The representation of these enormities inflamed Henry's anger. His

courtiers took good care not to suffer it to cool. What if, emboldened

by impunity, the Protestants, of whose rapid growth in all parts of

France such startling reports were brought to him, should attempt to

carry out the plan that was talked of among them, and seize the

opportunity of the wedding festivities solemnly to present to his

Majesty, by the hands of one of the nobles, the confession of faith of

their churches? What punishment of the audacious agent employed would

remove from the minds of the orthodox foreign princes present at court

the sinister impression that heresy had struck deep root in the realm of

the Very Christian King?[699]

[Sidenote: Henry goes in person to listen to the deliberations, June 10,

1559.]

If a candid gentleman of the bed-chamber, like Vieilleville, privately

urged Henry to reject the advice of prelates in secular matters, and

respectfully decline the assumption of the post of theologian or

inquisitor-general of the faith, his remonstrances were overborne by the

suggestions of Diana and the Guises, who hoped to reap a rich harvest

from new confiscations.[700] The king was entreated to go in person to

listen to the discussions in parliament. Early on the morning of the

tenth of June, his chamber was visited by a host of ecclesiastics--among

them four cardinals, two archbishops, two bishops, and several doctors

of the Sorbonne, with De Mouchy, the inquisitor, at their head. They

urged him to follow out their suggestion, and were so successful in

overcoming his reluctance that, as a contemporary wrote, he thought

himself consigned to perdition if he failed to go.[701]

[Sidenote: Parliament meets in the Augustinian monastery.]

The magnificent hall of the royal palace on the island of the "Cite," in

which parliament was accustomed to meet, was in course of preparation

for the festivities that were to accompany the marriages of Elizabeth,

Henry's daughter, with Philip the Second of Spain, and of his only

sister, Margaret, with the Duke of Savoy. Parliament was consequently

sitting in the monastery of the Augustinian friars on the southern bank

of the Seine.[702] Thither Henry proceeded in state with a retinue of

noblemen, and accompanied by the archers of his body-guard. Taking his

seat upon the elevated throne prepared for him, with the constable, the

Guises, and the princes that had attended him, on his right and left,

Henry made to the judges a short address indicative of his purpose to

take advantage of the peace in order to labor for the re-establishment

of the faith, and of his desire to obtain the advice of his supreme

court.[703] When the king had concluded, Bertrand, Cardinal Archbishop

of Sens and Keeper of the Seals, announced the command of his Majesty

that the consideration of the religious questions undertaken in the

_Mercuriale_ should be resumed.

[Sidenote: Fearlessness of the counsellors.]

[Sidenote: Anne du Bourg.]

The counsellors could be in no doubt respecting the motives of this

solemn and unusual audience; yet they entered upon the discussion with

the utmost fearlessness.[704] Claude Viole boldly recommended the

convocation of an oecumenical council. Du Faur declaimed against the

flagrant abuses of the church. While admitting that the trouble of the

kingdom arose from diversity in religion, he pointed out the necessity

of a careful scrutiny into the true authors of those troubles, lest the

accuser of others should himself be met with a retort similar to that of

the ancient prophet to King Ahab--"It is thou that troublest

Israel."[705] But Anne du Bourg, a nephew of a late Chancellor of

France, and a learned and eloquent speaker, committed himself still

further to the cause of liberty and truth. He gave thanks to Almighty

God for having brought Henry to listen to the decision of so worthy a

matter, and entreated the monarch to give it his attention, as the cause

of our Lord Jesus Christ, which ought to be upheld by kings. He

advocated a suspension of all persecution against those who were

stigmatized as heretics, until the assembling of a council; and warned

his hearers that it was a thing of no slight importance to condemn to

death those who, in the midst of the flames, called on the name of the

Saviour of men.[706] Another counsellor advocated the granting to all

the "Lutherans" of the kingdom a term of six months, within which they

might recant their errors, and at its close might withdraw from France.

But there were others who recommended the employment of severe measures;

and the first president recalled with approval the example of Philip

Augustus, who, in one day, had burned six hundred heretics, and the fate

of the Waldenses, suffocated in the houses and caves in which they had

taken refuge.[707]

[Sidenote: Henry is displeased, and orders the arrest of two of the

counsellors.]

At the conclusion of the deliberation, Henry summoned to him the

noblemen who had accompanied him, and, after having consulted them,

angrily declared his great displeasure at the discovery that many of his

judges had departed from the faith, and his determination to inflict

upon them an exemplary punishment. Then turning to Montmorency, he

ordered him to arrest two of the counsellors that had spoken in his

presence--Louis du Faur and Anne du Bourg. The constable at once obeyed,

and gave them over into the custody of Gabriel, Count Montgomery,

captain of the Scottish body-guard. Three other judges soon shared their

rigorous imprisonment in the Bastile,[708] and as many more escaped only

by flight. It was, however, with the boldness of Du Bourg that Henry was

chiefly enraged. He swore that he would see him burned with his own

eyes.[709]

[Sidenote: The first National Synod, May, 1559.]

But, whilst the enemies of the Reformation were devising new schemes of

persecution, and were preparing to strike a blow at the more tolerant

sentiments which had stolen into the breasts of the very judges of

parliament, its friends took a step that was at once indicative of its

progress and dictated by its necessities. A few days before Henry was

persuaded to call for a continuation of the discussion commenced at the

"Mercuriale"--on the twenty-sixth of May[710]--the first National Synod

of the French Protestants convened in the city of Paris. It was a small

assemblage in comparison with some others on the list of these national

councils extending down for about a century, and its sessions were held

with the utmost secrecy in a house in the Faubourg St. Germain. But it

performed for French Protestantism the two important services of giving

an authoritative statement of its system of doctrine, and of

establishing the principles of its form of government. The confession of

faith was full and explicit, as well on the points in which the

Protestant and the Roman churches agreed, as respecting the distinctive

tenets of the reformed. The "diabolical imaginations" of Servetus were

equally condemned with the gross abuses of monastic vows, pilgrimages,

celibacy, auricular confession, and indulgences. The pure observance of

the sacraments was established, as well against their corrupt and

superstitious use in the papal church, as against the "fantastic

sacramentarians" who rejected them entirely. Nor need we be surprised to

find the warrant of magistrates to interfere _in behalf_ of the truth

formally recognized. The right of the individual conscience was a right

for the most part ignored by thinking men on both sides during the

sixteenth century--covered and hidden by the fallacious application of

the principle of universal obligation to the inflexible law of right and

of God. The lesson of liberty based upon order was learned only in the

school of long and severe persecution. Even after thirty-seven or eight

years of violent suffering, the Protestant church of France admitted as

an article in her creed, that "God has placed the sword in the hand of

magistrates to repress the sins committed not only against the _second_

table of God's commandments, but also against the _first_!"[711]

[Sidenote: Ecclesiastical discipline adopted.]

The "Ecclesiastical Discipline" laid the foundation of the organization

of the Protestants in France. Thoroughly democratic and representative

in its character, it instituted, or rather recognized, a court--the

consistory--in each particular congregation, with its popular element in

the _superintendents_ (surveillants) or _elders_, who sat with the

pastors to adjudicate upon the inferior and local concerns of the

members. It provided for the more direct participation of the people in

the control of affairs by making the offices of elder and deacon

elective, and not perpetual. It provided a court of appeal in the

provincial _colloques_ or _synods_, to be held at least twice a year, in

which each church was to be represented by its pastor and elder. Above

all stood the _National Synod_, the ultimate ecclesiastical authority.

The constitution strove to preclude the establishment of a hierarchy, by

declaring all churches and ministers equal, and to secure correctness of

teaching, not only by requiring the ministers to sign the confession,

but by providing for the deposition of those who had lapsed from the

faith.

Thus it was that, in the midst of a monarchy surpassed by none for its

arbitrary and tyrannical administration, and not many hundred paces from

the squares where for a generation the eyes of the public had been

periodically feasted with the sight of human sacrifices offered up in

the name of religion, the founders of the Huguenot church framed the

plan of an ecclesiastical republic, in which the elements of popular

representation and decisive authority in an ultimate tribunal, the

embodiment of the judgment of the entire church, were perhaps more

completely realized than they had ever before been since the times of

the early Christians.[712] The few ministers that had met in an upper

room, at the hazard of their lives, to vindicate the profession of faith

of their persecuted co-religionists, and to sketch the plan of their

churchly edifice, as noiselessly retraced their steps to the

congregations committed to their charge. But they had planted the seed

of a mighty tree which would stand the blasts of many a tempest--always

buffeted by the winds, and bearing the scars of many a conflict with the

elements--but proudly pre-eminent, and firm as the rock around which its

sturdy roots were wound.

[Sidenote: Marriages and festivities of the court.]

Henry had sworn to behold with his own eyes the punishment of Anne du

Bourg. But the grateful sight was not in store for him. From the

Mercuriale and the persecution of heretics he turned his attention to

the celebration of the marriages which were to cement the indissoluble

peace that had at length been concluded between the kingdoms of France

and Spain. The most splendid preparations were made for the

entertainment of the brilliant train of noblemen who came to represent

the dignity of the crown of Spain, and to claim the destined bride of

Philip. The "Hotel des Tournelles"--a favorite palace of more than one

king of France--was magnificently decorated; for in its great hall the

nuptials were appointed to be celebrated. In the broad street of Saint

Antoine, in front of this palace, the lists were erected, and the beauty

and nobility of France viewed, from the windows on either side, the

contest of the most distinguished knights, and applauded their feats of

daring and skill. A few paces farther, and just inside the moat, stood a

frowning pile, whose sombre and repulsive front might have struck a

beholder as being as much out of place as the skeleton at the feast--the

ill-omened Bastile.[713] Five prisoners, immured for their conscientious

boldness in its gloomy dungeons, and awaiting a terrible fate,

distinctly heard, day after day, as the tourney continued, the

inspiriting notes of the clarion and hautboy, deepening by contrast the

horrors of their situation.[714] There was the same incongruity between

the king's pursuit of pleasure and his ferocity. From the festivities,

it is said, he turned aside to order Montgomery to proceed, the very

moment the tourney was over, to the _Pays de Caux_--a hot-bed of the

"Lutheran" heresy--to destroy with the sword the resisting, to put out

the eyes of the suspected, and to torture and burn the guilty.[715] It

was believed, moreover, that he himself would then proceed to the

southern parts of France, and set on foot a rigorous persecution of the

Protestants, with whom those regions swarmed.[716]

The nuptial torches burned not less bright for the gloom overhanging the

despised and abominated Lutherans. But in an instant, as by the touch of

a magician's wand, they were turned into the funereal tapers of Henry

the Second.[717]

[Sidenote: The tournament, June 30, 1559.]

[Sidenote: Henry mortally wounded by Montgomery's lance.]

[Sidenote: His death.]

On the thirtieth of June,[718] when the sports of the day were about

ending, the gay monarch must needs re-enter the lists in person, and

break another lance in honor of Diana of Poitiers, whose colors he wore.

The queen had indeed begged him to avoid, for that day at least, the

dangerous pastime; she had been terrified, so she said, by one of those

strangely vivid dreams that wear, after the event, so much of the guise

of prophetic sight.[719] But Henry made light of her fears, and closed

his ears to her warning. His choice of an antagonist fell upon

Montgomery, captain of his Scottish archers; and although the latter

begged leave to decline the perilous honor, the king refused to excuse

him.[720] At the appointed signal, the knights rode rapidly to the rude

encounter. But Henry's visor was not proof against the lance of

Montgomery, and either broke or was unclasped in the shock. The lance

itself was splintered by the blow, and the piece which Montgomery, in

his surprise and fright, had neglected instantly to lower, entering

above the monarch's eye, penetrated far toward the brain.[721] Rescued

from falling, but covered with blood, the wounded prince was hastily

stripped of his armor, amid the loud lamentations of the horror-stricken

spectators, and borne into the magnificent saloon of the _Palais des

Tournelles_. Here, after lingering a few days, he died on the tenth of

July.

It was a month, to the hour, since Henry's visit to parliament.[722]

The body was laid out in state in the very room appointed for the

nuptial balls. A splendidly wrought tapestry representing the conversion

of St. Paul hung near the remains, but the words, "Saul, Saul, why

persecutest thou me?" embroidered upon it, admitted too pointed an

application, and the cloth was soon put out of sight.[723] The public,

however, needed no such pictorial reminder. The persecutor had been

stopped as suddenly in his career of blood as the young Pharisee near

Damascus. But it may be doubted whether the eyes with which he had sworn

to see Anne du Bourg burned beheld such a vision of glory as blinded the

future apostle's vision. It is more than probable, indeed, that Henry

never spoke after receiving the fatal wound;[724] although the report

obtained that, as he was carried from the unfortunate tilting-ground, he

turned his bleeding face toward the prison in which the parliament

counsellors were languishing, and expressed fear lest he had wronged

them--a suggestion which the Cardinal of Lorraine hastened to answer by

representing it as a temptation of the Prince of Evil.[725]

* * * * *

[Sidenote: "La Facon de Geneve"--the Huguenot service.]

The charge of having prayed, or administered the sacrament of

Baptism or of the Lord's Supper, or taken part in the celebration

of Marriage, "according to the fashion of Geneva," so frequently

appears in the documents of the first century after the

establishment of the Reformation in France as the chief offence of

its early adherents and martyrs, that it is worth while to examine

in some detail the model of worship that has exerted so important

an influence upon the practice of the Huguenots and their

descendants down to the present time.

While discarding the cumbrous ceremonial of the Roman Church, on

the ground that it was not only overloaded with superfluous

ornament, but too fatally disfigured by irrational, superstitious,

or impious observances to be susceptible of correction or

adaptation to the wants of their infant congregations, the founders

of the reformed churches of the continent did not leave the

inexperienced ministers to whose care these congregations were

confided altogether without a guide in the conduct of divine

worship. Esteeming a written account of the manner in which the

public services were customarily performed to be the safest

directory for the use of the young or ill-equipped, as well as the

surest means of silencing the shameless calumnies of their

malignant opponents, they early framed liturgies, not to be imposed

as obligatory forms, but rather to serve an important end in

securing an orderly conformity in the general arrangement followed

in their churches.

[Sidenote: Farel's "Maniere et fasson," 1533.]

The earliest of these liturgical compositions appears to have been

a small and thin volume of eighty-seven pages, which, as we learn

from the colophon, was "printed by Pierre de Wingle at Neufchatel,

on the twenty-ninth day of August in the year 1533;" that is to

say, on the same press which, about a twelvemonth later, sent forth

the famous "Placards" against the mass, and a year afterward the

Protestant version of the Bible, translated into French by

Olivetanus. It is entitled "_La Maniere et fasson qu'on tient es

lieux que Dieu de sa grace a visites_." It was undoubtedly composed

by Guillaume Farel, and, like all the other tracts of that vigorous

and popular reformer, it has become extremely rare. Indeed, the

work was altogether unknown until a single copy, the only one thus

far discovered, was found by Professor Baum, of Strasbourg, in the

Library of Zurich.[726]

What lends additional interest to the liturgy of Farel, is the

circumstance that it is at the same time, as the modern editor

remarks, "_the earliest Confession of Faith_ of the Reformed

Churches, _their first apology_ in answer to the atrocious, absurd

and lying accusations which the hatred of their enemies, especially

among the clergy, had invented at will, or had borrowed from pagan

calumnies against the Christians of the first centuries." "Do they

not exclaim," writes Farel in his preface, "that those accursed

dogs of heretics who would uphold this new law live like beasts,

renouncing everything, maintaining neither law nor faith, abjuring

all the sacraments; that they reject Baptism, and make light of

the Holy Table of our Lord; that they despise the Virgin Mary and

the saints, and observe no marriage." To remove the prejudice thus

engendered from the minds of the ignorant, is the chief design of

the writer, who accordingly appeals at each step for his warrant to

the Holy Scriptures, and entreats the reader to have no regard for

the antiquity of the abuses he combats, or for the reputation of

their advocates, but simply to examine for himself what "our good

Saviour Jesus has instituted and commanded." The offices are five

in number; for Baptism, Marriage, the Lord's Supper, Preaching, and

the Visitation of the Sick; but to a certain extent, and

particularly in the last-mentioned office, they are little more

than a series of directions for the orderly conduct of worship. In

other cases the service is very fully written out.

[Sidenote: Calvin's liturgy, 1542.]

Nine years after the publication of this very simple liturgy of

Farel, appeared the first edition of the liturgy of Geneva,

composed by Calvin, or the "Prayers after the fashion of Geneva,"

as they were usually designated by contemporary Roman Catholic

writers. Until recently the first edition was supposed to have been

published in 1543, but Professor Felix Bovet, of Neufchatel, has

been so fortunate as to find a copy in the Royal Library of

Stuttgart, bearing the date of 1542. This is probably the solitary

remaining specimen of the original impression.[727] Although

without name of place, it was doubtless printed in Geneva. The

title is: "_La Forme des Prieres et Chantz Ecclesiastiques, avec la

Maniere d'administrer les Sacremens et consacrer le Marriage, selon

la coustume de l'Eglise Ancienne. M.DXLII._"

The following brief sketch will perhaps convey a sufficient idea of

the form "which is ordinarily used" for the public worship of the

morning of the Lord's day.

A brief _invocation_ ("Our help be in the name of the Lord who made

heaven and earth") is followed by an _exhortation_ addressed to the

congregation ("My brethren, let each one of you present himself

before the face of the Lord with confession of his faults and sins,

following in his heart my words"). The _Confession_, which is the

most beautiful and characteristic part of the liturgy, comes next.

Used by Theodore de Beze and his companions at the Colloquy of

Poissy, with wonderful impressiveness, as preparatory to that

reformer's grand vindication of the creed of the Protestants of

France, it has been imagined by many that it was composed by him

for this occasion. But it had already constituted a part of the

public devotions of the French and Swiss Protestants for eighteen

or twenty years. A _Psalm_ was then sung, and a prayer offered "to

implore God for the grace of His Holy Spirit, to the end that His

Word may be faithfully expounded to the honor of His Name and the

edification of the church, and may be received with such humility

and obedience as are becoming." The form is "at the discretion of

the minister." After the sermon comes a longer prayer for all

persons in authority; for Christian pastors; for the enlightenment

of the ignorant and the edification of those who have been brought

to the truth; for the comfort of the afflicted and distressed;[728]

closing with supplications for temporal and spiritual blessings in

behalf of those present. The service was concluded by the form of

benediction, Numbers, vi. 24-26.

Colladon, in his life of the reformer, tells us that Calvin

"collected (recueillit), for the use of the church of Geneva, the

form of ecclesiastical prayers, with the manner of administering

the sacraments and celebrating marriage, and a notice for the

visitation of the sick, as they are now placed with the Psalms."

(Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, vi., pp. xvii., xviii.) And Calvin

himself, in his farewell address to his fellow-ministers (April 28,

1564), as taken down from memory by Pinaut, observed: "As to the

prayers for Sunday, I took the form of Strasbourg, and borrowed the

greater part of it." (Adieux de Calvin, Bonnet, Lettres francaises,

ii. 578.) The Strasbourg liturgy to which Calvin here refers was

one which he had himself composed for the use of the French refugee

church of Strasbourg, when acting as its pastor, during his exile

from Geneva (1538-1541). The earliest edition known to be extant is

that of which a single copy exists in the collection of M. Gaiffe,

and of which M. O. Douen has for the first time given an account in

his "Clement Marot et le Psautier huguenot," Paris, 1878, i.

334-339. This Strasbourg liturgy of 1542 (the pseudo-_Roman_

edition already referred to, p. 275), like that of 1545 (which

Professors Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss described in their edition of

Calvin's works, vi. 174, 175), contains some striking variations

from the Geneva forms. In particular, immediately after the

"Confession of Sins," it inserts these words: "Here the Minister

recites some word of Scripture to comfort consciences, and then

pronounces the absolution as follows:

"Let each one of you recognize himself to be truly a sinner,

humbling himself before God, and believe that our Heavenly Father

will be gracious unto him in Jesus Christ.

"To all those who thus repent and seek Jesus Christ for their

salvation, I declare the absolution of their sins, in the name of

the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost. Amen."

It was this Strasbourg liturgy of Calvin that was in the hands of

the framers of the English "Book of Common Prayer," and from this

they derived the introductory portion of the daily service.

"According to the first book of Edward VI., that service began with

the Lord's Prayer. The foreign reformers consulted recommended the

insertion of some preliminary forms; and hence the origin of the

Sentences, the Exhortation, the Confession, and the Absolution.

These elements were borrowed, not from any ancient formulary, but

from a ritual drawn up by Calvin for the church at Strasbourg." (C.

W. Baird, Eutaxia, or the Presbyterian Liturgies: Historical

Sketches, New York, 1855, p. 190.)

The origin of only one of the minor offices of the Geneva liturgy

can be distinctly traced to another and older source. The form for

the celebration of marriage is taken bodily from the "Maniere et

Fasson" of Farel, with the omission of two or three unimportant

sentences, and the alteration of a very few words--a trifling

change, dictated in each case by Calvin's keener literary taste.

The form for baptism, Calvin tells us expressly, was somewhat

roughly drafted by himself at Strasbourg, when the children of

Anabaptists were brought to him for baptism from distances of five

or ten leagues around. (Adieux de Calvin, Bonnet, ii. 578.)

The liturgy of Geneva, composed with rapidity under the pressure of

the times, but with the skill and fine literary finish that are

wont to characterize even the most hurried of Calvin's productions,

has maintained its position undisputed to the present time, being

the oldest of existing forms of worship in the reformed churches.

The gradual change in the French language since the date of its

composition has rendered necessary some modernizing of the style

both of the prayers and of the accompanying psalms. These

modifications, much more radical in the case of the metrical

psalms, took place in the eighteenth century, and commended

themselves so fully to the good sense of all French-speaking

Protestants as soon to be everywhere adopted. The MS. records of

the French church in New York (folio 45) contain, under date of

March 6, 1763, a resolution unanimously adopted in a meeting of the

heads of families and communicants, to change "la vielle version

des Pseaumes de David qui est en uzage parmy nous, et de prandre et

introduire dans notre Eglize les Pseaumes de la plus nouvelle

version qui est en uzage dans les Eglises de Geneve, Suisse et

Hollande." The liturgy has always been printed at the end of the

psalter, and the change of the one involved that of the other. It

has been noted above that the "Confession of Sins" was the most

characteristic part of Calvin's liturgy. In fact, the initial words

of this confession, "Seigneur Dieu, _Pere Eternel_ et

Toutpuissant," came to stand in the minds of the Roman Catholics

who heard them for the entire Protestant service. Bernard Palissy

accordingly tells us (Recepte Veritable, 1563, Bulletin, i. 93)

that a favorite expression of the Roman Catholics from Taillebourg,

when committing all sorts of excesses against the Protestants of

Saintes, was: "_Agimus_ a gagne _Pere Eternel_!" As _Agimus_ was

the first word of the customary grace said at meals by devout Roman

Catholics--"Agimus tibi gratias, omnipotens Deus," etc.--this

apparently enigmatical expression was only a profane formula to

celebrate the triumph of the Roman over the reformed church. See

Bulletin, xii. 247 and 469.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 516: Alluding to the compacts into which Francis had entered,

the emperor accuses him of having purposely violated them all: "los

quales nunca a guardado, como es notorio, sino por el tiempo que no a

podido renobar guerra, o a querido esperar de hallar oportunidad de

danarme con disimulacion." From Henry he anticipates little better

treatment. Instruct. of Charles V. to the Infante Philip, Augsburg, Jan.

18, 1548, Pap. d'etat du Card, de Granvelle, iii. 285. It ought to be

added, however, that both Francis and his son retorted with similar

accusations; and that, in this case at least, all three princes seem to

have spoken the exact truth.]

[Footnote 517: The dauphin Francis died at Tournon, Aug. 10, 1536,

probably from the effects of imprudently drinking ice-water when heated

by a game at ball. None the less was one of his dependants--the Count of

Montecuccoli--compelled by torture to avow, or invent the story, that he

had poisoned him at the instigation of Charles the Fifth. He paid the

penalty of his weakness by being drawn asunder by four horses! How

little Francis I. believed the story is seen from the magnificence and

cordiality with which, three years later, he entertained the supposed

author and abettor of the crime. See an interesting note of M. Guiffrey,

Cronique du Roy Francoys I^er, 184-186. The imperialists replied by

attributing the supposed crime, with equal improbability, to Catharine

de' Medici, the youthful bride of Henry, who succeeded to his brother's

title and expectations. Charles of Angouleme, a prince whose inordinate

ambition, if we may believe the memoirs of Vieilleville, led him to

exhibit unmistakable tokens of joy at a false report of the drowning of

his two elder brothers, died on the 8th of September, 1545, of

infection, to which he wantonly exposed himself by entering a house and

handling the clothes of the dead, with the presumptuous boast "that

never had a son of France been known to die of the plague."]

[Footnote 518: See Brantome, Hommes illustres (Oeuvres, vii. 369,

370).]

[Footnote 519: This was as early as 1538. Memoires de Vieilleville (Ed.

Petitot), liv. v. c. 24, 25.]

[Footnote 520: "The king is a _goodly tall gentleman_, well made in all

the parts of his body, _a very grim countenance_, yet very gentle, meek,

and well beloved of all his people." The Journey of the queen's

ambassadors to Rome, anno 1555 (the last to pay reverence to the Pope,

under Mary), printed in Hardwick, State Papers, I. 68.]

[Footnote 521: "Non senza pericolo," says Matteo Dandolo, "perche

corrono molte volte alle sbarre con poco vedere, si che si abbatterono

un giorno a correre all' improvviso il padre (Francis) contra il figlio,

e diede lui alla buona memoria di quello un tal colpo nella fronte, che

gli levo la carne piu che se gli avesse dato una gran frignoccola."

Relazioni Venete, ii. 171.]

[Footnote 522: Relations Ven. (Ed. Tommaseo), i. 286.]

[Footnote 523: Histoire ecclesiastique, i., 43. The most striking

features of the character of Henry are well delineated by the Venetian

ambassadors who visited the court of France during the preceding and the

present reigns. Even the Protestants who had experienced his severity

speak well of his natural gentleness, and deplore the evils into which

he fell through want of self-reliance. The discriminating Regnier de la

Planche styles him "prince de doux esprit, mais de fort petit sens, et

du tout propre a se laisser mener en lesse" (Histoire de l'estat de

France, ed. Pantheon litt., 202). Claude de l'Aubespine draws a more

flattering portrait, as might be expected from one who served as

minister of state in the councils of Francis I. and the three succeeding

monarchs: "Ce prince estoit, a la verite, tres-bien nay, tant de corps

_que de l'esprit_.... Il avoit un air si affable et humain que, des le

premier aspect, il emportoit le coeur et la devotion d'un chacun.

Aussi a il este constamment chery et aime de tous ses subjets durant sa

vie, desire et regrette apres sa mort" (Histoire particuliere de la cour

du Roy Henry II., Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses, iii. 277).

Tavannes is less complimentary: "Le roy Henry eut les mesmes defauts de

son predecesseur, l'esprit plus foible, et se peut dire le regne du

connestable, de Mme. de Valentinois et de M. de Guise, non le sien."

(Memoires de Gaspard de Saulx, seigneur de Tavannes, ed. Petitot, i.

410.)]

[Footnote 524: Dr. Wotton to the Council, Paris, April 6, 1547, State

Paper Office, and printed in Fraser-Tytler, England under the Reigns of

Edward VI. and Mary, i. 35, etc.]

[Footnote 525: De l'Aubespine (Cimber et Danjou), iii. 284, 285.]

[Footnote 526: Relaz. Venete, ii. 437, 438.]

[Footnote 527: The legate Santa Croce describes his qualities thus:

"Erat Montmorantius animo alacri et prompto, ingenio acri, corpora

vivido, somni ac vini parcissimus, negotiis vehementer deditus, etc." He

mentions as remarkable the facility with which, in the midst of the most

pressing affairs of state or military exigencies, he could give his

attention, as grand master of the royal household, to the most minute

matters respecting the king's food or dress. De Civilibus Gall. Dissens.

Comment. (Martene et Durand, Ampliss. Coll., v. 1429).]

[Footnote 528: The devoted "_connestabliste_" Begnier de la Planche does

not conceal the aversion the head of the family which he delights in

exalting entertained for letters: "Il avoit opinion," he writes, "que

les lettres amolissoyent les gentilshommes et les faisoyent degenerer de

leurs majeurs, et mesmes estoit persuade que les lettres avoyent

engendre les heresies et accreu les lutheriens en telle nombre qu'ils

estoyent au royaume; en sorte qu'il avoit en peu d'estime les scavans,

et leurs livres." Histoire de l'estat de la France tant de la republique

que de la religion sous le regne de Francois II., p. 309.]

[Footnote 529: The people were as a body declared attainted of treason,

their _hotel-de-ville_ was razed to the ground, their written privileges

were seized and reduced to ashes. The bells that had sounded out the

tocsin, at the outbreak of the insurrection, were for the most part

broken in pieces and melted. One miserable man was hung to the clapper

of the same bell that he had rung to call the people to arms. Others for

the like crime were broken on the wheel or burned alive. Tristan de

Moneins, lieutenant of the King of Navarre, had been basely murdered by

the citizens: they were now compelled to disinter his remains, being

allowed the use of no implements, but compelled to scrape off the earth

with their nails! De Thou, i. 459, etc.]

[Footnote 530: Brantome, Homines illustres (Oeuvres, viii., 129).]

[Footnote 531: Sir John Mason to Council, Poissy, Sept. 14, 1550, State

Paper Office.]

[Footnote 532: Claude de l'Aubespine, Histoire particuliere de la cour

du Roy Henry II. (Cimber et Danjou), iii. 277.]

[Footnote 533: "Onorevolissimo universal carico che tiene." Relazioni

Venete, ii. 166. It is somewhat painful to find from a letter of

Margaret of Navarre, written after Henry's accession, that this amiable

princess was compelled to depend, for the continuance of her paltry

pension of 25,000 livres as sister of Francis, upon the kind offices of

the constable. Lettres de Marguerite d'Angouleme, t. i., No. 154. The

king's affection for Montmorency was so demonstrative that he ordered

that, after their death, the constable's heart and his own should be

buried together in a single monument, as an indication to posterity of

his partiality. Jod. Sincerus (Itinerarium Galliae, 1627, pp. 281-284)

takes the trouble to transcribe not less than three of the epitaphs in

the Church of the Celestines, in which Montmorency receives more than

his proportion of fulsome praise.]

[Footnote 534: Relazioni Venete, ii. 175, 176.]

[Footnote 535: De Thou, i. 237, 245.]

[Footnote 536: A contemporary writer (_apud_ De Thou, i. 237, note)

pretends to cite the monarch's precise words. The current quatrain was

the following:

Le feu roy devina ce poinct,

Que ceux de la maison de Guyse,

Mettroyent ses enfans en pourpoint,

Et son pauvre peuple en chemise.

Regnier de la Planche, Hist. de l'estat de France sous Francois II., ed.

Pantheon lit., p. 261. The lines are given, with a few variations, by

almost every history of the times; Recueil des choses memorables, etc.,

1565, p. 31; Memoires de Conde, i. 533. De Thou is a firm believer in

the truth of the vulgar report (_ubi supra_), and even Davila (Eng.

trans. of Sir Charles Cottrell, 1678, p. 7) admits that later events

have added much credit to the current belief.]

[Footnote 537: By arrangement with his elder brother Antoine (A. D.

1530), Claude received, as his portion of the paternal estate, four or

five considerable seigniories enclosed within the territorial limits of

France: _Guise_ on the north, not far from the boundary of the

Netherlands; _Aumale_ and _Elbeuf_ in Normandy; _Mayenne_ in Maine, on

the borders of Brittany; and _Joinville_, in Champagne, on the

northeastern frontier of the kingdom; besides others of minor

importance. Calmet, Hist. de Lorraine (Nancy, 1752), v. 481, 482.]

[Footnote 538: De Thou draws no flattering sketch of his course: "Le

dernier de ces deux prelats avoit eu beaucoup de part aux bonnes graces

de Francois I^er, _sans autre merite que de s'etre rendu utile a ses

plaisirs_ et d'avoir su se distinguer par une liberalite folle et

indiscrete, deux moyens par lesquels il avoit ete assez heureux pour

adoucir la juste indignation de ce prince contre son frere, Claude duc

de Guise." Hist. univ., i. 523.]

[Footnote 539: Soldan, Gesch. des Protestantismus in Frankreich, i. 214.

A still longer list is given by Dom Calmet, Hist. de Lorraine, v. 482.]

[Footnote 540: In 1518. Abbe Migne, Dictionnaire des Cardinaux; table

chronologique.]

[Footnote 541: Sir John Mason to Council, Feb. 23, 1551. State Paper

Office.]

[Footnote 542: Memoires de Castlenau, liv. i., c. 1; Migne, _ubi

supra_.]

[Footnote 543: Pasquier, an impartial writer, but somewhat given to

panegyric, paints a very flattering portrait of Guise, in a letter

written after the death of the duke: "Il fut seigneur fort debonnaire,

bien emparle tant en particulier qu'en public, vaillant et magnanime,

prompt a la main," etc. Oeuvres choisies, ii. 258.]

[Footnote 544: "Le due de Guyse, grand chef de guerre, et capitaine

capable de servir sa patrie, si l'ambition de son frere ne l'eust

prevenu et empoisonne. Aussi a-il dict plusieurs fois de luy: Cest homme

enfin nous perdra." De l'Aubespine, Hist. part., iii. 286.]

[Footnote 545: "Di dir poche volte il vero. Poco veredico, di natura

duplice ed avara, non meno nel suo particolare che nelle cose del re."

Suriano regards the cardinal as without a rival in this particular: "Che

di saper dissimulare non ha pari al mondo." Tommaseo, i. 526.]

[Footnote 546: Not to speak of the property he obtained by dispossessing

the rightful owners, he received, by favor of Diana, on the death of his

uncle, Cardinal John, the benefices the latter had enjoyed, with all his

personal wealth. Charles now had 300,000 livres of income; but he never

thought of paying off his uncle's enormous debts: "Laissa toutes les

debtes d'iceluy, qui estoyent immenses, a ses creanciers, _pour y

succeder par droit de bangueroute!_" De l'Aubespine, iii. 281. The papal

envoy, Cardinal Prospero di Santa Croce, combines the traits of

ambition, avarice, and hypocrisy in his portrait of his colleague in the

sacred consistory, and makes little of his learning: "Carolus a

Lotharingia ... juvenis _non illiteratus_, ac ingenio versuto et

callido, _maxime ambitioni et avaritiae dedito_, quae vitia _religionis ac

sanctimoniae simulatione obtegere conabatur_." Prosperi Santacrucii de

Civilibus Galliae dissensionibus commentariorum libri tres (Martene et

Durand Amplissima Collectio), v. 1438. After these delineations of his

character by not unfriendly pens, it is scarcely surprising that a

caustic contemporary pamphlet--_Le livre des marchands_ (1565)--should

describe him as "ce cardinal si avare, et si ambitieux de nature, que

l'avarice et l'ambition mise dedans des balances, elles demeureroyent

egalles entre deux fers." (Ed. Pantheon, p. 423.)]

[Footnote 547: "Non credo fosse in quel regno desiderata alcuna cosa piu

che la sua morte." Relaz. di Gio. Michiel, Tommaseo, i. 440. I have

united the accounts of two ambassadors, Soranzo and Michiel, the first

belonging to 1558, the other to 1561. Both are contained in Tommaseo's

edit. of the Relations Venitiens.]

[Footnote 548: Werke, viii. 141.]

[Footnote 549: Brantome, Oeuvres (Ed. of Fr. Hist. Soc.), iv. 275,

etc.]

[Footnote 550: "Et seroit a desirer que ceste femme et le cardinal

n'eussent jamais este; car ces deux seuls out este les flamesches de nos

malheurs." De l'Aubespine, iii. 286. The reader will, after this, make

little account of the extravagant panegyric by the Father Alby (inserted

by Migne in his Dict. des Card., s. v. Lorraine); yet he may be amused

at the precise contradiction between the estimate of the cardinal's

political services made by this ecclesiastic and that of the practical

statesman given above. He seems to the priest born for the good of

others: "ayant pour cela merite de la posterite toutes les louanges d'un

homme ne pour le bien des autres, et le titre meme de cardinal de

France, qui lui fut donne par quelques ecrivains de son temps." This

blundering eulogist makes him to have been assigned by Francis I. as

counsellor of his son.]

[Footnote 551: Brantome, Hommes illustres (Oeuvres, viii. 63).]

[Footnote 552: Mem. de Vieilleville, i. 179.]

[Footnote 553: La Planche, 205.]

[Footnote 554: Mem. de Vieilleville, i. 186-189.]

[Footnote 555: "Pour du tout s'asseurer, ils se jetterent du

commencement au party de ceste femme; et specialement le cardinal, _qui

estoit des plus parfaicts en l'art de courtiser_. Comme tel _il se

gehenna_ tellement par l'espace de pres de deux ans, que ne tenant point

de table pour sa personne, _il disnoit a la table de Madame_; ainsi

estoit-elle appellee par la Royne mesme." L'Aubespine, Hist.

particuliere, iii. 281.]

[Footnote 556: "Ne pouvant doresenavant estre aultre mon interest que le

vostre. De quoy Dieu soit loue," etc. Letter of the Card. of Lorraine,

Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. franc., ix. (1860), 216.]

[Footnote 557: De Thou, i. 496. Henry was a _religious_ prince also,

according to Dandolo. The ambassador's standard, however, was not a very

severe one: "Sua maesta si dimostra religiosa, _non cavalca la domenica,

almen la mattina_." Relaz. Venete, ii. 173.]

[Footnote 558: Histoire eccles. des egl. ref., i, 43, 44.]

[Footnote 559: Une chambre speciale composee de "dix ou douze

conseillers des plus scavants et des plus zeles, pour connoistre du

faict d'heresie, sans qu'elle pust vacquer a d'autres affaires." Reg.

secr., 17 avril, 1545; Floquet, Hist. du. parl. de Normandie, ii. 241.]

[Footnote 560: In the preamble to the edict of Paris issued two years

later, Henry rehearses the ordinance and its motives: "Et pour ceste

cause des nostre nouvel avenement a la couronne, voulans a l'exemple et

imitation de feu nostredit seigneur et pere, travailler et prester la

main a purger et nettoier nostre royaume d'une telle peste, nous aurions

pour plus grande et prompte expedition desdites matieres et procez sur

le fait desdites heresies, erreurs et fausses doctrines ordonne et

estably _une chambre particuliere en nostre parlement a Paris, pour

seulement vaquer ausdites expeditions, sans se divertir a autres

actes_." Isambert, xiii. 136. Cf. Martin, Hist. de France, ix. 516.]

[Footnote 561: Martin, Hist. de France, ix. 516.]

[Footnote 562: Edict of Fontainebleau, Dec. 11, 1547. Isambert, xiii.

37, 38.]

[Footnote 563: A singular illustration of this device is given in a

letter recently discovered. In 1542 a printer, to secure for his edition

of the Protestant liturgy and psalter a more ready entrance into Roman

Catholic cities, added the whimsical imprint: "_Printed in Rome, with

privilege of the Pope_"!--Naturally enough, this very circumstance

aroused suspicion at the gates of Metz, and 600 copies were stopped. The

ultimate fate of the books is unknown. Letter of Peter Alexander, May

25, 1542, Baum, Cunitz, and Reuss, Calvini Opera, vi. p. xv. A single

copy of this _Roman_ edition has recently come to light. It proves to be

the earliest edition thus far discovered of Calvin's Strasbourg Liturgy,

the prototype of his Geneva Liturgy. O. Douen, Clement Marot et le

Psautier huguenot (Paris, 1878), i. 334-339; and farther on in note at

the close of this chapter.]

[Footnote 564: Crespin, fols. 152-155. De Thou (i. 446) mistakes the

date of the sentence of the Parliament of Paris, March 3, 1548 (1547 Old

Style), for that of the execution. The awkward old French practice of

making the year begin with _Easter_, instead of January 1st, has in

this, as in many other instances, led to great confusion, even in the

minds of those who were perfectly familiar with the custom. The

"Histoire ecclesiastique," for instance, places the execution of

Brugiere in the reign of Francis I., whereas it belongs to the first

year of the reign of his son. So does White, Massacre of St.

Bartholomew, p. 19.]

[Footnote 565: Crespin, fol. 156.]

[Footnote 566: Inedited letter of Constable Montmorency of July 8, 1549,

in the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., ix. (1860) 124, 125.

"Voila," says this document, "le debvoir ou ledit seigneur s'est mis

pour continuer la possession de ce nom et titre de Tres-Chrestien."]

[Footnote 567: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 50, 51. Crespin, fol.

157, etc. The registers of parliament can spare for the auto-da-fe but a

few lines at the conclusion of a lengthy description of the magnificent

procession, and inaccurately designate the locality: "Cette apresdinee

fut faicte execution d'aucuns condamnez au feu pour crime d'heresie,

tant au parvis N. D. que en la place devant Ste. Catherine du Val des

Escolliers." Reg. of Parl., July 4, 1549 (Felibien, Preuves, iv. 745,

746).]

[Footnote 568: Anne Audeberte and Louis de Marsac. Hist. eccles. des

egl. ref., i. 52, 58; Crespin, fols. 156, 227-234.]

[Footnote 569: Isambert, Recueil gen. des anc. lois fr., xiii. 134-138.

Of course the provision giving to church courts the right of arrest, so

opposed to the spirit of the "Gallican Liberties," displeased

parliament, which duly remonstrated (Preuves des libertez de l'eg.

gall., iii. 171), but was compelled to register the law, with conditions

forbidding the exaction of pecuniary fines, and the sentence of

perpetual imprisonment.]

[Footnote 570: De Thou, i. 167. Hist. eccles., i. 53.]

[Footnote 571: De Thou, _ubi supra_. Mezeray well remarks that the

Protestants recognized the fact then, as they always have done since, in

similar circumstances, that there is no more disastrous time for them

than when the court of France has a misunderstanding with that of Rome.

Abrege chronologique, iv. 664.]

[Footnote 572: "A right of appeal to the supreme courts has hitherto

been, and still is, granted to persons guilty of poisoning, of forgery,

and of robbery; yet this is denied to Christians; they are condemned by

the ordinary judges to be dragged straight to the flames, without any

liberty of appeal.... All are commanded, with more than usual

earnestness, to adore the breaden god on bended knee. All parish priests

are commanded to read the Sorbonne Articles every Sabbath for the

benefit of the people, that a solemn abnegation of Christ may thus

resound throughout the land.... Geneva is alluded to more than ten times

in the edict, and always with a striking mark of reproach." Calvin's

Letters (Bonnet), Eng. tr., iii. 319, 320. I cannot agree with Soldan

(Geschichte des Prot. in Frankreich, i. 228) in the statement that the

Edict of Chateaubriand left the jurisdiction essentially as fixed by the

ordinance of Nov. 19, 1549. For the edict does not, as he asserts,

permit "the civil judges--presidial judges as well as

parliaments--equally with the spiritual, to commence every process." It

deprives the ecclesiastical judge, 1st, of the right which the ordinance

of 1549 had conferred, of _initiating_ any process where scandal,

sedition, etc., were joined to simple heresy, and these cases--under the

interpretation of the law--constituted a large proportion of cases; 2d,

of the right of deciding with the secular judges in these last-named

cases; and 3d, of the power of arrest. De Thou, himself a president of

parliament (ii. 375, liv. xvi.), therefore styles it "un edit, par

lequel le Roi se reservoit une entiere connoissance du Lutheranisme, et

l'attribuoit a ses juges, sans aucune exception, a moins que l'heresie

dont il s'agissoit ne demandat quelque eclaircissement, ou que les

coupables ne fussent dans les ordres sacres."]

[Footnote 573: Milton's Areopagitica. This was the view somewhat

bitterly expressed in one of the poems of the "Satyres Chrestiennes de

la cuisine Papale " (Geneva, 1560; reprinted 1857), addressed "aux

Rostisseurs," p. 130:

"Je cognoy, Cagots, que mes liures

Vous sont fascheusement nouueaux.

Bruslez, si en serez deliures

Pour en servir de naueaux.

Mais scavez-vous que c'est, gros veaux,

_Fuyez le feu qui s'en fera:

Car la fumee en vos cerueauz

Seulmient vous estouffera_."

]

[Footnote 574: Recueil gen. des anc. lois fr., xiii. 189-208.]

[Footnote 575: Hist. eccles., i. 59.]

[Footnote 576: Letter of Beza to Bullinger, Lausanne, May 10, 1552

(Baum, Thedor Beza, i. 423): "Et tamen vix credas quam multi sese

libenter his periculis objiciant ut aedificent Ecclesiam Dei."]

[Footnote 577: Beza to Bullinger, Oct. 28, 1551, Baum, i. 417: "Tantum

abest ut Evangelii amplificationem ea res (cruentissimum regis edictum)

impediat ut contra nihil aeque prodesse sentiamus ad oves Christi undique

dispersas in unum veluti gregem cogendas. Id testari vel una Geneva

satis potest, in quam hodie certatim ex omnibus et Galliae et Italiae

regionibus tot exules confluunt, ut tantae multitudini vix nunc

sufficiat."]

[Footnote 578: De Thou, ii. 181.]

[Footnote 579: Memoires de Vieilleville (written by his secretary,

Vincent Carloix), ed. Petitot, i. 299-301. This incident belongs to the

year 1549.]

[Footnote 580: Histoire eccles., i. 54-60.]

[Footnote 581: Soldan is scarcely correct (Gesch. des Prot. in Frank.,

i. 235) in representing them to have _completed_ their course of study;

"alii diutius quam alii," are the words of Crespin, Actiones et

Monimenta Martyrum, fol. 185.]

[Footnote 582: In fact, there seem to have been two "_officials_" at

Lyons--the ordinary "_official_" so-called, or "_official buatier_" as

he is styled in the narrative of Ecrivain (Baum, i. 392), and the

"_official de la primace_," _i. e._, of the Archbishop, as Primate of

France (Ibid., i. 388).]

[Footnote 583: Baum, Theodor Beza, i. 176.]

[Footnote 584: See a letter of Calvin to the prisoners, in Bonnet,

Lettres franc. de Calvin, i. 340.]

[Footnote 585: It was in view of this response of the king that

Bullinger wrote to Calvin: "He lives that delivered His people from

Egypt; He lives who brought back the captivity from Babylon; He lives

who defended His church against Caesars, kings, and profligate princes.

Verily we must needs pass through many afflictions into the kingdom of

God. But _woe to those who touch the apple of God's eye_!" See Calvin's

Letters (Eng. trans.), ii. 349, note.]

[Footnote 586: Prof. Baum has graphically described the unsuccessful

intercession of the Swiss cantons in his Theodor Beza, i. 177-179.]

[Footnote 587: Histoire eccles. des egl. ref., i. 57.]

[Footnote 588: Ibid., _ubi supra_; Crespin, Actiones et Mon., fols.

185-217 (also in Galerie Chretienne, i. 268-330); De Thou, ii. 180, 181.

The description of the closing scenes of the lives of the Five Scholars

of Lausanne is among the most touching passages in the French

martyrology, but the limits of this history do not admit of its

insertion (see Baum, i. 179-181, and Soldan, i. 236-238). Their progress

to the place of execution was marked by the recital of psalms, the

benediction, "The God of peace, that brought again from the dead, etc.,"

and the Apostles' creed; and, after mutual embraces and farewells, their

last words, as their naked bodies, smeared with grease and sulphur, hung

side by side over the flames, were: "Be of good courage, brethren, be of

good courage!"]

[Footnote 589: Beza to Bullinger, Dec. 24, 1553, and May 8, 1554; Baum,

Theodor Beza, i. 431, 438.]

[Footnote 590: The bull of Julius the Third sanctioning the use of these

proscribed articles of food--at whose instigation it was given is

uncertain--was regarded by the Parliament of Paris as allowing a

"scandalous relaxation" of morals, and the keeper of the seals gave

orders, by cry of the herald, that all booksellers and printers be

forbidden to sell copies of it (Feb. 7, 1553). But this was not

sufficient, since the bull was afterward publicly burned by order of

Henry the Second and the parliament. Reg. of Parliament, in Felibien,

Hist. de Paris, iv. 763; see also ibid., ii. 1033.]

[Footnote 591: Floquet, Hist. du parlement de Normandie, ii. 258-260.]

[Footnote 592: Garnier, Hist. de France, xxvii. 49, etc., whose account

of the attempted introduction of the Spanish Inquisition into France is

the most correct and comprehensive.]

[Footnote 593: Ibid., _ubi supra_; De Thou, ii. 375. The edict

establishing the Spanish inquisition is not contained in any collection

of laws, as it was never formally registered. Dulaure (Hist. de Paris,

iv. 133, 134) gives, apparently from the Reg. criminels du parl.,

registre cote 101, au 20 mai 1555, an extract from it: "Que les

inquisiteurs de la foi et juges ecclesiastiques peuvent librement

proceder a la punition des heretiques, tant clercs que laics, jusqu'a

sentence definitive inclusivement; que les accuses qui, avant cette

sentence, appelleront comme d'abus resteront toujours prisonniers, et

leur appel sera porte au parlement. Mais, nonobstant cet appel, si

l'accuse est declare heretique par les inquisiteurs, et pour ne pas

retarder son chatiment, il sera livre au bras seculier." (Soldan, from

Lamothe-Langon, iii. 458, reads _exclusivement_, which must be wrong,

if, indeed, the whole be not a mere paraphrase, which I suspect.)]

[Footnote 594: By the advice of the Cardinal of Lorraine, the Parliament

of Paris had been divided into two sections, holding their sessions each

for six months, and each vested with the powers of the entire body. This

change went into effect July 2, 1554, and lasted three years. It was

made ostensibly to relieve the judges and expedite business, but really

in the interest of despotism, to diminish the authority of the undivided

court sitting throughout the year. De Thou, ii. 246, 247.]

[Footnote 595: The post of Inquisitor-General of the Faith in France,

having his seat at Toulouse, had, as we have already seen, long existed.

It was filled in 1536 by friar Vidal de Becanis (the letters patent

appointing whom are given in the Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot.

fr., i. (1853), 358). He was succeeded by Louis de Rochetti, who left

the Roman Catholic Church, and was burned alive at Toulouse, Sept. 10,

1538. Afterward Becanis was reinstated (Ibid., _ubi supra_). A circular

letter of this inquisitor-general, accompanying a list of heretical and

prohibited works, is given, Ibid., i. 362, 363, 437, etc.]

[Footnote 596: Garnier, Hist. de France, xxvii. 49-54.]

[Footnote 597: The date, Oct. 16th, usually given (by De Thou, Garnier,

etc.) for this harangue is incorrect. The publication of the valuable

"Memoires-journaux du Duc de Guise," which Messrs. Michaud and Poujoulat

(1851) have brought out of their obscurity, affords us the advantage of

reading the account of the deputation and speech of Seguier in the words

of his own report, from the Registers of Parliament (pp. 246-249). From

this we learn that Seguier and Du Drac left Paris on Saturday, Oct.

19th, reached Villera-Cotterets on Monday the 21st, and had an audience

on Tuesday the 22d.]

[Footnote 598: "Qu'il falloit croire l'Escriture et rendre tesmoignage

de sa creance par bonnes oeuvres, et qui ne la veut croire et accuse

les autres estre lutheriens, est plus heretique que les mesmes

lutheriens." Memoires de Guise, 248.]

[Footnote 599: Memoires de Guise, 246-249; Gamier, xxvii. 55-70; De

Thou, liv. xvi., ii. 375-377.]

[Footnote 600: Mem. de Guise, 249, 250.]

[Footnote 601: According to Claude Haton (p. 38), a part of the

emigrants were, by the king's permission, drawn from the prisons of

Paris and Rouen. Nor does the pious curate see anything incongruous in

the attempt to employ the released criminals in converting the

barbarians to the true faith. However, although Villegagnon was a native

of Provins, where Haton long resided, the curate's authority is not

always to be received with perfect assurance.]

[Footnote 602: The reconciliation between the statements of the text (in

which I have followed the unimpeachable authority of the Hist. eccles.

des eglises reformees) and the assertion of the equally authoritative

life of Coligny by Francis Hotman (Latin ed., 1575, p. 18, Eng. tr. of

D. D. Scott, p. 70). that Coligny's "love for true religion and vital

godliness, and his desire to worship God aright," dated from the time of

his captivity after the fall of St. Quentin (1557), and the opportunity

he then enjoyed for reading the Holy Scriptures, is to be found probably

in the view that, having previously been convinced of the truth of the

reformed doctrines, he was not brought until then to their bold

confession and courageous espousal--acts so perilous in themselves and

so fatal to his ambition and to his love of ease. Respecting

Villegagnon's promise to establish the "sincere worship of God" in his

new colony, see the rare and interesting "Historia navigationis in

Braziliam, quae et America dicitur. Qua describitur autoris navigatio,

quaeque in mari vidit memoriae prodenda: Villegagnonis in America gesta,

etc. A Joanne Lerio, Burgundo, etc., 1586." Jean l'Hery or Lery was a

young man of twenty-two, who accompanied the ministers and skilled

workmen whom Villegagnon invited to Brazil, partly from pious motives,

partly, as he tells us, from curiosity to see the new world (page 6).

Despite his sufferings, the adventurous author, in later years, longed

for a return to the wilderness, where among the savages better faith

prevailed than in civilized France: "Ita enim apud nos fides nulla

superest, resque adeo nostra tota _Italica_ facta est," etc. (page

301).]

[Footnote 603: Jean Lery, _ubi supra_, 4-6.]

[Footnote 604: What Villegagnon actually believed was an enigma to Lery,

for the vice-admiral rejected both transubstantiation and

consubstantiation, and yet maintained a _real_ presence. Lery, 58, 54.

Cointas had at first solemnly abjured Roman Catholicism, and applied for

admission to the Reformed Church. Ibid., 46.]

[Footnote 605: Lery himself is in doubt respecting the exact occasion of

the change in Villegagnon's conduct. Some of the colonists were fully

persuaded "inde id accidisse, quod a Cardinali Lotharingo, aliisque qui

ad eum e Gallia scripserunt ... graviter fuisset reprehensus, quod a

Catholica Romanensi Ecclesia descivisset: hisque literis eum ita

perterritum fuisse, ut sententiam repente mutaverit." Others believed

him guilty of premeditated treachery: "Post meum tamen reditum accepi

Villagagnonem cum Card. Lotharingo consilium jam inivisse, antequam e

Gallia excederet, de vera Religione simulanda, ut facilius auctoritate

Colignii maris praefecti abuterentur," etc. Hist. navig. in Brasiliam,

62, 63.]

[Footnote 606: The Protestants were bearers of a Bellerophontic letter,

addressed to the magistrates of whatever French port they might enter,

intended to compass their destruction as heretics and rebels. They made

the harbor of Hennebon, in Brittany, whose Protestant officers disclosed

the secret plan and welcomed the half-famished fugitives. Lery, 304-330;

Hist. eccles., i. 102; La Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la rel. et

republ., 25.]

[Footnote 607: De Thou, ii. 381-384; Hist. eccles., 100-102; Lery, 339

_et passim_; La Place, _ubi supra_. "Clarissimi, erudissimique viri D.

Nicolai Villagagnonis, equitis Rhodii, adversus novitium Calvini ...

dogma de sacramento Eucharistiae, opuscula tria, Coloniae, 1563." In the

preface of the first of these treatises, Villegagnon denies the reports

of his fickleness and cruelty as slanders of the returning Protestants,

and defends his conduct in throwing the three _monks_ into the sea. In a

dedication to Constable Montmorency (dated 1560) he clears himself from

the charge of atheism brought against him because he expelled the

ministers "on discovering the vanity of their religion." There are

subjoined Richier's articles, etc.]

[Footnote 608: Hist. eccles., i. 61.]

[Footnote 609: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 61-63.]

[Footnote 610: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 63-71.]

[Footnote 611: "In Gallia pergunt ecclesiae zelo plane mirabili.

_Parisienses_ novum ministrum petunt, quern brevi, ut spero, missuri

sumus." Beza to Bullinger, Jan. 1, 1556 (Baum, i. 450).]

[Footnote 612: Beza to Bullinger, Feb. 12, 1556 (Ib., i. 453). The

curate of Meriot deplores the progress of the Reformation during this

year. "L'heresie prenoit secretement pied en France.... Mais ah! le

malheur advint tel que la plus part des grands juges de la court de

parlement, comme presidens et conseillers, furent et estoient intoxiquez

et empoisonnez de ladite heresie lutherienne et calvinienne, et qui pis

est de la moytie, se trouva finallement des evesques qui estoient tous

plains et couvers de ceste mauldite farinne. Et pour ce que le roy

tenoit le main forte pour faire pugnir de la peine du feu les

coulpables, y en avait mille a sa suitte et en la ville de Paris,

_lesquelz faisoient bonne mine et meschant jeu_, feignoient d'estre

vrays catholiques, et en leur secret et consciences estoient parfaictz

hereticques." Mem. de Claude Haton, 27.]

[Footnote 613: The execution of the "Five from Geneva" at Chambery, in

Savoy--then, as now again, a part of France--and the violent persecution

in the neighborhood of Angers, are well known (Crespin, fols. 283-321;

Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 68, 69). The inclination to resist force

by force, manifested by some Protestants in Anjou, was promptly

discouraged by Calvin; letter of April 19, 1556 (Lettres franc., ii.

90). The number and names of the martyrs will probably never be

ascertained. "N'estoit quasi moys de l'an qu'on n'en bruslast a Paris, a

Meaux et a Troie en Champagne deux ou trois, en aulcun moy plus de

douze. Et si pour cela les aultres ne cessoient de poursuivre leur

entreprinse de mettre en avant leur faulce religion." Mem. de Cl. Haton,

48. The Bulletin de la Soc. de l'hist. du prot. fr., vii. (1858) 14,

extracts from the registers of the Parliament of Toulouse, June 11,

1556, the sentence of a victim hitherto unknown--one Blondel. He had

dared to protest against the impiety of the procession of the

"Fete-Dieu," or "Corpus Christi," by singing "a profane hymn of Clement

Marot." Parliament turned aside from the procession, and in the sacristy

of the church of St. Stephen rapidly tried him, and ordered him to be

burned the same day at the stake in a public square, as a "reparation of

the injury done to the holy faith." Certainly a church dedicated to the

Christian protomartyr was not the most appropriate place for drawing up

such a decree!]

[Footnote 614: De Thou, ii. 404.]

[Footnote 615: De Thou, ii. 412-416.]

[Footnote 616: The papal letter sent by the hands of Caraffa to Henry

(together with a sword and hat solemnly blessed by Paul himself) is

reprinted in Cimber et Danjou, Archives curieuses, iii. 425, 426.]

[Footnote 617: De Thou, ii. 417.]

[Footnote 618: A letter of Henry himself to M. de Selve, his ambassador

at Rome, gives us the fact of the effort and of its failure: "Voyant les

heresies et faulces doctrines, qui a mon tres grand regret, ennuy et

desplaisir, pullulent en mes royaume et pays de mon obeissance, j'avoys

despieca advise, selon les advis _que le cardinal Caraffe estant

dernierement pardeca m'en a donne de la part de nostre Saint-Pere, de

mettre sus et introduire l'inquisition_ selon la forme de droict, pour

estre le vray moien d'extirper la racine de telles erreurs, pugnir et

corriger ceulx qui lea font et commettent avec leurs imitateurs, toutes

fois pour ce que en cela se sont trouvez quelques difficultez, alleguant

ceulx des estats de mon royaume, lesquels ne veulent recevoir,

approuver, ne observer la dicte inquisition, les troubles, divisions et

aultres inconveniens qu'elle pourroit apporter avec soy, et mesmes, en

ce temps de guerre, il m'a semble pour le mieulx de y parvenir par

aultre voye," etc. Memoires de Guise, p. 338. The letter is inaccurately

given in Sismondi, Hist. des Francais, xviii. 623. See Dulaure, H. de

Paris, iv. 135.]

[Footnote 619: "Comme celluy qui ne desire autre chose en ce monde, que

veoir mon peuple nect et exempt d'une telle dangereuse peste et vermyne

que sont lesdictes heresies et faulces et reprouvees doctrines." Henry

to De Selve, _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 620: Sismondi, Hist. des Francais, xviii. 62.]

[Footnote 621: Sir Wm. Pickering to Council, Melun, Sept. 4, 1551, State

Paper Office MSS. Patrick Fraser Tytler, Reigns of Edward VI. and Mary,

i. 420.]

[Footnote 622: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 72.]

[Footnote 623: See the declaration of Henry, in Preuves des Libertez de

l'Egl. gallicane, part iii. 174.]

[Footnote 624: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 72, 73.]

[Footnote 625: "Hoc quidem tibi possum pro comperto affirmare regnum Dei

tantum nunc progressum _in decem minimum Galliae urbibus ac Lutetiae

praesertim_ facere ut magni nescio quid Dominus illic moliri aperte

videatur." Beza to Bullinger, March 27, 1557, Baum, Theodor Beza, i.

461.]

[Footnote 626: At Autun, in Sept., 1556. Hist. eccles., i. 70. No wonder

that the example set by the judges of Autun "served greatly to instruct

others!"]

[Footnote 627: Recueil gen. des anc. lois fr., xiii. 494-497. The

respective jurisdictions of the clerical and lay judges remained the

same. An article, however, was appended declaring that in future the

confiscated property of condemned heretics should no more inure to the

crown, or be granted to private individuals, but should be applied to

charitable purposes. What a feeble barrier this provision proved to the

cupidity of the courtiers, long glutted with the spoils of

"Lutherans"--real or pretended--the case of Philippine de Luns showed

very clearly, some two or three months later.]

[Footnote 628: Besides the accounts of the disastrous battle of St.

Quentin given by the Memoires of Rabutin, Coligny and other

contemporaries, and by De Thou and other historians of a somewhat later

date, the graphic narrative of its incidents contained in Prescott's

Reign of Philip the Second (lib. i., c. vii.) is well worthy of

perusal.]

[Footnote 629: Prescott, i. 240, note.]

[Footnote 630: "Comme feu soubs la cendre." Recueil gen. des anc. lois

fr., xiii. 134.]

[Footnote 631: By an unpardonable negligence, Mr. Browning places the

"affaire de la rue St. Jacques" before the battle of St. Quentin, in the

month of May, 1557. History of the Huguenots, i. 45.]

[Footnote 632: A contemporary account of the affair by the reformer

Knox, dated Dieppe, Dec. 7, 1557, although it adds little to our

knowledge of the incidents, is of considerable interest. I cite a few

sentences: "Almost in everie notabill Citie within France thair be

assemblit godlie Congregationis of sic as refusit all societie with the

sinagoge of Sathan, so were (and yit are) dyvers Congregationis in

Paris, and kirkis having thair learnit ministeris for preishing Chrystis

Evangell, and for trew ministratioun of the halie Sacramentis instited

be him. The brute whairof being spred abrod, great search was maid for

thair aprehensioun, and at lenth, according to the pre-disingnit consall

of oure God, who hath apoyntit the memberis to be lyke to the heid, the

bludthirstie wolves did violentlie rusche in amongis a portioun of

Chrystis simpill lambis. For thois hell-houndis of Sorbonistis,

accompanyit with the rascall pepill, and with sum sergeantis maid apt

for thair purpois, did so furiouslie invade a halie assemblie convenit

(nye the number of four hundreth personis) to celebrat the memorie of

oure Lordis deth," etc. Printed from MS. volume in possession of Dr.

McCrie, in David Laing's Works of John Knox (Edinb., 1855), iv. 299.]

[Footnote 633: "As ravisching wolves rageing for blood, murderit sum,

oppressit all, and schamfullie intreatit both men and wemen of great

blude and knawin honestie." Knox, _ubi supra_, p. 300.]

[Footnote 634: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 73-75. This detailed and

most authentic account is taken verbatim from that of Crespin, which may

be read in the Galerie chretienne, ii. 253-259; De la Place (ed.

Pantheon lit.), p. 4; De Thou, v. 530. Claude Haton gives a story which

bears but a faint resemblance to the truth--the mingled result of

imperfect information and prejudice. Memoires, i. 51-53.]

[Footnote 635: "And yit is not this the end and chief point of thair

malice; for thai, as children of thair father, wha is the autour of all

lies, incontinent did spread a most schamfull and horribill sclander, to

wit, that thai convenit upon the nycht for no uthir cause but to

satisfie the filthie lustis of the flesche." Knox, _ubi supra_, p. 300.

For an unfriendly account of the pretended orgies, see Claude Haton

(Mem.), i. 49-51.]

[Footnote 636: Foul play was even employed, in addition to barbarous

treatment, if Knox was rightly informed: "But theis cruell tirantis and

privie murdereris, as thai have permittit libertie of toung to none, sa

by poysone haif thai murderit dyvers in prisone." Knox, _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 637: Henry ordered parliament to try the accused by a

commission consisting of two presidents and sixteen counsellors, and

enjoined that this matter should take precedence of all others. Hist.

eccles des egl. ref., _ubi infra_; Crespin, _ubi infra_.]

[Footnote 638: The courageous words of Philippine de Luns, when she was

bidden to give her tongue to have it cut off, were long remembered:

"Since I bemoan not my body," said she, "shall I bemoan my tongue?" Beza

alludes to her as "matrona quaedam et genere et pietate valde nobilis,

fidem ad extremum usque spiritum professa signis omnibus, quum, abscisa

lingua et _ardente face pudendis ipsius turpissime ac crudelissime

injecta_, torreretur." Beza ad Turicenses (inhabitants of Zurich), Nov.

24, 1557; given in Baum, App. to vol. i. 501; Hist. eccles., i. 82. A

courtier, the Marquis of Trans, son-in-law of the keeper of the seals,

was not ashamed to ask for and obtain the confiscation of her estates,

in violation of the provision of the late Edict of Compiegne, "que

plusieurs trouverent mauvais." De la Place, Commentaires de l'estat de

la religion et republique, soubs les rois Henry et Francois Seconds et

Charles Neufviesme, p. 4.]

[Footnote 639: Beza to Farel, Nov. 11, 1557, Baum, i. 490.]

[Footnote 640: The Scotch reformer, John Knox, being detained by

unfavorable tidings at Dieppe, on his return from Geneva, not only

devoted himself to visiting and strengthening his persecuted brethren in

France (M'Crie, Life of Knox, i. 202; Brandes, J. Knox, Elberfeld, 1862,

p. 136), but had the Apology of the Parisian Protestants translated into

English, himself adding the prefatory remarks, from which several

quotations have been made above. The treatise seems never to have been

printed until the present century, the probable reason, according to Mr.

Laing, being the subsequent release of so many of the prisoners as

survived.]

[Footnote 641: "Jusques icy ceulx qui out este appelez au martyre ont

este _contemptibles au monde_, tant pour la _qualite_ de leurs

personnes, que pource que le _nombre_ n'a pas este si grand pour ung

coup. Que scavons-nous s'il a desja appreste une issue telle qu'il y

aura de quoy nous esjouir et le glorifier au double?" Letter of Calvin,

Sept 16, 1557. Bonnet, Lett. fr. de Calv., ii. 139-145.]

[Footnote 642: Calvin aux eglises de Lausanne, de Mouden, et de Payerne,

Ibid., ii. 150, 151.]

[Footnote 643: The MS. letter of Beza and his companions to the

"Seigneurs" of Berne (to whom their allies had referred the entire

matter, in order to obviate all delay), dated Basle, Sept. 27, 1557, is

in the archives of Berne, and has been printed for the first time in the

Bulletin, xvii. (April, 1868) 164-166. The writers urge the utmost

haste, both for the sake of the prisoners of Paris and of some other

Protestants confined in the dungeons of Dijon.]

[Footnote 644: This was particularly the advice of the friendly Count

George of Montbeliard, as recorded by Beza: "Comes fuit in ea sententia,

ut, dum Helvetii priores cum rege agerent, sollicitaremus alios etiam

Germanos principes, ac praesertim eos, a quibus _Pharao_ ille nova

auxilia hoc ipso tempore postularet." Letter to Zurich, Nov. 24, 1557,

Baum, i. 495.]

[Footnote 645: "Par la response que le roy fit dernierement aux deputes

que les seigneurs des cantons de Zurich, Berne, Basle et Schaffouse, ses

tres-chers et bons amys envoyerent par deca a la requeste de ceulx de la

vallee d'Angrogne, pour le faict de la religion, Sa Majeste estimoit que

les dicts seigneurs des dicts cantons se contenteroient et ne

prendroient plus d'occasion de renvoyer devers luy pour semblable cause,

comme ils ont faict les seigneurs Johan Escher, Jean Wyss, Jacob Goetz

et Louys Oechsly, presens porteurs ... ce que le dict seigneur a trouve

un pen estrange, pour la consideration qu'il a tousiours eue envers les

dicts seigneurs des cantons et aultres ses amys de ne s'empescher ni

soulcier des choses qui touchent l'administration de leurs Estats, ni la

justice de leurs subiets, ainsi qu'il luy semble qu'ils doibvent [faire]

envers luy, _priant les dicts seigneurs des dicts cantons estre contans

de doresnavant ne se donner peine de ce qu'il fera et executera en son

royaulme, et moings au faict de la religion, qu'il veult et a delibere

d'observer et suivre, telle que ses predecesseurs et luy (comme roys

tres-chrestiens) ont faict par le passe, et contenir ses dicts subiects

en icelle, dont il n'a a rendre compte a aultre que a Dieu_, par l'aide,

bonte et protection duquel il s'asseure maintenir son dict royaulme en

estat, en la tranquillite et prosperite la ou il a este jusques icy."

Reponse du roi. The Swiss envoys were intrusted on their return with a

letter from the Cardinal of Lorraine to the magistrates of the

Protestant cantons, full as usual of honeyed words. It closed with these

words: "Priant Dieu, Messieurs, vous donner ce que plus desyrez. De

Sainct-Germain en Laye, le 6^e jour de novembre 1557. Vostre meilleur

voysin et amy, Cardinal de Lorraine." This was pretty fair dissembling

even for the smooth tongue of the arch-persecutor of the Huguenots. It

must be confessed, however, that the sheep's clothing never seemed to

fit him well; the wolfish foot or the bloodthirsty jaws had an

irresistible propensity to show themselves. The letter of the cantons,

the king's reply, and Lorraine's letter, from the MSS. in the archives

of Basle, are printed in the Bulletin de la Societe de l'hist. du prot.

francais, xvii. 164-167.]

[Footnote 646: Baum, Theodor Beza, i. 317; Heppe, Leben Theod. Beza,

52-58.]

[Footnote 647: "Ab eo tempore (Oct. 23d) audimus perlectis Palatini

literis datas aliquas judiciorum inducias." Beza's letter of Nov. 24th,

_ubi supra_. It is not improbable that the interference of Henry's

allies had some salutary effect, in spite of the rough answer they

received. Hist. eccles. des eglises ref., i. 84, which, however, says

nothing of the reply to the Swiss.]

[Footnote 648: Beza, letter of Nov. 24, 1557, _ubi supra_. See a letter

of Calvin to this noblewoman (Dec. 8, 1557), Lettres franc. (Bonnet),

ii. 159.]

[Footnote 649: Hist. eccles., i. 84.]

[Footnote 650: Calvin to Bullinger, Bonnet (Eng. tr.), iii. 411; Baum,

i. 317, 318.]

[Footnote 651: Histoire ecclesiastique des eglises reformees, i. 78.]

[Footnote 652: Cf. the anonymous letter to Henry the Second, inserted in

La Place, Commentaires de l'estat de la religion et republique (ed.

Pantheon Litteraire), p. 5; and in Crespin (see Galerie chretienne, ii.

246).]

[Footnote 653: Guise's glory was, according to parliament, in

registering (Feb. 15th) the king's gift to him of the "maison des

marchands" at Calais, "d'avoir expugne une place et conquis un pays que

depuis deux cens ans homme n'avoit non seulement entrepris de faict,

mais ne compris en l'esprit." Reg. of Parliament, _apud_ Memoires de

Guise, p. 422.]

[Footnote 654: De Thou, ii. 549-552; Prescott, Philip the Second, i.

255-257.]

[Footnote 655: Hist. eccles. i. 87, 88.]

[Footnote 656: In Normandy the burdens imposed by the war indirectly

favored the growth of Protestantism. "The troubles of religion were

great in this kingdom during the year 1558," writes a quaint local

antiquarian. "The common people was pretty easily seduced. Moreover, the

'imposts' and 'subsidies' were so excessive that, in many villages, no

assessments of 'tailles' were laid; the 'tithes' (on ecclesiastical

property) were so high that the curates and vicars fled away, through

fear of being imprisoned, and divine service ceased to be said in a

large number of parishes adjoining this city of Caen: as in the villages

of Plumetot, Periers, Sequeville, Puto, Soliers, and many others. Seeing

which, some preachers who had come out of Geneva took possession of the

temples and churches." Les Recherches et Antiquitez de la ville de Caen,

par Charles de Bourgueville, sieur du lieu, etc. Caen, 1588. Pt. ii.

162.]

[Footnote 657: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 89.]

[Footnote 658: The letter, dated March 19th, is reproduced in the

Galerie chret., abridgment of Crespin, ii. 266-269. Melanchthon wrote,

in the name of the theologians assembled at Worms, an earnest appeal to

the same monarch, on the 1st of Dec, 1557. Opera Mel. (Bretschneider),

ix. 383-385.]

[Footnote 659: Hist. eccles., i. 89. Galerie chretienne, ii. 270.]

[Footnote 660: See Dulaure's plan of Paris under Francis I. Hist. de

Paris, Atlas.]

[Footnote 661: The date is fixed as well by the Reg. of Parliament (cf.

_infra_), as by a passage in a letter of Calvin to the Marquis of Vico,

of July 19, 1558 (Lettres franc., Bonnet, ii. 212), in which the

psalm-singing is alluded to as having occurred "about two months

ago"--"il y a environ deux moys."]

[Footnote 662: De Thou, ii. 578.]

[Footnote 663: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 90. How large a body of

Parisians took part in these demonstrations appears from the Registers

of Parliament. On the 17th of May, 1558, the Bishop of Paris reported to

parliament that he had given orders to find out "les autheurs des

assemblees qui se sont faictes _ces jours icy, tant au pre aux Clercs,

que par les rues de cette ville de Paris, et a grandes troupes de

personnes, tant escolliers, gentilshommes, damoiselles que autres

chantans a haute voix chansons et pseaumes de David en Francois_." On

the following day the procureur general was directed to inquire into the

"monopoles, conventicules et assembees illicites, qui _se font chacun

jour en divers quartiers et fauxbourgs de cette ville de Paris_, tant

d'hommes que de femmes, dont la pluspart sont en armes, et chantent

publiquement a haute voix chansons concernant le faict de la religion,

et tendant a sedition et commotion populaire, et perturbation du repos

et tranquillite publique." Reg. of Parl., _apud_ Felibien, Hist. de

Paris, Preuves, iv. 783. The charge of carrying arms seems to have been

true only so far that the "gentilshommes" wore their swords as usual.]

[Footnote 664: La Place, Commentaires de l'estat, etc., p. 9; De Thou,

ii. 563.]

[Footnote 665: Hist. eccles. de Bretagne depuis la reformation jusqu'a

l'edit de Nantes, par Philippe Le Noir, Sieur de Crevain. Published from

the MS. in the library of Rennes, by B. Vaurigaud, Nantes, 1851, 2-17.]

[Footnote 666: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 91.]

[Footnote 667: Ib., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 668: De Thou, ii. 566, 567; Hist. eccles., _ubi supra_; La

Place, Commentaires de l'estat, pp. 9, 10; Calvin, Lettres franc. (July

19th), ii. 212, 213.]

[Footnote 669: The closing words of this letter, written probably in

May, 1558, and published for the first time in the Bull. de la Soc. de

l'hist. du prot. fr. (1854), iii. 243-245, from the MS. belonging to the

late Col. Henri Tronchin, are so brave and so loyal, that the reader

will readily excuse their insertion: "Et ce que je vous demande, Sire,

n'est point, graces a Dieu, pour crainte de la mort, et moins encore

pour desir que j'aye de recouvrer ma liberte, car je n'ay rien si cher

que je n'abandonne fort voluntiers pour le salut de mon ame et la gloire

de mon Dieu. Mais, toutefois, la perplexite ou je suis de vous vouloir

satisfaire et rendre le service que je vous doibs, et ne le pouvoir

faire en cela avec seurete de ma conscience, me travaille et serre le

cueur tellement que pour m'en delivrer j'ay este contrainct de vous

faire ceste tres humble requeste."]

[Footnote 670: Cf. Calvin's letter to the Marq. of Vico, July 19, 1558.

Bonnet, Lettres franc., ii. 213, 214: "Sa femme luy monstrant son ventre

pour l'esmouvoir a compassion du fruict qu'elle portoit."]

[Footnote 671: Among the many important services which the French

Protestant Historical Society has rendered, the rescue from oblivion of

the interesting correspondence relating to D'Andelot's imprisonment

merits to be reckoned by no means the least (Bulletin, iii. 238-255).

Even the graphic narrative of the Histoire ecclesiastique fails to give

the vivid impression conveyed by a perusal of these eight documents

emanating from the pens of D'Andelot, Macar (one of the pastors at

Paris), and Calvin. The dates of these letters, in connection with a

statement in the Hist. eccles., fix the imprisonment of D'Andelot as

lasting from May to July, 1558. A month later Calvin wrote to Garnier:

"D'Andelot, the nephew of the constable, has basely deceived our

expectations. After having given proofs of invincible constancy, in a

moment of weakness he consented to go to mass, if the king absolutely

insisted on his doing so. He declared publicly, indeed, that he thus

acted against his inclinations; he has nevertheless exposed the gospel

to great disgrace. He now implores our forgiveness for this offence....

This, at least, is praiseworthy in him, that he avoids the court, and

openly declares that he had never abandoned his principles." Letter of

Aug. 29th, Bonnet, Eng. tr., iii. 460; see also Ath. Coquerel, Precis de

l'histoire de l'egl. ref. de Paris, Pieces historiques, pp.

xxii.-lxxvi.; twenty-one letters of Macar belonging to 1558. If the

reformers condemned D'Andelot's concession, Paul the Fourth, on the

other hand, regarded his escape from the _estrapade_ as proof positive

that not only Henry, but even the Cardinal of Lorraine, was lukewarm in

the defence of the faith! Read the following misspelt sentences from a

letter of Card. La Bourdaisiere, the French envoy to Rome, to the

constable (Feb. 25, 1559), now among the MSS. of the National Library of

Paris. The Pope had sent expressly for the ambassador: "Il me declara

que cestoit pour me dire quil sebayssoit grandement comme _sa mageste ne

faysoit autre compte de punyr les hereticques de son Royaume et que

limpunite de monsieur dandelot donnoit une tres mauvayse reputation a

sadicte mageste_ devant laquelle ledict Sr. dandelot avoit confesse

destre sacramentayre et _qui leust_ (qu 'il l'eut) _mene tout droit au

feu comme il meritoit_ ... que _monsieur le cardinal de Lorrayne_,

lequel sa Sainctete a fait son Inquisiteur, ne se sauroit excuser quil

nayt _grandement failly_ ayant laysse perdre une si belle occasion dun

_exemple si salutayre_ et qui luy pouvoit porter tant dhonneur et de

reputation, mais _quil monstre bien que luy mesme favorise les

hereticques_, dautant que lors que ce scandale advynt, il estoit seul

pres du roy, sans que personne luy peust resister ne l'empescher duser

de la puyssance que sadicte Sainctete luy a donnee." Of course, Paul

could not let pass unimproved so fair an opportunity for repeating the

trite warning that subversion of kingdoms and other dire calamities

follow in the train of "mutation of religion." The punishment of

D'Andelot, however, to which he often returned in his conversation, the

Pontiff evidently regarded as a thing to be _executed_ rather than

_spoken about_, and he therefore begged the French ambassador to write

the letter to the king in his own cipher, and advise him "to let no one

in the world see his letter." Whereupon Card. La Bourdaisiere rather

irreverently observes: "Je croy que le bonhomme pense que le roy

dechiffre luy mesme ses lettres!" a supposition singularly absurd in the

case of Henry, who hated _business_ of every kind. La Bourdaisiere

conceived it, on the other hand, to be for his own interest to take the

first opportunity to give private information of the entire conversation

to the constable, D'Andelot's uncle, and to advise him that it would go

hard with his nephew, should he fall into Paul's hands ("quil feroit un

mauvais parti sil le tenoit"). Soldan, Gesch. des Prot. in Frank., i.

(appendix), 607, 608; Bulletin de l'histoire du prot. francais, xxvii.

(1878), 103, 104.]

[Footnote 672: Letter of Calvin, Aug. 29, 1558, Bonnet, Eng. tr., iii.

460.]

[Footnote 673: De Thou (liv. 20), ii. 568, etc., 576, etc.]

[Footnote 674: Prescott, Philip II., i. 268-270, has described the

straits in which Philip found himself in consequence of the deplorable

state of his finances. Henry was compelled to resort to desperate

schemes to procure the necessary funds. As early as February, 1554--a

year before the truce of Vaucelles--he published an edict commanding all

the inhabitants of Paris to send in an account of the silver plate they

possessed. Finding that it amounted to 350,000 livres, he ordered his

officers to take and convert it into money, which he retained, giving

the owners twelve per cent. as interest on the compulsory loan. They

were informed, and were doubtless gratified to learn, that the measure

was not only one of urgency, but also precautionary--lest the necessity

should arise for the _seizure_ of the plate, without compensation, it

may be presumed. Reg. des ordon., _apud_ Felibien, H. de Paris, preuves,

v. 287-290.]

[Footnote 675: Prescott, Philip the Second, i. 270.]

[Footnote 676: De Thou, ii. 584, 585, 660, etc.]

[Footnote 677: More than one hundred thousand lives and forty millions

crowns of gold, if we may believe the Memoires de Vieilleville, ii. 408,

409. "Quod multo sanguine, pecunia incredibili, spatio multorum annorum

Galli acquisierant, uno die _magna cum ignominia_ tradiderunt," says the

papal nuncio, Santa Croce, De civil. Gall. diss. com., 1437. See,

however, Ranke, Civil Wars and Monarchy in France, Am. tr., p. 127.]

[Footnote 678: Mem. de Vieilleville, _ubi supra_. The text of the treaty

is given in Recueil gen. des anc. lois francaises, xiii. 515, etc., and

in Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, v. pt. 1, pp. 34, etc.; the treaty

between France and England, with scrupulous exactness, as usual, in Dr.

P. Forbes, State Papers, i. 68, etc.]

[Footnote 679: The prevalent sentiment in France is strongly expressed

by Brantome, by the memoirs of Vieilleville, of Du Villars, of Tavannes,

etc. "La paix honteuse fut dommageable," says Tavannes; "les associez y

furent trahis, les capitaines abandonnez a leurs ennemis, le sang, la

vie de tant de Francais negligee, cent cinquante forteresses rendues,

pour tirer de prison un vieillard connestable, et se descharger de deux

filles de France." Mem. de Gaspard de Saulx, seign. de Tavannes, ii.

242. Du Villars represents the Duke of Guise as remonstrating with Henry

for giving up in a moment more than he could have lost in thirty years,

and as offering to guard the least considerable city among the many he

surrendered against all the Spanish troops: "Mettez-moy dedans la pire

ville de celles que vous voulez rendre, je la conserveray plus

glorieusement sur la bresche, etc." (Ed. Petitot, ii. 267, liv. 10). But

the duke's own brother was one of the commissioners; and Soldan affirms

the existence of a letter from Guise to Nevers (of March 27, 1559) in

the National Library, fully establishing that the duke and the cardinal

understood and were pleased with the substance of the treaty (Soldan,

Gesch. des Prot. in Frankreich, i. 266, note).]

[Footnote 680: "Henricus rex se propterea quacumque ratione pacem inire

voluisse dicebat, 'quod intelligeret, regnum Franciae ad heresim

declinare, magnumque in numerum venisse, ita ut, si diutius diferret,

neque ipsius conscientiae, neque regni tranquillitati prospiceret: ... se

propterea ad quasvis pacis conditiones descendisse, ut regnum haereticis

ac malis hominibus purgaret.' Haec ab eo satis frigide et cum pudore

dicebantur." Santa Croce, De civil. Gall. diss. comment., 1437.]

[Footnote 681: Ibid., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 682: "Selon l'article secret de la paix," says Tavannes (Mem.,

ii. 247, Ed. Petitot), "les heretiques furent bruslez en France, plus

par crainte qu'ils ne suivissent l'exemple des revoltez d'Allemagne, que

pour la religion." But, it may be asked, was there anything novel in

this? It had needed no _secret article_, for a generation back, to

conduct a "Christaudin" to the flames.]

[Footnote 683: The English commissioners, Killigrew and Jones, in a

despatch written eight or nine months later, express the current belief

respecting the wide scope of the persecution: "Wheras, upon the making

of the late peace, _there was an appoinctement made betwene the late

Pope, the French King, and the King of Spaine, for the joigning of their

forces together for the suppression of religion_; it is said, that this

King mindethe shortly to send to this new Pope [Pius IV.], for the

renewing of the same league; _th' end wherof was to constraine the rest

of christiendome, being protestants, to receive the Pope's authorite and

his religion_; and therupon to call a generall counsaill." Letter from

Blois, January 6, 1559/60, Forbes, State Papers, i. 296.]

[Footnote 684: "Voila," says Agrippa d'Aubigne, "les conventions d'une

paix en effect pour les royaumes de France et d'Espagne, en apparence de

toute la Chrestiente, glorieuse aux Espagnols, desaventageuse aux

Francois, _redoutable aux Reformez: car comme toutes les difficultez qui

se presenterent au traicte estoient estouffees par le desir de repurger

l'eglise_, ainsi, apres la paix establie, les Princes qui par elle

avoient repos du dehors, _travaillerent par emulation a qui traitteroit

plus rudement ceux qu'on appeloit Heretiques_: et de la nasquit l'ample

subject de 40 ans de guerre monstrueuse." Histoire universelle, liv. i.,

c. xviii. p. 46.]

[Footnote 685: "Mais quand estant en France j'eus entendu de la propre

bouche du Roy Henry, que le Duc d'Alve traictoit des moyens pour

exterminer tous les suspects de la Religion en France, en ce Pays et par

toute la Chrestiente, et que ledit Sieur Roy (qui pensoit, que comme

j'avois este l'un des commis pour le Traicte de la Paix, avois eu

communication en si grandes affaires, que je fusse aussi de cette

partie) m'eust declare le fond du Conseil du Roy d'Espaigne et du Duc

d'Alve: pour n'estre envers Sa Majeste en desestime, comme si on m'eust

voulu cacher quelque chose, je respondis en sorte que ledit Sieur Roy ne

perdit point cette opinion, ce qui luy donna occasion de m'en discourir

asses suffisament pour entendre le fonds du project des Inquisiteurs."

Apologie de Guillaume IX., Prince d'Orange, etc., Dec. 13, 1580; _apud_

Du Mont, Corps diplomatique, v., pt. 1, p. 392.]

[Footnote 686: De Thou, ii. (liv. xxii.), 653.]

[Footnote 687: "De nostre coste nous ne scavons pas si nous sommes loing

des coups; tant y a _que nous sommes menassez par-dessus tout le

reste_." Calvin to the Church of Paris, June 29, 1559. Lettres franc.,

ii. 282, 283. On the next day the author of the threats was mortally

wounded in the tournament.]

[Footnote 688: The Duke of Alva gives all the details of this remarkable

negotiation in a letter to Philip, June 26, 1559, now among the Papiers

de Simancas, ser. B., Leg. no. 62-140, which M. Mignet has printed in

his valuable series of articles reviewing the Collection of Calvin's

French Letters by M. Bonnet, published in the Journal des Savants, 1857,

pp. 171, 172. An extract, without date, from a MS. in the Library at

Turin, seems to refer to this time: "Le roi (Henri II.) declare

criminels de lese-majeste tous ceux qui auront quelque commerce avec

Geneve, ou en recevront lettres. Cette ville est cause de tous les

malheurs de la France, et il la poursuivra a outrance pour la reduire.

Il promet secours de gens de pied et de cheval au duc de Savoie, et

vient d'obtenir du pape un bref pour decider le roi d'Espagne. Ils vont

unir leurs forces pour une si sainte enterprise." Gaberel, Hist. de

l'egl. de Geneve, i. 442.]

[Footnote 689: And he did not exaggerate the importance of the crisis.

The adherents of the reformed faith had become numerous, and many were

restive under their protracted sufferings. "I am certainly enformid,"

wrote the English ambassador, Throkmorton, to Secretary Cecil (May 15,

1559), "that about the number of fifty thousand persones in Gascoigne,

Guyen, Angieu, Poictiers, Normandy, and Main, have subscribed to a

confession in religion conformable to that of Geneva; which they mind

shortly to exhibit to the King. There be of them diverse personages of

good haviour (_sic_): and it is said amongst the same, that after they

have delivered their confession to the King, that the spiritualty of

Fraunce will do all they can to procure the King, to the utter

subversion of them: for which cause, they say, _the spiritualty seemeth

to be so glad of peaxe_, for that they may have that so good an occasion

to worke their feate. But," he adds, "on th' other side these men minde,

in case any repressing and subversion of their religion be ment and put

in execution against them, to resist to the deathe." Forbes, State

Papers, i. 92.]

[Footnote 690: "Heri scriptum est ad me Lutetia.... Sorbonicos ad Regem

cucurrisse et tempus ejus eonveniendi aucupatos petiisse curam

inquirendorum Lutheranorum. Quum Rex respondisset: 'Se eam curam Senatui

mandasse, iique respondissent, '_totam curiam Parlamenti Parisienis

inquinatam esse_,' iracunde intulisse, 'quid vultis igitur faciam, aut

quid consilii capiam? An ut vos in eorum locum substituam, et

Rempublicam meam administretis?'" Letter of Hotman to Bullinger, Aug.

15, 1556, _apud_ Baum, Theod. Beza, i. 294.]

[Footnote 691: "The king, however, looks on all the judges with a

suspicious eye." Calvin to Garnier, Aug. 29, 1558. Bonnet, Eng. tr.,

iii. 460.]

[Footnote 692: Seguier, the leading jurist in the Parisian Parliament,

like most of the judges that possessed much legal acumen, and all those

that were inclined to tolerant sentiments, was reputed unsound in the

faith. Sir Nicholas Throkmorton, the English ambassador, says of him:

"One of the Presidentes of the court of Parliament, named Siggier, a

verey wise man, and one whome the constable for his judgement dothe

muche stay upon, is noted to be a Protestant, and of the chiefest

setters forward and favorers of the rest of that courte against the

cardinalles." The same accurate observer states that, of the "six score"

counsellors present in the Parliamentary session which Henry attended,

only "one of the Presidentes called Magistri and fourteen others were of

the King and the cardinalles side, and did agree with them and

condescend to the punishment of suche as shuld seme to resist to the

cardinalles orders devised for reformation toching religion: the said

Siggier, Rancongnet, and another President, with the rest of the

counsaillors, were all against the cardinalles. Whereupon it is judged,"

he adds, "that the House of Guise hathe taken this occasion to weaken

the constable: and because they wold not directly begynne with Siggier,

for feare of manifesting their practise, they have founde the meanes to

cause these counsaillors to be taken; supposing, that in th' examination

of them somme mater may be gathered to toche Siggier withall, and therby

to overthrow him." Despatch of June 13, 1559, Forbes, State Papers, i.

127.]

[Footnote 693: Hist. eccles. des egl. ref., i. 106.]

[Footnote 694: When President Seguier was defending himself and his

colleagues from the charge made by the Cardinal of Lorraine that they

did not punish the heretics, and alleged as proof the fact that only

three accused of "Lutheranism" remained in their prison, the cardinal

rejoined: "Voire, vous les avez expediez en les renvoyant devant leurs

evesques! Vrayement voyla une belle expedition, a ceux mesmes qui out

faict profession de leur foy devant vous, tout au contraire de la

saincte eglise de Rome!" Pierre de la Place, Commentaires de l'estat de

la rel. et rep., p. 11.]

[Footnote 695: "Non, non, dict-il, monsieur le president; mais vous

estes cause que non seulement Poictiers, mais tout Poictou jusques au

pays de Bordeaux, Tholouse, Provence, et generalement France est toute

remplie de ceste vermine, qui s'augmente et pullule soubs esperance de

vous." Ib., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 696: Ib., _ubi supra_, Hist. eccles., i. 107, 108.]

[Footnote 697: La Place, Comm. de l'estat de la rel. et rep., p 12.]

[Footnote 698: Idem. Serranus, de statu, etc., i., fol. 14.]

[Footnote 699: "There is another consideration of the proceadings of

these maters, whiche (savyng your Majestie's correction) in myne

opinion, is as great as the rest: ... that forasmuch as the multitude of

Protestantes, being spred abrode in sundry partes of this realme in

diverse congregations, ment now amiddes of all these triumphes to use

the meane of somme nobleman to exhibit to the King their confession

(wherof your Majeste shall receive a copie herwithal) to th' intent the

same mighte have bene openly notified to the world; the King being

lothe, that at the arrivall here of the Duke of Savoy, the Duke of Alva,

and others, these maters shuld have appeared so farre forward, hathe

thought good before hande, for the daunting of suche as might have semed

to be doers therin, to prevent their purpose by handeling of these

counsaillors in this sorte." Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, June 13,

1559, Forbes, State Papers, i. 128.]

[Footnote 700: Vieilleville, ii. 401-404; De Thou, ii. 667; Forbes,

State Papers, i. 127.]

[Footnote 701: Mem. de Vieilleville, ii. 405. The date of Henry's visit

to parliament is not free from the same contradictory statements that

affect many of the most important events of history. De Thou, and,

following him, Felibien, Browning, and others, place it five days later

than I have done in the text. La Place, the anonymous "Discours de la

mort du Roy Henry II." (in the Recueil des choses memorables, published

in 1565, and later in the Memoires de Conde), Castelnau, the Histoire

eccles., etc., are our best authorities. As Sir Nicholas Throkmorton

gave an account of the _Mercuriale_ in his despatch to the queen of June

13th (Forbes, State Papers, i. 126-130), I am surprised that Dr. White,

who refers, to this interesting paper (although by an oversight

ascribing it to June 19th) should, while correcting M. de Felice's

error, have preferred the date of June 15th. "Massacre of St.

Bartholomew," Am. ed., p. 51.]

[Footnote 702: Discours de la mort du Roy Henry II. (Recueil des choses

memorables, 1565.) Dulaure, Hist. de Paris, ii. 434-437. Cf. also the

maps accompanying that work.]

[Footnote 703: The Discours de la mort du Roy Henry II. add that Henry

demanded the reason of the Parliament's delay to register an edict they

had received from him against the "Lutherans"--doubtless the

last--establishing the inquisitorial commission of three cardinals.

"Cest edict estoit sorti de l'oracle dudict cardinal de Lorreine." Baum,

Theodore Beza, ii. 31, note, etc., has already called attention to the

gross inaccuracies of Browning, in his description of the incidents of

the _Mercuriale_, as well as of the king's visit to parliament. (Hist.

of the Huguenots, i. 54, etc.). Among other assertions altogether

unwarranted by the evidence, he states that Henry, in order to entrap

the unwary, "declared himself free from every kind of angry feeling

against those counsellors who had adopted the new religion, and begged

them all to speak their opinions freely," etc. (p. 55). If true, this

would rob Du Bourg's course of half its heroism.]

[Footnote 704: "Whereas," wrote Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, "the

Kinge's presence is very rare, and hathe seldome happened but upon somme

great occasion; so I endevored myself (as much as I could) to learne the

cause of their assemble." Forbes, State Papers, i. 126.]

[Footnote 705: Strangely enough, Mr. Smedley, History of the Reformed

Religion in France, i. 87, note, following a careless annotator of De

Thou, discovers an inaccuracy in the allusion where no inaccuracy

exists. It was not to Ahab's _question_, but to Elijah's _retort_, that

Du Faur made reference. See La Place, p. 13.]

[Footnote 706: La Place, Comm. de l'estat, etc., p. 13; Hist. eccles.,

i. 122; (Crespin, Gal. chret., ii. 303); De Thou, ii. 670. Felibien,

Hist. de Paris, ii. 1066.]

[Footnote 707: La Place, _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 708: Among them Paul de Foix, "who is cousin to the King of

Navarre." Throkmorton to Queen Elizabeth, June 23, 1559, Forbes i. 126.]

[Footnote 709: La Place, Com. de l'estat, etc., p. 14; Discours de la

mort du Roy Henry II.; De Thou, ii. 671; Felibien, Hist. de Paris, ii.

1067; Vieilleville, ii. 405-406; Hist. eccles. i., 122-123. Even Anne de

Montmorency was struck with Du Bourg's boldness, and exclaimed, "Vous

faictes la bravade." Forbes, State Papers, i. 126.]

[Footnote 710: The date is variously given as the 25th or 26th of May.

The latter, adopted by the Histoire ecclesiastique, is probably correct.

See Triqueti, Premiers jours du protestantisme en France (Paris, 1859),

253, 254.]

[Footnote 711: "Confession de Foy faite d'un commun accord par les

Francoys, qui desirent vivre selon la purite de l'Evangile," etc. In the

Recueil des choses memorables (1565) this document is published with the

preface and the supplicatory letter addressed to the king (Francis II.)

after the "Tumulte d'Amboise."]

[Footnote 712: The proceedings of the first French National Synod are

best given in Aymon, Tous les synodes nationaux des eglises ref. de

France (La Haye, 1710), i. 1-12; Hist. univ. du sieur d'Aubigne, liv.

ii., c. iii., t. i., pp. 56-64. They are faithfully, although not always

literally, translated in Quick's Synodicon in Gallia Reformata (London,

1692), i., viii.-xv., 2-7. See also Histoire ecclesiastique, i. 108-121;

La Place, Com. de l'estat de la religion, et republique soubs les roys

Henry et Francois Seconds, etc., 14-16.]

[Footnote 713: See the history of the Hotel des Tournelles and the plan

of Paris in the reign of Francis I., in Dulaure, Hist. de Paris, iii.

355-357, and Atlas.]

[Footnote 714: "Duquel lieu tous les prisonniers de leans pouvoyent ouir

les clairons, hault-bois et trompettes dudict tournoy." Discours de la

mort du Roy Henry II., Recueil des choses memorables, p. 5; Memoires de

Conde, i. 216.]

[Footnote 715: Ibid., _ubi supra_.]

[Footnote 716: "I am credibly enformed, that the Frenche King, after the

perfection of the ceremonies toching his doughter and King Philip, and

his suster to the Duke of Savoy, myndeth himself to make a journey to

the countreis of Poictou, Gascoigne, Guyon, and other places, for the

repressing of religion; and to use th' extremest persecution he may

against the protestants in his countreys, and the like in Scotlande; and

that with celerite, ymediatly after the finishing of the same

ceremonies." Throkmorton to Cecil, May 23, 1559, Forbes, State Papers,

i. 101.]

[Footnote 717: "Paix blasmable, dont les flambeaux de joye furent les

torches funebres du roy Henry II." Mem. de Tavannes, ii. 242.]

[Footnote 718: "The last of this present." Throkmorton to Council, June

30 and July 1, 1559. Forbes, State Papers, i. 151. So in a subsequent

letter, relating a message to him from the constable on July 1st, he

speaks of "the mischaunce happened the daie before to the king." Ibid.,

i. 154.]

[Footnote 719: Hist. eccles., i. 123, 124. Catharine de' Medici's dream,

in which the Huguenots saw a parallel to that of Pilate's wife, was not

a fabrication of theirs. According to her daughter Margaret, Catharine

had many such visions on the eve of important events. "Mesme _la nuict

devant la miserable course de lice_, elle songea comme elle voyoit le

feu Roy mon pere blesse a l'oeil, comme il fust; et estant esveillee,

elle le supplia _plusieurs fois_ de ne vouloir point courir ce jour, et

vouloir se contenter de voir le plaisir du tournoi, sans en vouloir

estre. Mais l'inevitable destin ne permit tant de bien a ce royaume,

qu'il put recevoir cet utile conseil." Memoires de Marguerite de Valois

(edition of French Hist. Soc.), 42.]

[Footnote 720: Pierre de Lestoile, 14.]

[Footnote 721: Lettere di Principi, iii. 196, apud Ranke, Civil Wars and

Monarchy in France in the 16th and 17th centuries, Am. tr., p. 167. Sir

Nicholas Throkmorton, who alone of the diplomatic corps was an

eye-witness, thus describes the scene in a letter written the same

evening: "Wherat it happened, that the King, after he had ronne a good

many courses very well and faire, meeting with yong Monsieur de Lorges,

capitaine of the scottishe garde, received at the said de Lorge his

hands such a counterbuff, as, the blow first lighting upon the King's

head, and taking away the pannage which was fastened to his hedpece with

yron, he dyd break his staff withall; and so with the rest of the staff

hitting the King upon the face gave him such a counterbuff, as he drove

a splinte right over his eye on his right side: the force of which

stroke was so vehement, and the paine he had withall so great, as he was

moch astonished, and had great ado (with reling to and from) to kepe

himself on horseback; and his horse in like manner dyd somwhat yeld.

Wherupon with all expedition he was unarmed in the field, even against

the place where I stode.... I noted him to be very weake, and to have

the sens of all his lymmes almost benommed; for being caryed away, as he

lay along, nothing covered but his face, he moved nether hand nor fote,

but laye as one amased." Letter to the Council, June 30 and July 1,

1559, Forbes, State Papers, i. 151.]

[Footnote 722: Discours de la mort du Roy Henry II., _in fine_. Recueil

des choses memorables, and Mem. de Conde, i. 216.]

[Footnote 723: Hist. eccles., i. 123, 124. The singular coincidence is

no invention of the Protestants. It is confirmed by a contemporary

pamphlet by the "king-at-arms of Dauphiny" (Paris, 1559), _Le Trespas et

Ordre des Obseques, ... de feu de tresheureuse memoire le Roy Henry

deuxieme_, etc., which says: "La dicte salle, ensemble lesdicts

theatres, estoient tendus tout autour d'une tapisserie d'or et de soie a

grandes figures, _des actes des apostres_." (Reprint of Cimber et

Danjou, iii. 317.)]

[Footnote 724: De Thou, ii. 674. Yet Francis II., in the preamble to the

commission as lieutenant-general given to Guise, March 17, 1560, seems

incidentally to vouch for the contrary: "Voire de telle sorte que

nostredit seigneur et _pere, a son decez_, ne nous auroit rien tant

recommande, que d'user a nosdits subjets de toutes gracieusetez," etc.

Recueil de choses mem., 20. Card. Santa Croce speaks of him as "ita ex

vulnere concussus, ut primo die sensum fere omnem amiserit." De

civilibus Galliae dissentionibus commentaria (Martene et Durand, Ampliss.

Collectio), v. 1438, 1439.]

[Footnote 725: Discours de la mort du Roy Henry II., Recueil des choses

mem., _in initio_, and Mem. de Conde, i. 213-216; La Planche, 202; La

Place, Commentaires, etc., 20; J. de Serres, De statu rel., etc. (1570),

i., fol. 18; Hist. eccles., i. 123; De Thou, ii. 674; Davila (Cottrell's

tr.), p. 11; Santa Croce, v. 1438, etc. It is characteristic that so

important a date as that of the fatal tournament should be differently

stated; La Place, the Hist. eccles., and De Thou making it June 29th.

The confusion is increased by subsequent writers. Motley (Rise of the

Dutch Republic, i. 204) making Henry die on the 10th of July of the

wound inflicted _eleven_ days before, and Prescott (Philip the Second,

i. 295) representing him as lingering _ten_ days and dying on the

_ninth_ of July.]

[Footnote 726: Professor Baum published the "Maniere et Fasson," on the

occasion of the Tercentenary of the French Reformed Church, in 1859, in

an elegantly printed pamphlet, itself a fac-simile of the original in

all respects, except the use of Roman in place of Gothic letters. This

pamphlet in turn is out of print, and it is to Professor Baum's kindness

that I am indebted for the copy of which I have made use.]

[Footnote 727: Printed with marginal notes giving all modifications in

other early editions in Joh. Calvini Opera (Baum, Cunitz, et Reuss),

1867, v. 164-223--a work which is the result of almost incredible labor

and research. In February, 1868, the distinguished senior editor wrote

to me: "Nous avons deja maintenant copie de notre main et collationne a

Neufchatel, a Geneve et autres endroits, quelque chose comme _six mille

pieces, lettres et consilia et autres calviniana_."]

[Footnote 728: The beautiful petitions for "all our poor brethren who

are dispersed under the tyranny of Antichrist," and for prisoners and

those persecuted by the enemies of the Gospel, were not in the original

edition, but appear in that of 1558. Calv. Opera, Baum, Cunitz and

Reuss, vi. 177, note.]