“Immigration during most of the nineteenth century was from

COPYRIGHT BY

FREDERICK FRANKLIN SCHRADER

1920

PUBLISHED BY

CONCORD PUBLISHING COMPANY

INCORPORATED

NEW YORK, U. S. A.

Illustration: Frederick Franklin Schrader (‡ signature)

“1683-1920”

The Fourteen Points and What Became of

Them--Foreign Propaganda in the Public

Schools--Rewriting the History of the

United States--The Espionage Act and

How it Worked--“Illegal and Indefensible

Blockade” of the Central Powers--1,000,000

Victims of Starvation--Our Debt to

France and to Germany--The War

Vote in Congress--Truth About

the Belgian Atrocities--Our

Treaty with Germany and How

Observed--The Alien Property

Custodianship--Secret Will

of Cecil Rhodes--Racial

Strains in American

Life--Germantown

Settlement of

1683

_And a Thousand Other Topics_

by

FREDERICK FRANKLIN SCHRADER

Former Secretary Republican Congressional Committee

and Author “Republican Campaign Text Book, 1898.”

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PREFACE

With the ending of the war many books will be released dealing with

various questions and phases of the great struggle, some of them

perhaps impartial, but the majority written to make propaganda for

foreign nations with a view to rendering us dissatisfied with our

country and imposing still farther upon the ignorance, indifference

and credulity of the American people.

The author’s aim in the following pages has been to provide a book of

ready reference on a multitude of questions which have been raised by

the war. It is strictly American in that it seeks to educate those

who need education in the truth about American institutions and

national problems.

A blanket indictment has been found against a whole race. That race

comprises upward of 26 per cent. of the American people and has

been a stalwart factor in American life since the middle of the

seventeenth century. This indictment has been found upon tainted

evidence. As is shown in the following pages, a widespread propaganda

has been, and is still, at work to sow the seeds of discord and

sedition in order to reconcile us to a pre-Revolutionary political

condition. This propaganda has invaded our public schools, and cannot

be more effectively combatted than by education.

The contingency that the book may be decried as German propaganda

has no terrors for the author, and has not deterred him from his

purpose to deal with facts from an angle that has not been popular

during the past five years. What is here set down is a statement of

facts, directed not against institutions, but men. Men come and go;

institutions endure if they are rooted in the hearts of the people.

The author believes in the sacredness and perpetuity of our

institutions. He believes in the great Americans of the past, and in

American traditions. He is content to have his Americanism measured

by any standard applied to persons who, like Major George Haven

Putnam, feel prompted to apologize to their English friends for

“the treason of 1776,” or who pass unrebuked and secretly condone

the statement of former Senator James Hamilton Lewis, that the

Constitution is an obsolete instrument.

Statements of fact may be controverted; they cannot be disproved by

an Espionage Act, however repugnant their telling may sound to the

stagnant brains of those who have been uninterruptedly happy because

they were spared the laborious process of thinking for themselves

throughout the war, or that not inconsiderable host which derives

pleasure and profit from keeping alive the hope of one day seeing

their country reincorporated with “the mother country”--the mother

country of 30 per cent. of the American people.

It is to arouse the patriotic consciousness of a part of the

remaining 70 per cent. that this compilation of political and

historical data has been undertaken.

European issues and questions have been included in so far only as

they exercised a bearing on American affairs, or influenced and

shaped public opinion, prejudice and conclusions. To the extent that

they serve the cause of truth they are entitled to a place in these

pages.

THE AUTHOR.

New York City, January, 1920.

=Allied Nations in the War.=--The following countries were at war

with Germany at the given dates:

Russia 1 August, 1914

France 3 August, 1914

Belgium 3 August, 1914

Great Britain 4 August, 1914

Servia 6 August, 1914

Montenegro 9 August, 1914

Japan 23 August, 1914

San Marino 24 May, 1915

Portugal 9 March, 1916

Italy 28 August, 1916

Roumania 28 August, 1916

U. S. A. 6 April, 1917

Cuba 7 April, 1917

Panama 10 April, 1917

Greece 29 June, 1917

Siam 22 July, 1917

Liberia 4 August, 1917

China 14 August, 1917

Brazil 26 October, 1917

Ecuador 8 December, 1917

Guatemala 23 April, 1918

Haiti 15 July, 1918

The following countries broke off diplomatic relations with Germany:

Bolivia April 13, 1917

Nicaragua May 18, 1917

Santo Domingo

Costa Rica Sept. 21, 1917

Peru October 6, 1917

Uruguay October 7, 1917

Honduras July 22, 1918

=Alsace-Lorraine.=--Dr. E. J. Dillon, the distinguished political

writer and student of European problems, in a remarkable article

printed long before the end of the war, called attention to the

general misunderstanding that prevails regarding Alsace-Lorraine.

He said that the two houses of the Legislature in Strasburg made

a statement through their respective speakers which, “however

skeptically it may be received by the allied countries, is thoroughly

relied upon by Germany as a deciding factor” in the vexatious

question affecting those provinces.

The president of the second chamber, Dr. Ricklin (former mayor of

Dammerkirch, then occupied by the French), declared solemnly in the

presence of the Stadthalter that the two provinces, while desiring

modification of their status within the German empire, also desired

their perpetuation of their present union with it.... “The people

of Alsace-Lorraine in its overwhelming majority did not desire war,

and therefore did not desire this war. What it strove for was the

consummation of its political status in the limits of its dependence

upon the German empire, and that settled, to resume its peaceful

avocations. In this respect the war has changed nothing in our

country. We make this confession aloud and before all the world. May

it be everywhere heard, and may peace be speedily vouchsafed us.”

“The speaker of the First Chamber, Dr. Hoeffel,” continues Dr.

Dillon, “also made a pronouncement of a like tenor, of which this is

the pith: ‘Alsace-Lorraine particularly has felt how heavily the war

presses upon us all, but selfless sacrifice is here, too, taken for

granted. Our common task has knit the imperial provinces more closely

together than before, and has also drawn more tightly their links

with the German Empire.’”

Under date of January 17, 1917, Mayor North, of Detweiler, was quoted

in the press of that day: “Alsace-Lorraine needs no liberator. After

the war, I am confident, it will know how to guard its interests

without the interference of any foreign power. The sons of the

country have not bled and died in vain for Germany.”

North is of old Alsatian stock, as is also Former Secretary Petri of

Alsace, who said, when the issue of the war was still undecided: “In

view of the military situation, the reply of the Entente to President

Wilson’s peace note is simply grotesque. It could hardly have used

other words if the French were in Strasburg, Metz, Mayence, etc.”

At the National Congress of United Socialists, March 24, 1913,

Gustave Herve (quoting a dispatch from Brest to the New York “Times”

of the day following), declared, “Alsace was German in race and

civilization, and had been an ancient possession of Germany. One of

the provinces naturally belonged to Germany and the other to France.”

Francis de Pressense, ex-deputy, declared: “Time has done its work.

Alsace-Lorraine no longer wants to return to French rule.”

The last election to the Reichstag before the war showed that

only 157,000 out of a total vote of 417,000 voted for “protesting

candidates,” while 260,000 voted as Germans, not as separatists.

Though forced to live several generations under French rule, it must

be observed that the people of Alsace-Lorraine never ceased to be

Germans. The proper mother tongue of a people is that in which it

prays. The most distinguished Catholic pulpit orator of Alsace in

the last century, Abbe Muhe, who died in 1865, was able only once in

his life to bring himself to preach in French; and Canon Gazeau, of

Strasburg Cathedral, published in 1868 an “Essai sur la conversation

de la langue Allemagne en Alsace,” in which, in the interest of

religion and morals, he energetically resisted the attempt to

extirpate German speech.

The population of Alsace, with the exception of the rich and

comfortable, in its thoughts, words and feeling was thoroughly

German. In a petition which was addressed in 1869 to the Emperor

Napoleon by people of German Lorraine, we read as follows: “O, sir!

How many fathers and mothers of families who earn their bread in the

sweat of their brow impose upon themselves the pious but none the

less heavy duty of teaching their children the catechism in German by

abridging in the winter evenings their own needful hours of sleep.”

In 1869 a radical journal was established by prominent republicans

of Muhlhausen in the interest of propagating agitation against the

French empire among the laboring people. This paper appeared only

in the German language, and justified this course in the following

words: “Because the majority, yes, the very large majority, of the

Alsatian people is German in thought, in feeling, in speech; receives

its religious instruction in German; loves and lives according to

German usages, and will not forget the German language.”

The boundary established in 1871 was the true national and racial

boundary, which had been destroyed by Louis XIV when Germany,

after the Thirty Years War, was too weak to defend it, but which

remained the boundary in the hearts of those on both sides until

the French Revolution, when executions, deportations and process

of ruthless extermination finally broke the spirit of resistance

in the population and made it succumb in order to save itself from

extinction.

The attempt of the French to control the Rhine regions, though

continued for centuries, has been a failure. “To one who has been

through the documents,” writes Raymond D. B. Cahill, in “The Nation”

for July 26, 1919, “an astounding thing is the French picture of

their former experience in ruling the Rhinelands. The student of

that period sees little which should encourage the French to attempt

a repetition of that experiment. Indeed, he is impressed with

the futility of the nation’s attempt to absorb a people of quite

different culture. Although dealing with a people still unawakened by

German patriotism, the French found eighteenth century Rhinelanders

so different, so attached to their own customs and religion, that it

took many years to overcome their resistance.”

It will again require the guillotine, the firebrand and the methods

of violence employed during the French revolution to convert

Alsace-Lorraine into a French possession. France has decisively

declined to submit the question of the annexation to a plebiscite.

The beautiful dream about the “redemption of our lost sons” has

proved a delusion; hundreds of thousands of citizens have been

transported by France in order to blot out the appearance that

there was discontent. Abbe Wetterlé, once a member of the German

Reichstag, and one of the leaders of the pro-French movement, in his

lectures, compiled in his book, “Ce qu était l’Alsace-Lorraine et

ce quelle cera; l’edition Francaise illustrée,” Paris, 1915, said:

“Soldiers who had participated in the battles of 1914 and had invaded

Alsace-Lorraine, returned painfully disappointed. They reported, and

their stories agreed in establishing them as reliable, that the civil

population of the annexed provinces had betrayed them in the most

outrageous manner.”

General Rapp, a descendant of Napoleon’s famous marshal, whose

family has been a resident of the province for 600 years, in a

manifesto signed by him as a member of the “Executive Committee of

the Republic of Alsace-Lorraine,” and addressed to Sir James Eric

Drummond, general secretary of the League of Nations, says: “We,

the representatives of the sovereign people of Alsace-Lorraine,

protest in the name of our people against the systematic ruin of

our homeland. The French government has usurped the sovereignty of

Alsace-Lorraine. The sovereign people of Alsace-Lorraine was not

consulted concerning the constitutional status of the future. We,

representing our people, personifying its sovereignty, assume the

right to speak for the interests of the people of Alsace-Lorraine

before the League of Nations. We are standing today at the parting

of the ways in our history. The hour has come when the people are

asking, ‘Shall it be revolution or self-determination?’ Before that

question is decided we appeal to the good sense of the world, which

must know that until the Alsace-Lorraine question is solved beyond

the limits of our country, two great nations will never know peace.”

This manifesto, dated Basel, August 25, 1919, informs the world that

millions of francs were taken out of the treasury of the French

government to finance the reception committee of President Poincare

and Premier Clemenceau in every city in Alsace-Lorraine, and for the

payment of agents to inflame manifestations of joy, finding vent in

shouts of “Vive la France;” that wagonloads of decorations for the

receptions, French flags, banners and torches and Alsatian costumes

especially manufactured in Paris, were imported for the occasion.

The meager dispatches which reach the public in spite of the iron

hand of suppression which is wielded in Alsace-Lorraine teem with

accounts of anti-French demonstrations and the arrest and deportation

of citizens. The police in October were reported exercising a hectic

energy in searching houses in Strasburg; all business houses were

directed to discharge their German employes, by order of Commissary

General Millerand. Hundreds of persons were arrested in Rombach,

Hagendingen and Diedenhoefen. The people were taken in automobiles to

Metz, and after passing the night in the citadel, were deported over

the bridge at Kehl the next day.

A dispatch of October 27, 1919, says: “Another trainload of wounded

Frenchmen has arrived at the main station at Mayence. They are said

to come from the Saar Valley and Alsace-Lorraine. It is reported

of the revolt in the Saar that the men sang, ‘We will triumph over

France and die for Germany.’ The band which played ‘Die Wacht am

Rhein’ and ‘Deutschland Ueber Alles’ was subjected to a heavy fine,

which was immediately paid by a leading industrial, in consequence of

which the commandant was relieved of his office.” In Sulzbach, on the

Saar, the French issued the following proclamation:

“‘Every person guilty of uttering shouts or grinning at a

passing troop will be arrested and brought before a court

martial for insulting the army. Every German official with

cap or arm-emblem who refrains from saluting officers will

be arrested and after an examination will be released.

His name will be reported to general headquarters of the

division.’”

In the new electoral orders, 30 per cent. of the population of

Alsace-Lorraine is disfranchised. The voters are divided into three

classes, consisting of persons of French birth or pure French

extraction; second, of children born of mixed marriages. In this

class those only have the franchise who are the sons of French

fathers married to German mothers. The third class, consisting of

voters having a German father and an Alsatian mother, are completely

disfranchised.

France is proceeding in Alsace-Lorraine as the English did in Acadia.

“The Nation” of September 6, 1919, indicates the measures in the

following article:

Military measures for the punishment of troublesome French

citizens of Alsace-Lorraine are quoted in the following

extract from “L’Humanité” of July 16:

“Citizen Grumbach spoke on Sunday, before the National

Council, of the order issued recently at Strasbourg

by M. Millerand, a decree under which any citizen of

Alsace-Lorraine who notably appeared to be an element of

disorder would be immediately turned over to the military

authorities.

“This abominable decree, whose existence Grumbach thus

revealed, is now known in its entirety. It is to be found

in ‘The Official Bulletin of Upper Alsace,’ No. 25, June

21, 1919. Its title is ‘Decree Relative to Citizens of

Alsace-Lorraine in Renewable Detachment’ (sic). Order is

given to the municipalities to draw up lists of citizens of

Alsace-Lorraine in renewable detachment.

“And here is what Article 2 of this strange decree says:

“1. Every citizen of Alsace-Lorraine whose class has not

yet been demobilized in France, and who notably appears to

be a disorderly element, shall be immediately, upon the

order of the Commandant of the District, arrested by the

police and turned over to the military authorities.

“His papers will be sent by the Commandant to the

commanding general of the territory, who, after inquiry,

will command the return of the arrested man:

“To his old organization if he was a volunteer in the

French army;

“To the Alsace-Lorraine depot in Paris if he is a former

prisoner of the Allied armies, or a liberated German

soldier.

“2. Citizens of Alsace-Lorraine whose class has been

demobilized in France.

“Any of these men who notably appears to be a disorderly

element shall be arraigned by request of the Commissaries

of the Republic before the Commission de Triage under the

same classification as undesirable civilian citizens of

Alsace-Lorraine.

“Strasbourg, 24 May, 1919.

“Commissary General of the Republic,

“A. MILLERAND.”

After this, who can be scandalized by the vehement

criticisms directed at the National Council by Grumbach,

against the state of siege and of arbitrary rule which the

Government of the Republic imposes upon Alsace-Lorraine?

Does M. Clemenceau, that “old libertarian” know the

decree of Millerand? In any case it is important to know

that this decree is not aimed at the Germans residing in

Alsace-Lorraine, but at the citizens of Alsace-Lorraine of

Category A, those indisputably French. Incredible, yet true!

=Americans Not An English People.=--Careful computation made by Prof.

Albert B. Faust, of Cornell University, shows that while the English,

Scotch and Welsh together constituted 30.2 per cent. of the white

population of the United States of the whole of 81,731,957, according

to the census of 1910, the German element, including Hollanders, made

up 26.4 per cent. of the total, and constituted a close second, the

Irish coming next with a percentage of 18.6.

Total white population in the U. S. proper, 1910 81,731,957 100%

English (including Scotch and Welsh, about

3,000,000) 24,750,000 30.2

German (including Dutch, about 3,000,000) 21,600,000 26.4

Irish (including Catholic and Protestants) 15,250,000 18.6

Scandinavian (Swedish, Norwegian, Danish) 4,000,000 4.8

French (including Canadian French) 3,000,000 3.6

Italian (mostly recent immigration) 2,500,000 3.

Hebrew (one-half recent Russian) 2,500,000 3.

Spanish (mostly Spanish-American) 2,000,000 2.4

Austrian Slavs (Bohemian and Moravian, old

Slovac, etc., recent) 2,000,000 2.4

Russians (Slavs and Finns one-tenth) 1,000,000 1.2

Poles (many early in 19th Century) 1,000,000 1.2

Magyars (recent immigration) 700,000 .8

Balkan Peninsular 250,000 .3

All others (exclusive of colored) 1,181,957 2.1

According to this table, more than twenty-six Americans out of every

hundred are of German origin and about thirty out of every hundred

only are either of English, Scotch or Welsh descent. Recent writers,

like Dr. William Griffis, and Douglas Campbell (“The Puritan in

Holland, England and America”) have vigorously disputed the theory

that the Americans are an English people. As Prof. Faust shows,

only 30.2 per cent. of the mixed races of the United States are

of English origin, while nearly 70 per cent. are of other racial

descent. Dr. Griffis wisely declares: “We are less an English nation

than composite of the Teutonic peoples,” and the great American

historian, Motley, declared: “We are Americans; but yesterday we were

Europeans--Netherlanders, Saxons, Normans, Swabians, Celts.”

“She (England) has a conviction that whatever good there

is in us is wholly English, when the truth is that we

are worth nothing except as far as we have disinfected

ourselves of Anglicism.” James Russell Lowell in “Study

Windows.”

“Most American authors and all Englishmen who have written

on the subject, set out with the theory that the people

in the United States are an English race, and that their

institutions, when not original, are derived from England.

These assumptions underlie all American histories, and they

have come to be so generally accepted that to question

them seems almost to savor of temerity.... Certainly =no

intelligent American can study the English people as he

does those of the Continent, and then believe that we are

of the same race, except as members of the Aryan division

of the human family, with the same human nature=.”--Douglas

Campbell. “The Puritan in Holland, England and America,”

Chapter I.

“The Germans were among the earliest and the most numerous of

American settlers. The Anglo-Saxons are the acknowledged masters of

the earth. The bulk of the early immigrants were of these two stocks.

Examine the matter from any angle, and it is apparent that the

American people are the direct, immediate descendants of world empire

builders.

“The American colonies were all settled by British, French, Germans,

Spanish and other inhabitants of the north and west of Europe. The

central and western Europeans played no part in the early history of

the colonies. Colonial ancestry means the ancestry of the world’s

conquering peoples.

“Immigration during most of the nineteenth century was from the same

portion of Europe. The immigration records (kept only since 1820)

show that between that year and 1840 the immigrants from Europe

numbered 594,504, among whom there were 358,994 from the British

Isles [including, of course, the Irish--Editor] and 159,215 from

Germany, making a total from the two countries of 518,209, or 87 per

cent. of the immigrants arriving in the 20-year period. During the

next 20 years (1840-1860) the total of immigrants from Europe was

4,050,159, of whom the British Isles furnished 2,385,846, and Germany

1,386,392, making for these two countries 95 per cent. of the whole.

Even during the 20 years from 1860 to 1880, 82 per cent. of the

immigrants to the United States from Europe hailed from the British

Isles and from Germany. During the most of the nineteenth century

European immigration was overwhelmingly British and German.

“Nearly nine-tenths of the early immigrants to the United States came

from these countries. They and the countries immediately adjoining

them furnished practically all of the men and women who settled

in North America from the earliest days of colonization down to

1880--the beginning of the last generation. The American race stock

is built around the stock of Great Britain and Germany.”--Prof. Scott

Nearing.

(See “The German Element in American Life,” elsewhere.)

Whatever racial prejudice and political bias may attempt to do,

philosophers and thinkers know that from the German race emanated the

ideals of freedom and personal liberty which is the heritage of the

whole world. To that great French thinkers, Montesquieu, Guizot and

others have candidly testified, as have Englishmen, such as Hume and

Carlyle. In describing the battle of Chalons in his standard work,

“The Fifteen Decisive Battles of the World,” Prof. E. S. Creasy says:

In order to estimate the full importance of the battle

of Chalons we must keep steadily in mind who and what

the Germans were and the important distinction between

them and the numerous other races that assailed the Roman

Empire; and it is to be understood that the Gothic and

Scandinavian nations are included in the German race. Now,

in two remarkable traits the Germans differed from the

Sarmatic as well as from the Slavic nations, and indeed

from all those other races to whom the Greeks and Romans

gave the designation of barbarians. I allude to their

personal freedom and regard for the rights of men; secondly

to the respect paid by them to the female sex and the

chastity for which the latter were celebrated among the

people of the North. These were the foundations of that

probity of character, self-respect and purity of manners

which may be traced among the Germans and Goths even

during pagan times, and which, when their sentiments were

enlightened by Christianity, brought out those splendid

traits of character which distinguish the age of chivalry

and romance. (See Prichard’s “Researches Into the Physical

History of Man.”) What the intermixture of the German stock

with the classic, at the fall of the western empire, has

done for mankind may be best felt, with Arnold (Arnold’s

“Lectures on Modern History”) over how large a portion

of the earth the influence of the German element is now

extended.

It affects more or less the whole west of Europe, from the

head of the Gulf of Bothnia to the most southern promontory

of Sicily, from the Oder and the Adriatic to the Hebrides

and to Lisbon. It is true that the language spoken over a

large portion of this space is not predominantly German;

but even in France and Italy and Spain the influence of the

Franks, Burgundians, Visigoths, Ostrogoths and Lombards,

while it has colored even the language, has in blood

and institutions left its mark legibly and indelibly.

Germany, the low countries, Switzerland for the most part,

Denmark, Norway and Sweden, and our own islands, are

all in language, in blood and institutions, German most

decidedly. But all South America is peopled with Spaniards

and Portuguese; all North America and Australia with

Englishmen. I say nothing of the prospects and influence of

the German race in Africa and in India; it is enough to say

that half of Europe and all of America and Australia are

German, more or less completely, in race, in language, in

institutions or in all.

It has been extravagantly modish to distort ethnological facts and

set up new gods, but the assailants of the German race have not

been able successfully to deny that tremendous influence which has

given birth to the free institutions of the world, and there are

not wanting among Americans of authority those who have been openly

outspoken for the truth. President Garfield in his article on “My

Experiences as a Lawyer” in the “North American Review” for June,

1887, p. 569, observed, alluding to a speech made by him on the death

of his friend, Representative Gustav Schleicher of Texas in 1879:

“We are accustomed to call England our fatherland. It is a

mistake; one of the greatest of modern historians writing

the history of the English people has said that England

is not the fatherland of the English-speaking people, but

Germany. I go into that and say, ‘The real fatherland of

the people of this country is Germany, and our friend who

has fallen came to us direct from our fatherland, and, not,

like the rest of us, around by the way of England.’ Then I

give a little sketch of German character, and what Carlyle

and Montesquieu said, that the British constitution came

out of the woods of Germany.”

In a like manner Charles E. Hughes, while governor of New York State,

in a speech at Mount Vernon in 1908, said:

Did you ever think that a very large portion of our people,

despite their present distinction of home and birthplace,

and even nationality, are descended from those common

ancestors who a few years ago lived their life in the

German forests? There were nourished the institutions of

freedom; and if any one were to point to any place in the

world to which, above all, we trace our free institutions,

we would point, above all, to the forests of Germany.

=Americans Saved from Mexican Mob at Tampico by German Cruiser

“Dresden.”=--The destruction of the little German cruiser “Dresden”

by the British in the neutral waters of Chili, in March, 1915, must

call up sentimental memories in the hearts of certain Americans.

For it was the gallant little “Dresden” under command of Capt. von

Koehler, that saved the lives of hundreds of American refugees who

were surrounded by a bloodthirsty mob of Mexicans at the Southern

Hotel, Tampico, Mexico, April 21, 1914. These fugitives had gathered

from all parts of Mexico, expecting to be protected by the American

battleships in Tampico Bay. But by some criminal short-sightedness

the American ships were ordered to withdraw, and the Americans at

the Southern Hotel were exposed to immediate death by a raging mob,

when Capt. von Koehler entered upon the scene and threatened to lay

Tampico in ashes if the mob did not disperse in fifteen minutes.

He then sent a squad of his blue jackets ashore and extricated

the besieged people from their dangerous position. Two American

yachts, hoisting the German and English flags, carried the refugees

to a place of safety. Capt. von Koehler’s gallantry was publicly

acknowledged by Secretary of State Bryan. A special dispatch to

the New York “Times,” dated Galveston, April 27, stated that “the

officers of the battleship ‘Connecticut’ said tonight that but for

the action of the men of the German cruiser ‘Dresden’ there would

have been bloodshed on Tuesday night.” And “the refugees arriving on

the ‘Esperanza’ sent this cable dispatch to the German Emperor:

“To your officers and men we owe our lives and pledge our

lifetime gratitude. We salute you and the noble men of your

Empire.”

=Armstadt, Major George.=--After the sack of Washington, the burning

of the White House and the Capitol, in 1812, the British proceeded

to attack Baltimore. This action brought into great prominence

two Americans of German descent. General Johann Stricker, born in

Frederick, Md., in 1759, was in command of the militia, and Major

George Armstadt commanded Fort McHenry. He was born in New Market

in 1780 of Hessian parents. “If Armstadt had not held Fort McHenry

during its terrific bombardment by the British,” writes Rudolf Cronau

in “Our Hyphenated Citizens,” a valuable little brochure, “our

national hymn, ‘The Star Spangled Banner,’ most probably would never

have been written.”

=American School Children and Foreign Propaganda.=--The tendency

in some directions to picture George III as “a German King,” in

order to shift upon the shoulders of a historical manikin the

responsibility for the American Revolutionary War, has gone so far

as to attempt to blind the unthinking masses to the truth about

our war of independence; but it should be remembered that if the

responsibility rested wholly with this alleged “German King,” then

Washington, Jefferson and Franklin deceived the American people and

the Declaration of Independence was a lie. In that event we have

lived 140 years of our history under a delusion and a fiction. It

is eminently to the interest of English propaganda to create and

strengthen this impression, and it is regrettable that no organized

opposition has developed to the attempt to inculcate into the minds

of our school children the conception that but for this German King

we should still be a contented colony of the British crown.

How is this fiction fostered?

Largely through the medium of certain important book publishers,

who print school books, though the public is ignorant of the fact

that the majority of these publishing houses are financed either

by British or American circles closely intermarried or financially

related to English houses.

The movement to rewrite the history of the United States in the

interest of England is so widespread and persistent that the chairman

of the Americanization Committee of the Massachusetts Chamber of

Commerce, in November, 1919, published an expose of his discoveries

and conclusions as to the extent of the British propaganda, in which

he said:

To work among aliens to build up respect and loyalty for

the United States while a stupendous plot is under way to

destroy the very thing which we are pleading with these

aliens to preserve is wasted effort.

In view of the efforts to burden the shoulders of George III with

the offenses that led to the Declaration of Independence while

exonerating the English people of any guilt, by representing him as a

“German King” to the uninformed minds of our school children, it is

pertinent to quote Lord Macaulay’s description of George III:

The young king was a born Englishman; all his tastes, good

or bad, were English.... His age, his appearance and all

that was known of his character conciliated public favor.

He was in the bloom of youth; his person and address were

pleasing. Scandal imputed to him no vice; and flattery

might without any glowing absurdity ascribe to him many

princely virtues.

We find nothing in Macaulay to warrant the conclusion that George,

a born Englishman in the third generation, was not complete master

of the English language, as has been alleged; and, moreover, if he

can reasonably be called a German, because of his German ancestry,

it follows that the same allegation can be reasonably preferred

against President Wilson, and that, because of his even nearer

English ancestry, he is really an Englishman and not an American--an

imputation which his partisans would declare an absurdity on its face.

A further proof of the vicious misrepresentation which describes

George III singly and alone responsible for the cause of the

Revolution is contained in the words of our forefathers themselves.

They must have known whom they were fighting, who tyrannized over

them and who were trying to subjugate them. And this is what they

said to the world:

In every stage of these oppressions we have petitioned for

redress in the most humble terms. Our repeated petitions

have been answered only by repeated inquiry.... Nor have

we been wanting in attention to our =British brethren=. We

have warned them from time to time of attempts by =their

legislature= to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction

over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of

our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to

their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured

them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these

usurpations. =They, too=, have been deaf to the voice of

justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce

in the necessity which denounces our separation, and hold

=them=, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in war, in

peace friends.

=American School Children and English Propaganda.=--The Encyclopedia

Britannica says: “The notion that England was justified in throwing

on America part of the expenses caused in the late war =was popular

in the country=.... George III, who thought that the first duty of

the Americans was to obey himself, =had on his side the mass of the

unreflecting Englishmen= who thought that the first duty of all

colonists was to be useful and submissive of the mother country....

When the news of Burgoyne’s surrender at Saratoga arrived in 1777,

subscription of money to raise new regiments poured freely in.”

It is not enough to disprove the absurd statement that the English

people had no responsibility for the stamp act and the oppressions

that were practiced against the American colonies, and that all

these evils were the work of George III; it is vital for the

American people to recognize the danger of the ultimate aim of the

Anglo-American publishers who are supplying the public schools

with histories in which the English are exalted and the Germans

represented as our immemorial enemies, all contrary evidence

notwithstanding. (See under “Frederick the Great,” elsewhere.)

Edward F. McSweeney, of the Americanization Committee of the

Massachusetts Chamber of Commerce, in tracing the baleful propaganda,

calls attention to a Fourth of July demonstration in London in 1917,

during which George Haven Putnam, himself a native of London, head of

one of the largest book publishing houses in this country, made the

following observations:

The feelings and prejudices of the Americans concerning

their transatlantic kinsfolk were shaped for my generation,

as for the boys of every generation that has grown up

since 1775, on text books and histories that presented

unhistorical, partisan and often distorted views of the

history of the first English colonies, of the events of the

Revolution, of the issues that brought about the War of

1812-15, and the grievances of 1861-1865.

The influence of the British element in our population has

proved sufficiently strong to enable the English-Americans

to bring it under control and to weld it into a nation

that, in its common character and purposes, =is English=.

=Text books are now being prepared which will present

juster historical accounts of the events of 1775-83,

1812-15 and 1861-65.=

Americans of today, looking back at the history with a

better sense of justice and a better knowledge of the

facts than was possible for their ancestors, are prepared

to recognize also that their great-grandfathers had

treated with serious injustice and with great unwisdom the

loyalists of New York and of New England, who had held to

the cause of the Crown.

It is in order now to admit that the loyalists had a fair

cause to defend, and it was not to be wondered at that many

men of the more conservative way of thinking should have

convinced themselves that =the cause of good government

for the colonies would be better served by maintaining the

royal authority and by improving the royal methods than

by breaking away into the all-dubious possibilities of

independence=.

I had occasion some months back when in Halifax to

apologize before the great Canadian Club, to the

descendants of some of the men who had in 1776 been

forced out of Boston through the illiberal policy of my

great-grandfather and his associates. My friends in Halifax

(and the group included some of my cousins) said that the

apology had come a little late, but that they were prepared

to accept it. They were prepared to meet more than half way

the Yankee suggestion.

During the present sojourn in England I met in one of the

Conservative clubs an old Tory acquaintance, who, with

characteristic frankness, said:

“Major, I am inclined to think that it was a good thing

that we did not break up your republic in 1861. =We have

need of you today in our present undertaking.=”

The methods to be followed in the pursuit of the plan to induce

us to repudiate our ancestors and their action are diverse and

always devious. It begins with an agitation for “an orderly Fourth

of July,” in order to wipe out the memories of 1776, and it finds

expression in insidious attempts to discredit our national poets,

notably Longfellow, for recording the rape of the Acadians in his

“Evangeline,” and for writing “Paul Revere’s Ride.”

This foreign propaganda is supported by men like Putnam and even

American writers like Owen Wister. For the Fourth of July issue of

the London “Times” in 1919, Wister wrote an article in which he said:

A movement to correct the school books (in America) has

been started and will go on. It will be thwarted in every

way possible by certain of your enemies. They will busily

remind us that you burnt our Capitol; that you let loose

the Alabama on us during the Civil War; they will never

mention the good turns you have done us. They would spoil,

if they could, the better understanding that so many of us

are striving for.

At the meeting of the House of Bishops of the Protestant Episcopal

Church, at Detroit, October 11, 1919, a resolution was offered

to exclude from the church hymnal “The Star Spangled Banner” and

“America.” In some of the public schools in New York copy books are

furnished the children with a picture of General Haig and embellished

with the British flag, and for some time pictures of a flag combining

the American Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack in one design were

publicly exhibited for sale all over New York City.

We read in the Prefatory Note to the revised edition of “English

History for Americans,” by Thomas Wentworth Higginson and Edward

Channing (1904): “In the preparation of this revised edition, the

authors have been guided by the thought that the study of English

history in our schools generally precedes that of the United States.”

There is obviously as strong a Tory sentiment in the United States

as there was in 1776, 1779, 1808 and 1812, and the words of Thomas

Jefferson, in his letter to Governor Langdon, of New Hampshire, are

as true today as they were then:

=The Toryism with which we struggled in ‘77 differed but in

name from the Federalism of ‘99, with which we struggled

also; and the Anglicism of 1808 against which we are now

struggling is but the same thing still in another form.

It is a longing for a King, and an English King rather

than any other. This is the true source of our sorrows and

wailings.=

Again we hear the prophetic voice of Abraham Lincoln as it is borne

to us like an echo of his speech at Springfield, Ill., June 26, 1857:

The assertion that “all men are created equal” was of

no practical use in effecting our separation from Great

Britain and it was placed in the Declaration not for that,

but for future use. Its authors meant it to be--as, thank

God, it is now proving itself--=a stumbling block to all

those who in after times might seek to turn a free people

back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew the

proneness of posterity to breed tyrants, and they meant

when such should reappear in this fair land and commence

their vocation, they should find left for them at least one

hard nut to crack=.

England’s chief propagandist is Lord Northcliffe. He owns the London

“Times,” and the latter, on July 4, 1919, clearly outlined in an

editorial the method to be pursued in turning us from our ideals and

making us forget the glorious traditions of the past. It said:

Efficient propaganda, carried out by those trained in the

arts of creating public good-will and of swaying public

opinion as a definite purpose, is now needed, urgently

needed. To make a beginning, efficiently organized

propaganda should mobilize the press, the Church, the stage

and the cinema; press into service the whole educational

systems of both countries and root the spirit of good will

in the homes, the universities, public and high schools,

and private schools.

It should also provide for subsidizing the best men to

write books and articles on special subjects, to be

published in cheap editions or distributed free to classes

interested. Authoritative opinion on current controversial

topics should be prepared both for the daily press and

for magazines; histories and text books upon literature

should be revised. New books should be added, particularly

in the primary schools. Hundreds of exchange university

scholarships should be provided.

In this manner the article continues, revealing, in defiance of all

sense of delicacy and discretion, the English attempt to undermine

the foundations of our national life by tampering with the children

of the public schools and the young men and women in the universities.

The English campaign of propaganda invades the home, the school and

the church; and has already assumed a degree of appalling boldness

in denying to America any substantial share in the issue of the

World War. Protesting against a pamphlet, “Some Facts About the

British,” said to have been published “at the suggestion of the

War Department,” District Attorney Joseph C. Pelletier, of Boston,

addressed Secretary of War Baker as follows:

I cannot believe that this pamphlet has come to your

notice, for I cannot believe that you would suggest, far

less authorize, any statement regarding the war which

unduly lionized Great Britain and absolutely omitted any

mention of the decisive share of the United States in the

triumph of the Allied Powers.

If the sinister plot, with its ramifications in our churches and

universities, our publishing houses and newspapers, is to be checked,

it will be necessary to act so as to make it unprofitable for these

interests to pursue their plans in quiet, and to seek by every means

available to arouse something of the good old spirit of 1776 that

prevailed throughout America until the advent of the late John Hay as

the first American ambassador to forget the traditions of his country

and its experiences at the hands of England.

How painful, how humiliating to every American, it should be to have

the history of our national life for 144 years declared a forgery and

to see it rewritten at the dictates of the champions of a foreign

power who repudiate the stand of their forefathers. (See “Propaganda

in the United States.”)

=Astor, John Jacob.=--“The inborn spirit of John Jacob Astor made

America what it is,” is the judgment passed upon this famous German

American by Arthur Butler Hurlbut. Popular conception of John Jacob

Astor’s personality and work is based upon a collossal underestimate

of his tremendous service in the cause of the commercial and economic

development of the United States. More interest attaches to those

things which appear adventurous in Astor’s life than to the genius

which inspired all his undertakings in pursuing unsuspected aims and

converting into accomplishments objects that seemed impossible of

accomplishment. Many picture him as a sort of Leatherstocking with an

eye to business, a hunter and trapper, boldly invading the wilderness

and making friends of the Indians, and who finally amassed an immense

fortune from the fur trade.

Truth is, only two millions represented the share of his fur trade

in the total of twenty or thirty million dollars which constituted

his fortune at the time of his death. The mythical John Jacob Astor

was a creation of those who came after him; the real one appeared

quite different to his contemporaries. His bier was surrounded by

the leading statesmen, financiers and scholars of the first half of

the nineteenth century, for they knew what today is either little

known or forgotten, that his methods were those of a true pioneer and

pathfinder.

"1683-1920" The Fourteen Points and What Became of Them—Foreign Propaganda in the Public Schools—Rewriting the History of the United States—The Espionage Act and How It Worked—"Illegal and Indefensible Blockade" of the Central Powers—1,000,000 Victims of Starvation—Our Debt to France and to Germany—The War Vote in Congress—Truth About the Belgian Atrocities—Our Treaty with Germany and How Observed—The Alien Property Custodianship—Secret Will of Cecil Rhodes—Racial Strains in American Life—Germantown Settlement of 1683 and a Thousand Other Topics · 第 1 / 28 段