CHAPTER VI.

THE SUBJECTS AND METHOD OF EDUCATION--DRAWING AND MUSIC.

§ 41. It is likely that most writers on Greek education have

exaggerated the importance and diffusion of drawing as an ordinary

school subject. Even in Aristotle’s day it was only recognized by

some people, probably theorists;[41] and Pliny tells us that it was

Pamphilus, Apelles’ master, who first had it introduced at Sicyon,

from which it spread over all Greece. These combined notices point to

its not being general before the days of Alexander. But the theorists

recognized its use and importance earlier, first and most obviously for

critical purposes, that men might better judge and appreciate works

of art; secondly, for that æsthetical effect which is so forgotten by

us, the unconscious moulding of the mind to beauty by the close and

accurate study of beautiful forms.

The usual word ζωγραφία for painting, and ζωγράφος for drawing-master,

suggests to us that _figure-drawing_ was the early and the principal

branch of the art known and taught. From the earliest times rude

figures had been scratched and colored on vases, and the number of

vase-painters in historical Greece must have been so considerable as

to disseminate some general feeling for the art, though we hear of

no amateur vase-painting, such as is in fashion among ladies of our

own day. On the other hand, landscape-painting was of late growth

and very imperfect development. The prominence of sculpture, even

polychromatic sculpture, made its absence less felt. Owing to the old

Greek habit of personifying nature, and expressing every mountain and

river by its tutelary gods, we find in the great pediment sculptures

of the best epoch that curious indication of the landscape by its

tutelary gods--looking on calmly and unconsciously at the action of the

principal figures--which is perhaps the most peculiar characteristic

of all Greek art. Thus the local rivers, the Alpheus and Cladeus, are

represented lying at the ends of the great eastern pediment of the

temple at Olympia, witnessing the combat of Pelops and Œnomaus with no

more expression of feeling than the landscape which they represent

would manifest.

The earliest essays at landscape proper were, moreover, not rocks and

trees, or that wild country which the Greeks never loved, but buildings

and artificial grounds, with regular lines and definite design. The

first attempt was made to satisfy the requirements of the theatre, and

the fact that scene-painting and shade-painting (or perspective) were

used as synonymous terms shows the truth of the report that Apollodorus

(_cir._ 400 B.C.) first discovered the art of representing the straight

lines of a building in depth, by a departure from that _orthography_ in

geometrical drawing which had hitherto been practised.

If we may judge from the many sketches of this sort of suburban

landscape which are preserved on Pompeian walls, the proper knowledge

of perspective was not even in later times diffused among ordinary

artists, whose figure-painting on these walls is in every respect

vastly superior. On the other hand, the figure-painting even on vases

of the best epoch is so conventional that we cannot believe Greek boys

were taught to draw figures with a proper knowledge of living or round

models, and must assume the drawing-lessons to have been chiefly in

geometrical designs.

According to Ælian, there were maps of the Greek world to be had at

Athens, and therefore presumably in schools, when Alcibiades was a

young man; but this isolated notice, backed up by one or two allusions

in Aristophanes, must not be pressed too far. The confusion between

the terms for drawing and for writing utensils arises from the same

materials being used in practising both--as if we used pencils only

in learning to write. The same stylus (γραφίς) which was used for

writing on wax tablets was used for drawing outlines on the same; and

the earliest training in drawing, if we may trust the statement of

Böttiger, was the copying of the outlines of models proposed by the

master.[42] After firmness had been attained, delicacy of outline was

practised, and ultimately a fine paint, which was used to paint black

and red outlines on white tables, or white on black.

§ 42. Though the diffusion of drawing was late and doubtful, this was

not the case with music, in its strictest sense. For its importance was

such as to make it a synonym for culture in general, and to leave us

doubtful in some cases whether Greek authors are speaking in this wider

or the narrower sense. But it is from music proper that they all would

start, as affording the central idea of education.

Here is one of the features in which Greek life is so different from

ours, that there is the greatest possible difficulty in understanding

it. When modern educators introduce music into boys’ recreation time,

and say it has important influences in humanizing them, though in this

they may approach the language of Greek social reformers and statesmen,

they mean something widely different. The moderns mean nothing more

(I conceive) than this, that the practice of music is a humane and

civilizing pursuit, bringing boys into the company of their sisters

and lady friends, withdrawing them from coarse and harmful pursuits,

and thus indirectly making them gentler and more harmless men. It

is as an innocent and social source of amusement that music is now

recommended. Let us put out of all account the far lower and too often

vulgar pressure on girls to learn to play or sing, whether they like

it or not. For here the only advantage in view is not the girl’s moral

or social improvement, but her advancement in life, by making her

attractive in society. Such a view of musical training is quite beneath

any serious notice in the present argument.

What has above been said will be considered a fair statement of the

importance given to music by modern thinkers. And accordingly, when

we find all Greek educators and theorists[43] asserting a completely

different kind of importance in music, we find ourselves in presence

of what is strictly an historical problem. It is not enough for the

Greeks to admit that martial music has strong effects on soldiers going

to battle, or that doleful music turns the mind to sadness in a solemn

requiem for the dead. They went so far beyond this as to assert that by

constantly playing martial music people would become martial, that by

constantly playing and singing passionate and voluptuous music people

became passionate and voluptuous. Consequently, the proper selection

of instruments of music and of words became a subject of serious

importance. The flute was cultivated at Athens till Alcibiades spurned

it for distorting his handsome face, and caused it to go out of fashion

at Athens. But this aversion to the Bœotian instrument was supported

by the theorists on the ground that it had no moral tendency, that it

was too exciting, and vague in the emotions it excited; also, that it

prevented the player from singing words to his music.

But when we would infer from this that it is really the text, and not

the actual music, which has the mental effect--when we are disposed

to add that in our own time instrumental music is a higher and more

intellectual kind of music, which has no moral effects save good ones,

and that it is the libretto of the opera or the sentiment of the song

which does harm--the answer from the Greek point of view is conclusive

against us. Though much stress was laid upon the noble words which were

sung, the music was known to have the principal effect. Plato, in a

celebrated passage, even inveighs bitterly against the gross immorality

and luxuriousness of all mere instrumental music, which allowed of so

much ornament, so much exaggeration of expression, so much complexity

of emotion, as to be wholly unsuited to his ideal state. It is,

indeed, perfectly true that the intellectual effort in understanding

instrumental music, at least some instrumental music, is far greater

than is required for appreciating, or imagining one appreciates, a

simple song. To understand a string quartet of Mendelssohn, or, still

more, a symphony of Beethoven, is an intellectual task far exceeding

the abilities of nine tenths of the audiences who hear them.[44] But,

apart from all such intellectual strain, there is a strong though

indefinable passion about this very music which has the deepest effects

on minds really tuned to appreciate it.

If this be too subtle an instance, there is another so striking that

it is worth mentioning on the chance of the reader’s verifying it some

day for himself. The Hungarian gypsies who form the national bands

are chiefly occupied at entertainments in playing for the national

dance--the _csárdás_--tunes which have now become familiar, some of

them, through the transcriptions of Liszt and Johannes Brahms. The

dance consists in a gradually increasing excitement, starting from a

slow and grave beginning. The change is produced merely by increase of

time in often repeating the same air,[45] and also in adorning it with

flourishes, which are added _ad libitum_ and somewhat barbarously, by

the members of the band according to their taste. The effect of this

gradual hurrying and complicating of the same tune is inexpressibly

affecting to the mind. It represents excitement, and often voluptuous

excitement, to the highest degree. It would have thoroughly shocked

Plato and his school.

This simpler example, though less easily verifiable to the English

reader, is really more to the point, for there can be no doubt that

it is owing to the increase of complication, and the growth of the

intellectual combinations in music, that we have lost sight of what the

Greeks thought so vital--the direct moral effects of music.

§ 43. The question remains, What did the Greeks convey by this theory?

Were they talking nonsense, or was their music so different from ours

that their theories have no application in our day? We cannot adopt

either of these solutions, though all our researches into Greek scales,

and into the scanty examples of tunes still extant, are unable to show

clearly what they meant. We cannot make out why tunes in the Doric

scale--a scale varying slightly from our ordinary minor scale--should

be thought manly and moral, while Lydian measures--a scale like our

ordinary major scales--should be thought immoral.[46] We must give up

the problem of finding out a solution from the Greek scales. But this

we may fairly assert, that our music, being directly descended from

the old Church scales, which again were derived from the Greek, cannot

be so totally different from that of the old Greeks as to warrant

the inference that theirs could be moral or the reverse, and ours

indifferent to morals. We may depend upon it that they did not talk

nonsense, and that the general consent of all their thinking men on

this curious point is well worthy of our most serious attention.

It is probable that the far greater complexity of our music, the

multiplication of instruments, the development of harmony, has brought

out intellectual instincts unknown to them, and so obscured the moral

questions once so striking. The Chinese of the present day, who have

a music far simpler than ours, mostly on the tetratonic scale, are

said to speak of the moral influence of music as the Greeks did, and

to put the composing and circulating of tunes under a certain control.

They used to have state composers charged with this duty, in order to

preserve and improve the morals of the people. Although, then, it seems

that the simpler the character of a national music, the more clearly

its moral effects are perceived, we only want a closer analysis to

detect the same qualities in our own composers. Much of the best music

we now hear is unduly exciting: it feeds vain longings, indefinite

desires, sensuous regrets; and were the evidence stated in detail, the

sceptical reader might be convinced that here we are far behind the

Greek educators, and that we often deliberately expose our children

to great moral risk by inciting them to express their semi-conscious

desires in affecting music. The majority who have no soul for music

may be safe enough (though this is not certain); but those whose

soul speaks through their fingers, or their voice, are running a

very serious danger, of which there is not the least suspicion among

modern educators. To seek corroboration from the characters of leading

musicians were invidious, but not without instruction.[47]

This inquiry is no digression which requires apology. It is a point in

which we do not seem to have reflected as deeply as the ancients, and

which is well worth discussing without pedantry or sentimentality. It

is also true that the general aspect of this side of Greek education

is more interesting and fruitful than the inquiry into the structures

of the particular instruments they used--an antiquarian question very

minutely discussed by learned historians of music, and by compilers of

archæological lore. On these details we may here be brief. The subject

has been exhausted by Mr. Chappell, our best historian of music.

§ 44. In education we never hear of the use of those more complicated

instruments, such as the τρίγωνον, or harp, the double flute and

others, which were used by professionals. On the other hand, the

favorite syrinx, or pandean-pipe, was only in fashion among shepherds,

and not in schools. We may assume that nothing was there admitted but

the simplest form of stringed instrument, the lyre (λύρα), which was

originally made by stretching strings across the inside of the back

shell of a tortoise. These shells are often to be found dry and clean

in river-courses through Greece. The tortoise when dead is eaten out by

ants or other insects; the shells separate, and are carried away and

cleaned by floods. This most primitive kind was, however, supplanted by

a more elaborate form, which used the two shells of the tortoise, and

fastened, in the position of its front legs, a pair of goat’s horns,

which were spanned near their extremity by the ζύγον, or yoke, to which

strings were drawn from the far end of the shell, over the nether

surface, or breast shell, which was flat. This, with seven or at most

ten strings, was the ordinary instrument used to teach Greek boys to

play. The more elaborate cithara, which still survives, both in name

and structure, among the Tyrolese, was a lyre with a sound-box built

of thin wood or metal plates, and elongated into hollow arms (where

the lyre only had horns, or solid wooden arms), so that the resonance

was considerably greater. This, in the form called πηκτίς, had fifteen

or more strings, and does not here concern us. The use of the bow for

stringed instruments was unknown to the Greeks, but they used for

playing the _plectrum_, which is still used by the Tyrolese for their

_zither_.

The favorite wind-instrument was not our flute, which was called

πλαγίαυλος, or “cross-played aulos,” and which was not popular, but our

clarinet, the αὐλός, which was held straight, was wide at the mouth,

and produced its tone by means of a vibrating tongue in the mouthpiece.

The ordinary aulos was played without any artificial aid; but for the

double aulos, where two reeds of different pitch were blown from the

same mouthpiece, a leather bandage was tied over the player’s mouth,

into which the mouthpiece was fitted. This was the most extreme form of

that disfigurement of which the Greeks complained in flute-playing.

The tunes taught to boys are now lost, and we cannot hope to reproduce

them. But there is good reason to think that they would not suit the

developed taste of our day, and would be considered dull and even ugly.

This we may infer from the few extant fragments of Greek tunes.

FOOTNOTES:

[41] ἔστι δὲ τέτταρα σχεδόν, ἃ παιδεύειν εἰώθασι, γράμματα καὶ

γυμναστικὴν καὶ μουσικήν, καὶ τέταρτον ἔνιοι γραφικήν.--_Pol._, viii.

p. 259.

[42] Ὑπογράφεσθαι is the technical term for this drawing of models.

[43] Aristotle implies in his discussion (“Pol.,” bk. vii. 1) that

there had arisen in his day radical critics who asserted that music was

merely an amusement, with no other importance. But he sets aside this

opinion as hardly deserving of refutation, seeing how strong was the

consensus of opinion against it.

[44] Aristotle fully appreciates this, and admits, even in his

perfect polity, popular music to suit the vulgar listener, who cannot

understand what is really classical (“Pol.,” viii.: ὁ γὰρ θεατὴς

φορτικὸς ὤν. κ.τ.λ.).

[45] In some cases a very florid adagio is succeeded by a lively plain

tune in galop time.

[46] Some people have thought these scales only indicated differences

of pitch. This is false, or rather a misapprehension, because in a

fixed set of notes--like the white notes in our pianos--various scales

could only be found by starting higher or lower. But how could a

difference of pitch affect morals?

[47] It is not difficult for a man who has devoted sufficient time

to music, and has known many musical people, to find some analogy to

Dorian, Phrygian, and Lydian modes, as moral agents, in our modern

music. For surely the real meaning, the real depth, in the art is

this: that it represents, and by representing stimulates within us,

various emotions. Like all the other faculties of man, the emotions

are a great class of mental phenomena improved and strengthened by a

certain quantity of stimulus, but exaggerated and injured by being

overstrained, or too perpetually exercised. And it is the peculiar

province of music to awaken emotions too subtle and various for the

coarser utterance of words, and therefore to fill the mind with

feelings delightful, indeed, and deep, but from their very nature

unutterable in words and inexplicable except by sympathy. You cannot

convey to an unmusical man what is called the expression of an

air--that is to say, the emotion it has caused within you. Let us add

that if you could explain it, it would not have the distinctive value

which it really possesses. It is this very feature in the question

which has caused the moral effects of music to be wholly overlooked

in a cold and logical age, when many men are not affected by it, and

in which everything inexplicable by direct statement is likely to be

considered unreal.

The emotions, then, which it is the proper object of music to

stimulate, are of that subtle character that they cannot be defined.

Different composers will, no doubt, excite a different _complexion_

of feeling in the mind. The works of Handel and J. S. Bach produce a

thoroughly satisfied and cheerful temper, even when they treat sad

subjects; whereas Beethoven has almost always about him that profound

melancholy which is to a mind in distress more sustaining in its

sympathy than all the comfort of consolation. But this only describes

the general character of the emotions produced, and not the emotions

themselves. For these are often not consciously before us at all, but

influence us, like our prejudices, from a hidden vantage-ground within

the soul.

But, alas! the history of this delicious stimulant is like that of all

the rest. Men begin to crave for it, and then constantly pursue it;

they will not be satisfied without stronger doses, and, presently,

even these cease to have their effect except by intoxication. In such

case, the stimulant is no longer applied to exciting an emotion, but

to satisfying a passion. And this latter differs from the former in

being more violent (being, perhaps, compounded of several emotions),

and in containing some coarser bodily element, either consciously or

unconsciously.

It may be illustrated from what are called sentimental songs. If we

compare the old chaste love-songs that are found among the national

melodies of England, and still better of Ireland, with the love-songs

in one of the greatest of modern operas, Gounod’s “Faust,” the

distinction will be easily apprehended. When an Irish girl puts sweet

wild music to the words of her song, and is then better satisfied with

it than if she merely spoke it, the reason is this, that there are in

her love a number of tender emotions, far too subtle to be uttered in

the words, but which are conveyed in the expression of the melody. The

very same may be said of the solemn, almost religious love-songs of

the old Italian composers, in which knightly reverence for the gentler

sex is so apparent. Let the soberest critic compare this music with

the splendid duet in the garden scene of Gounod’s “Faust,” and more

especially with the concluding song of the act (that in six flats).

Expressive this music is beyond description, and expressive of love;

but how different!

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