and
separate from it if we can, yet to effect this separation, early,
punctual, and continual information of the current chain of events and
of the political projects in contemplation is no less necessary than if
we were directly concerned in them. It is necessary, in order to the
discovery of the efforts made to draw us into the vortex, in season to
make preparations against them. However we may consider ourselves, the
maritime and commercial powers of the world will consider the United
States of America as forming a weight in that balance of power in Europe
which never can be forgotten or neglected. It would not only be against
our interest, but it would be doing wrong to one-half of Europe, at
least, if we should voluntarily throw ourselves into either scale. It is
a natural policy for a nation that studies to be neutral to consult with
other nations engaged in the same studies and pursuits. At the same time
that measures might be pursued with this view, our treaties with Prussia
and Sweden, one of which is expired and the other near expiring, might
be renewed.
_Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:
It is particularly your province to consider the state of the public
finances, and to adopt such measures respecting them as exigencies shall
be found to require. The preservation of public credit, the regular
extinguishment of the public debt, and a provision of funds to defray
any extraordinary expenses will of course call for your serious
attention. Although the imposition of new burthens can not be in itself
agreeable, yet there is no ground to doubt that the American people will
expect from you such measures as their actual engagements, their present
security, and future interests demand.
_Gentlemen of the Senate and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives_:
The present situation of our country imposes an obligation on all the
departments of Government to adopt an explicit and decided conduct. In
my situation an exposition of the principles by which my Administration
will be governed ought not to be omitted.
It is impossible to conceal from ourselves or the world what has been
before observed, that endeavors have been employed to foster and
establish a division between the Government and people of the United
States. To investigate the causes which have encouraged this attempt is
not necessary; but to repel, by decided and united councils,
insinuations so derogatory to the honor and aggressions so dangerous to
the Constitution, union, and even independence of the nation is an
indispensable duty.
It must not be permitted to be doubted whether the people of the United
States will support the Government established by their voluntary
consent and appointed by their free choice, or whether, by surrendering
themselves to the direction of foreign and domestic factions, in
opposition to their own Government, they will forfeit the honorable
station they have hitherto maintained.
For myself, having never been indifferent to what concerned the
interests of my country, devoted the best part of my life to obtain and
support its independence, and constantly witnessed the patriotism,
fidelity, and perseverance of my fellow-citizens on the most trying
occasions, it is not for me to hesitate or abandon a cause in which my
heart has been so long engaged.
Convinced that the conduct of the Government has been just and impartial
to foreign nations, that those internal regulations which have been
established by law for the preservation of peace are in their nature
proper, and that they have been fairly executed, nothing will ever be
done by me to impair the national engagements, to innovate upon
principles which have been so deliberately and uprightly established, or
to surrender in any manner the rights of the Government. To enable me to
maintain this declaration I rely, under God, with entire confidence on
the firm and enlightened support of the National Legislature and upon
the virtue and patriotism of my fellow-citizens.