THE INFLUENCE OF ABÉLARD
If the inquirer into the influence of the famous dialectician could
content himself with merely turning from the study of Abélard’s
opinions to the towering structure of modern Catholic theology, he
would be tempted to exclaim, in the words of a familiar epitaph,
‘Si monumentum quaeris, circumspice.’ Abélard’s most characteristic
principles are now amongst the accepted foundations of dogmatic
theology; most, or, at all events, a large number, of the conclusions
that brought such wrath about him in the twelfth century are now
calmly taught in the schools of Rome and Louvain and Freiburg.
Bernardism has been almost banished from the courts of the temple.
The modern theologian could not face the modern world with the
thoughts of the saint whose bones are treasured in a thousand
jewelled reliquaries; he must speak the thoughts of the heretic, who
lies by the side of his beloved, amidst the soldiers and statesmen,
the actresses and courtesans, of Paris. The great political
organisation that once found it expedient to patronise Bernardism has
now taken the spirit of Abélard into the very heart of its official
teaching.
There are few in England who will read such an assertion without
a feeling of perplexity, if not incredulity. Far and wide over
the realm of theology has the spirit of Abélard breathed; and
ever-widening spheres of Evangelicalism, Deism, Pantheism, and
Agnosticism mark its growth. But it is understood that Rome has
resisted the spirit of rationalism, and to-day, as ever, bids human
reason bow in submission before the veiled mysteries of ‘the deposit
of revelation.’
Yet the assertion involves no strain or ingenuity of interpretation
of Catholic theology. The notion that Rome rebukes the imperious
claims of reason is one of a number of strangely-enduring fallacies
concerning that Church. The truth of our thesis can be swiftly and
clearly established. The one essential source of the antagonism of
St. Bernard and Abélard was the question of the relations of faith
and reason. ‘Faith precedes intellect,’ said the Cistercian; ‘Reason
precedes faith,’ said the Benedictine. All other quarrels were
secondary and were cognate to their profound and irreconcilable
opposition on this point. M. Guizot adds a second fundamental
opposition on the ethical side. This, however, was certainly of a
secondary importance. Few historians hesitate to regard the famous
struggle as being in the main a dispute over the rights and duties of
reason.
Turn then from the pontificate of Innocent II. to that of Pius IX.
and of Leo XIII. Towards the close of the last century, Huet, Bishop
of Avranches, began to meet rationalistic attacks with a belittlement
of human reason. The idea found favour with a class of apologists.
De Bonald, Bonetty, Bautain, and others in France, and the Louvain
theologians in Belgium, came entirely to repudiate the interference
of reason with regard to higher truths, saying that their acceptance
was solely a matter of faith and tradition. Well, the Church of Rome
(to which all belonged) descended upon the new sect with a remarkable
severity. Phrases that were purely Bernardist in form and substance
were rigorously condemned. The French ‘Traditionalists’ were
forced to subscribe to (amongst others) the following significant
proposition: ‘The use of reason precedes faith, and leads up to
it, with the aid of revelation and grace.’ It was the principle
which Abélard’s whole life was spent in vindicating. The Louvain
men wriggled for many months under the heel of Rome. They were not
suffered to rest until they had cast away the last diluted element of
their theory.
The episode offers a very striking exhibition of the entire change of
front of Rome with regard to ‘the rights of reason.’ There are many
other official utterances in the same sense. An important provincial
council, held at Cologne in 1860, and fully authorised, discussed the
question at length. ‘We have no faith,’ it enacted, ‘until we have
seen with our reason that God is worthy of credence and that He has
spoken to us’; and again, ‘The firmness of faith ... requires that
he who believes must have a preliminary _rational certitude_ of the
existence of God and the fact of a revelation having come from Him,
and he must have no prudent doubt on the matter.’ In the Encyclical
of 1846 even Pius IX. insisted on the same principle: ‘Human reason,
to avoid the danger of deception and error, must diligently search
out the fact of a divine revelation, and must attain a _certainty_
that the message comes from God, so that, as the Apostle most wisely
ordains, it may offer Him a “reasonable service.”’ The Vatican
Council of 1870 was equally explicit. The modern Catholic theologian,
in his treatise on faith, invariably defines it as an intellectual
act, an acceptance of truths after a satisfactory rational inquiry
into the authority that urges them. It is official Catholic teaching
that faith is impossible without a previous rational certitude.
Moreover, the theologian admits that every part and particle of the
dogmatic system must meet the criticism of reason. In the positive
sense it is indispensable that reason prove the existence of God,
the authority of God, and the divinity of the Scriptures. In the
negative sense, no single dogma must contain an assertion which is
clearly opposed to a proved fact or to a clear pronouncement of human
reason or the human conscience. These are not the speculations of
advanced theologians, but the current teaching in the Roman schools
and manuals[38] of dogmatic theology.
[38] One of the most widely-used of these manuals at present
is that of the learned Jesuit, Father Hurter. On p. 472 of the
first volume one finds the Bernardist notions of faith sternly
rejected, and variously attributed to ‘Protestants,’ ‘Pietists,’
and ‘Kantists.’
Thus has history vindicated the heretic. The multiplication of
churches has made the Bernardist notion of faith wholly untenable
and unserviceable to Rome. Reason precedes faith; reason must lead
men to faith, and make faith acceptable to men. That is the gospel
that now falls on the dead ear of the great master.
And when we pass from this fundamental principle or attitude to a
consideration of special points of dogma we again meet with many
a triumph. We have already seen how Abélard’s ‘novelties’ may be
traced to a twofold criticism—ethical and intellectual—of the form in
which Christian dogmas were accepted in his day. Without explicitly
formulating it, Abélard proceeded on the principle which is now
complacently laid down by the Catholic theologian, and was accepted
by the Christian world at large a century or half a century ago:
the principle that what is offered to us as revealed truth must be
tested by the declarations of the mind and of the conscience. The
intellectual criticism led him to alter the terms of the dogmas of
the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Eucharist, and others; the ethical
criticism led him to modify the current theories of original sin, the
atonement, penance, and so forth.
Now, even if we confine our attention to Roman theology, we find
a large adoption of Abélard’s singularly prophetic conclusions.
As to the Trinity, it is now a universal and accepted practice to
illustrate it by analogies derived from purely natural phenomena,
which are always heretical if taken literally. One of the proudest
achievements of St. Thomas and the schoolmen was the construction
of an elaborate analogical conception of the Trinity. On the
equally important question of Scripture Abélard’s innovation proved
prophetic. In that age of the doctrine of verbal inspiration he
drew attention to the human element in the Bible. Even the Catholic
Bible is no longer a monochrome. Abélard’s speculation about the
‘accidents’ in the Eucharist—that they are based on the substance of
the air—is now widely and freely accepted by theologians. His moral
principles relating to sins done in ignorance and to ‘suggestion,
delectation, and consent’—both of which were condemned, at Bernard’s
demand—are recognised to be absolutely sound by the modern casuist.
His notion of heaven is the current esoteric doctrine in Rome to-day;
his theory of hell is widely held, in spite of a recent official
censure; his pleading for Plato and his fellow-heathens would be
seconded by the average Catholic theologian of to-day.
It is hardly necessary to point out how entirely the non-Roman
theology of the nineteenth century has accepted Abélard’s spirit
and conclusions. The broadest feature of the history of theology
during the century has been the resumption and the development of the
modifying process which was started by Abélard eight centuries ago.
The world at large has taken up his speculations on the Incarnation,
the atonement, original sin, responsibility, inspiration, confession,
hell and heaven, and so many other points, and given them that
development from which the dutiful son of the Church inconsistently
shrank.[39] A curious and striking proof of this may be taken from
Tholuck’s dissertation on ‘Abélard and Aquinas as interpreters of
Scripture.’ The distinguished German theologian, who is the author
of a well-known commentary on the Epistle to the Romans, says that
when he read Abélard’s commentary on that Epistle, in preparing his
own work, he seriously hesitated whether it would not suffice to
republish the forgotten work of Abélard instead of writing a new one.
When one recollects what an epitome of theology such a commentary
must be, one can appreciate not only the great homage it involves to
the genius of the man whom Bernard scornfully calls a ‘dabbler in
theology,’ but the extent to which Abélard anticipated the mature
judgment of theological science.
[39] A typical illustration of the perplexity and inconsistency
which resulted from the conflict of Abélard’s critical moral
sense with apparently fixed dogmas is seen in his treatment of
original sin in the _Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans_.
He finds two meanings for the word sin—guilt and punishment; and
he strains his conscience to the point of admitting that we may
inherit Adam’s sin in the latter sense. Then comes the question
of unbaptized children—whom Bernard calmly consigned to Hades—and
he has to produce the extraordinary theory that the Divine Will
is the standard of morality, and so cannot act unjustly. But
his conscience asserts itself, and he goes on to say that their
punishment will only be a negative one—the denial of the sight
of God—and will only be inflicted on those children who, in the
divine prescience, would have been wicked had they lived!
It seems, however, a superfluous task to point out the acceptance of
Abélard’s spirit, method, and results by theology in general. The
more interesting and important question is the acceptance of his
ideas by the Church of Rome. That we have abundantly established, and
we may now proceed to inquire whether, and to what extent, Abélard
had a direct influence in the abandonment of the mystic attitude and
the adoption of one which may be fairly entitled ‘rationalistic.’
Here we have a much more difficult problem to deal with. It may at
once be frankly avowed that there is little evidence of a direct
transition of Abélard’s ideas into the accepted scheme of theology.
Some of the most careful and patient biographers of Abélard, as a
theologian, say that we cannot claim for him any direct influence on
the course of theological development. Deutsch points out that his
works must have become rare, and the few copies secretly preserved,
after their condemnation by the pope; certainly few manuscripts of
them have survived. He had formed no theological school (as distinct
from philosophical), or the beginning of one must have been crushed
at Sens. His Roman pupils and admirers were probably not men who
would cultivate loyalty under unfavourable circumstances. The
schoolmen of the following century only know Abélard from passages in
Hugh of St. Victor and others of his enemies. The first to reproduce
what Deutsch takes to be the characteristic spirit or method of
Abélard is Roger Bacon; it is extremely doubtful if he had any
acquaintance whatever with Abélard. The world was prepared to receive
the ideas of Abélard with some respect in the thirteenth century, but
it had then a task which was too absorbing to allow a search for the
manuscripts of ‘a certain Abélard,’ as one later theologian put it.
The Arabians and Jews had reintroduced Aristotle into Europe. He had
come to stay; and the schoolmen were engrossed in the work of fitting
him with garments of Christian theology.
On the other hand there are historians, such as Reuter, who grant
Abélard a large measure of direct influence on the development of
theology. It is pointed out that a very large proportion of the
masters of the next generation had studied under Abélard. Reuter
instances Bernard Sylvester of Chartres and William of Conches, as
well as Gilbert de la Porée. Clearer instances of direct influence
are found in the case of Master Roland of Bologna (afterwards to
ascend the papal throne under the name of Alexander III.) and Master
Omnebene of the same city. It is, in any case, quite clear that
Abélard was pre-eminently a teacher of teachers. On the other hand
it would be incorrect to lay too much stress on the condemnation by
Pope Innocent. All the world knew that Bernard had prudently kept
the unexecuted Bull in his pocket, and that Abélard was teaching
theology at Cluny, with the pope’s approval, a few months after the
condemnation.
It is best to distinguish once more between the spirit or method of
Abélard and his particular critical conclusions. His conclusions,
his suggestions for the reconstruction of certain dogmas, were
lost to theological science. The cruder notions of the earlier
age and of Bernard continued to be regarded as _the_ truth for
many centuries. Even the masters, such as Roland of Bologna, who
did found their theology more conspicuously on that of Abélard,
prudently deviated from his opinions where they were ‘offensive to
pious ears.’ His treatment of the Trinity is, perhaps, an exception.
Not that Abélard’s favourite analogies—that of the seal and its
impression, and so forth—were retained, but he had set an example
in the rationalistic or naturalistic illustration of the mystery
which persisted in the schools. All the great schoolmen of the
following century accepted the Abélardist notion of a rationalistic
illustration and defence of the Trinity. They constructed an
elaborately meaningless analogy of it, and invented a ‘virtual’
distinction—a mental distinction which might be taken to be objective
for apologetic purposes—between the essence and the personalities.
But Abélard’s penetrating and reconstructive criticisms of the
current dogmas of original sin, the Incarnation, responsibility,
reward and punishment, inspiration, omnipotence, etc., degenerated
into, at the most, obscure heresies—sank back into the well of truth
until long after a rebellious monk had broken the bonds which held
the intellect of Europe.
It was far otherwise with the spirit of Abélard, the fundamental
principle or maxim on which all else depended. The thirteenth
century cordially accepted that principle, and applied itself to the
rationalisation of theology. It wholly abandoned the mysticism of
Bernard and the school of St. Victor. The Cistercian had summed up
Abélard’s misdeeds thus in his letter to the pope: ‘He peers into
the heavens and searches the hidden things of God, then, returning
to us, he holds discourse on ineffable things of which a man may
not speak.’ In the very sense in which this was said of Abélard, it
may be urged as a chief characteristic of the saintly schoolmen of
the thirteenth century. Even St. Bonaventure was no mystic in the
anti-rational sense of Bernard; simply, he applied to theology the
reason of Plato instead of the reason of Aristotle. Archbishop Roger
Vaughan, in his _Life of St. Thomas_, says that the schoolmen owed
the ‘_probatur ratione_’ in their _loci theologici_ to Abélard. That
is already a most striking vindication of Abélard’s characteristic
teaching as to the function of reason, for we know how important
the ‘proofs from reason’ were in the scheme of Aquinas and Scotus.
But they really owe far more than this to Abélard. If they have
deserted the dreamy, rambling, fruitless, and fantastic speculation
of the mystic school for a methodical and syllogistic inquiry
concerning each point of faith, it is largely due to the example of
Abélard. The schoolmen notoriously followed Peter the Lombard. From
the _Sentences_ of Peter the Lombard to the _Sic et Non_ of Peter
Abélard—through such works as the _Sentences_ of Roland and Omnebene
of Bologna and the so-called _Sentences of Peter Abélard_—is a short
and easy journey. No doubt we must not lose sight of that other
event which so powerfully influenced the theology of the thirteenth
century: the invasion of the Arab and Jew philosophers. Theirs is the
only influence of which the schoolmen show any consciousness in their
elaborate fortification of dogma to meet the criticism of reason and
conscience—except for the avowed influence of the Lombard; and along
that line we may trace the direct influence of Abélard.
In the circumstances it makes little difference to the prestige
of Abélard whether we succeed in proving a direct influence or no.
There are few who will think less of him because he was beaten by
St. Bernard in diplomatic manipulation of the political force of the
Church. The times were not ripe for the acceptance of his particular
criticisms, and the mystic school was the natural expression of this
conservatism. We may even doubt if Deutsch is correct in saying that
the thirteenth century was prepared to receive them, but that its
attention was diverted to Spain. Renan has said that they who study
the thirteenth century closely are astonished that Protestantism did
not arise three hundred years earlier. That is the point of view of
a logician. The Reformation was not in reality, though it seems such
in theory to the student of the history of ideas, an intellectual
development. No doubt it could not have succeeded without this
development to appeal to, but it was a moral and political revolt.
How little the world was prepared for such a revolt at the end of
the thirteenth century may be gathered from a study of the life of
that other rebellious monk, William Occam. This success the Anselms
and Bernards achieved: they spread, with a moral renovation, a
spirit of docility and loyalty to the Church. The subtlety and
intellectual activity they could not arrest came to be used up in an
effort to restate the older dogmas in terms which should be at once
conservative and acceptable to the new rational demand.
It is equally difficult and more interesting to determine how far
Abélard himself was created by predecessors. Nowadays no thought is
revolutionary; but some notions are more rapid in their evolution
than others. To what extent Abélard’s ideas were thus borrowed
from previous thinkers it is not easy to determine with precision.
He was far from being the first rationalist of the Middle Ages.
Scotus Erigena and Bérenger (of anti-sacramental fame) were well
remembered in his day. He himself studied under a rationalistic
master—Jean Roscelin, canon of Compiègne,—in his early years. We do
not know with certainty at what age he studied under Roscelin, and
cannot, therefore, determine how great an influence the older master
exercised over him. But there can be little doubt that Abélard must
be credited with a very large force of original genius. At the most,
the attitude of his mind towards dogma was determined by outward
influences, concurring with his own temperament and character
of mind. It is more than probable that this attitude would have
been adopted by him even had there been no predisposing influence
whatever. His rationalism flows spontaneously and irresistibly from
his type of mind and character. In the development of the rationalist
principle we see the exclusive action of his own intelligence.
To most of us in this generation such dogmatic reconstruction as
Abélard urged seems obvious enough; yet one needs little imagination
to appreciate the mental power or, rather, penetration, which was
necessary to realise its necessity in the twelfth century.
One is tempted at times to speculate on the probable development of
Abélard’s thoughts if that great shadow had not fallen on his life
at so early a period. There are two Abélards. The older theologian,
who is ever watchful to arrest his thoughts when they approach
clear, fundamental dogmas, is not the natural development of the
freethinking author of the _Sic et Non_. With the conversion to the
ascetic ideal had come a greater awe in approaching truths which
were implicitly accepted as divine. Yet we may well doubt if Abélard
would ever have advanced much beyond his actual limits. Starting
from the world of ideas in which he lived, he would have needed an
exceptional strength to proceed to any very defiant and revolutionary
conclusions. He was not of the stuff of martyrs, of Scotus Erigena,
or Arnold of Brescia. He had no particle of the political ability of
Luther. But such as he is, gifted with a penetrating mind, and led by
a humanist ideal that touched few of his contemporaries, pathetically
irresolute and failing because the fates had made him the hero of
a great drama and ironically denied him the hero’s strength, he
deserves at least to be drawn forth from the too deep shadow of a
crude and unsympathetic tradition.
INDEX
Abélard, origin of name, 11.
Aboilar, 11.
Adam, Abbot of St. Denis, 126, 129, 134, 154, 168, 170, 174, 175.
Adam of the Little Bridge, 38.
Alberic of Rheims, 62, 137, 150, 153, 154, 156, 157, 159, 167,
189, 195.
Alvise, Bishop of Arras, 285.
_Anima mundi_ and the Holy Ghost, 279.
Anselm Beessus, Canon of Laon, 56.
—— of Laon, 55, 57, 58, 137, 196.
—— St., 13, 27, 55.
Antagonism of Abélard and St. Bernard, 260, 261, 277, 330.
Anti-pope, the, 213, 314.
Apology of Abélard, 315.
Appeal to Rome, 285-87.
Arabic, study of, 15.
Argenteuil, nunnery of, 100, 105, 115, 207.
Aristotle, 25, 65, 73, 76.
Arnold of Brescia, 199, 254, 270, 276, 283, 291, 296, 307, 310,
316.
Asceticism, Heloise on, 247.
Astrolabe, son of Abélard, 114, 218, 323, 327.
Attempts on Abélard’s life, 216, 217.
Aventinus, 8.
Bacon, Roger, and Abélard, 338.
Bajolard, 11.
Baldwin, monk, 15.
Bayle on Heloise, 232, 242.
Bec, 13.
Bede, Venerable, on St. Denis, 169, 173.
Benedictines, the, 13.
Bérenger, father of Abélard, 5, 52.
—— of Poitiers, 54, 344.
—— pupil of Abélard, 132, 255, 283, 288-90, 310.
Bernard of Chartres, 14.
—— of Clairvaux, St., 16, 30, 37, 49, 51, 53, 62, 73, 126, 151,
176, 189, 190, 193, 195-96, 214, 257, 259-78, 281, 283-310,
314-18, 320.
—— of Cluny (quoted), 133.
Bible, Abélard’s opinion concerning, 335.
Boetius, 25, 76.
Breviary, Roman, the, 169.
Brittany, people of, 205.
Buchanan’s (Robert) _New Abailard_, 229.
Burchard, Bishop of Meaux, 177.
Burglary, a mediæval, 57.
Burning of Abélard’s works, 158, 307.
Bussy-Rabutin on Heloise, 228.
Calixtus, Pope, 164.
Calumniation of Abélard, 85, 116, 292-305.
Cambridge, founding of University of, 199.
Canonesses, 43.
Canons, regular, 35.
—— secular, 43.
Cathedral of Paris, 20, 22.
Celibacy, law of, 89, 108.
Cells, 128, 135.
Cemetery of Père Lachaise, 96, 328.
Century of iron, the, 1.
Challenge of Bernard, 270.
Charlemagne, 13.
Chartres, 14, 15.
Chateaubriand on Heloise, 242.
Church, service to, of Abélard, 221.
Cistercians, the, 35, 209, 263, 321.
Clairvaux, abbey of, 189, 196.
Cluny, abbey of, 13, 312, 320.
Colardeau on Heloise, 228.
Cologne, Council of, on reason, 332.
_Commentary on Epistle to the Romans_, Abélard’s, 256, 336.
Compayré (quoted), 30.
Conceptualism, 29.
Condemnation of Abélard, first, 157.
—— —— second, 286.
—— —— at Rome, 307.
Confession, Abélard’s opinion concerning, 280, 316.
—— Champeaux’s opinion concerning, 53.
—— of Abélard, 81.
—— —— Augustine, and Rousseau compared, 222.
Conon, Bishop of Praeneste, 150, 152-60, 167.
—— Duke of Brittany, 201, 217.
Conversion of Abélard, 120.
Corbeil, 31.
Corruption of monasteries, 93, 125, 203, 216.
—— of nunneries, 208, 209.
—— of the clergy, 34, 89, 90, 92.
Cotter Morison on Abélard, 85, 101, 109, 116, 193, 267.
Cousin (quoted), 24, 76.
—— on Heloise, 251.
Crevier (quoted), 67, 94.
Crusades, the, 2.
Dagobert, brother of Abélard, 216, 218, 323.
Dark Ages, the, 6.
Death of Abélard, 324.
Denis, St., controversy about, 169, 173.
Denyse, sister of Abélard, 114.
Deutsch (quoted), 8, 37, 109, 131, 143, 146, 173, 223, 255, 263,
276, 338.
Development of Abélard’s ideas, 345.
_Dialectics_ of Abélard, 323.
—— study of, 12, 14, 16, 24, 31.
_Dialogue_, the, of Abélard, 140.
Dubois on the corruption of the clergy, 90.
Duboulai (quoted), 133.
End of the world, 1.
Episcopal Schools, 14.
Eremetical life of Abélard, 181.
Ethical opinions of Abélard, 279.
_Ethics_, the, of Abélard, 257.
Étienne de Garlande, 92, 133, 177, 179, 180.
Eucharist, opinion of Abélard concerning, 279, 335.
Eudes of Orleans, 14.
Evil, Abélard’s opinion concerning, 279, 316.
Expulsion of canons, 44.
—— of monks, 217.
—— of nuns, 208, 209.
Ezechiel, Abélard’s lectures on, 62.
Faith, Abélard’s opinions on, 144, 261, 330.
Feast of Fools, 94.
Flight from St. Denis, 172.
—— from St. Gildas, 217.
Fontevraud, abbey of, 50.
Fulbert, Canon, 97, 98, 100, 102, 107, 110, 114, 119, 129.
Fulques, Prior, 69, 72, 86, 117, 119, 130.
Galo, Bishop of Paris, 44, 50, 209.
Galton, Mr. (quoted), 28.
Games of Students, 70.
Gaufridus Vindoniencensis, 51, 53.
Genera and species, question of, 25.
Geoffrey, Bishop of Chartres, 154, 156, 158, 167, 179, 197, 208,
264, 284, 294.
—— of the Stag’s Neck, 161, 164, 167, 284.
Gervaise, Dom. (quoted), 34, 161.
Gilbert de la Porée, 254, 282, 288.
Gilbert, Bishop of Paris, 129, 146.
Goswin, St., 45, 164, 167.
Grammar, study of, 14, 15.
Gréard’s translation of the _Letters_, 225, 230.
Great Bridge, the, 18.
Greek, Abélard’s knowledge of, 75.
—— Heloise’s knowledge of, 101, 249.
—— thought, influence on mediæval, 64.
Guido of Castello, 302.
Guizot, Mme. (quoted), 8, 225.
Hallam (quoted), 225.
Hatton, Bishop of Troyes, 172, 183, 285.
Hausrath (quoted), 55, 71, 98, 131, 163, 173, 255, 263, 265.
Haymerick, Roman Chancellor, 301, 302.
Hebrew, Abélard’s knowledge of, 76.
—— Heloise’s knowledge of, 101, 249.
—— study of, 15.
Hefele, Father (quoted), 193, 273.
Helias, Bishop of Orleans, 285.
Heloise, 71, 75, 77, 84, 87, 96-116, 121-23, 209-13, 221, 224-52,
267, 318, 325-28.
—— home of, 104.
Henry the Boar, Archbishop of Sens, 270, 282, 284, 292.
Hilary, pupil of Abélard, 186.
Hoel, Duke of Brittany, 5.
Honorius, Pope, 207.
Hugo, Bishop of Auxerre, 284.
Hyacinth, pupil of Abélard, 255, 283, 288, 298, 302.
Hymns of Abélard, 249.
Incarnation, Abélard’s opinion concerning, 279.
Influence of Abélard, 329.
Innocent II., Pope, 43, 77, 213, 292-301, 307, 320.
Intolerance of Christian nations, 199.
_Introductio ad theologiam_, the, of Abélard, 256.
Investitures, question of, 276.
Ivo, Bishop of Chartres, 14.
—— Cardinal, 303.
Jacques de Vitry, Cardinal, 43, 66, 90, 91, 93, 209.
Jews, the, 6, 21, 42, 65, 68, 77, 342.
John of Salisbury, 14, 26, 45, 55, 72, 254, 318.
Johnson (quoted), 225.
Joscelin the Red, 41, 45, 46, 48, 154, 267, 284.
_Know Thyself_, Abélard’s, 257.
Lalanne on the _Letters_, 229.
Lanfranc, 13.
Laon, 56.
Latin Quarter, the, 42, 45.
Latinity of Abélard, 74, 221.
—— of Heloise, 101, 232.
Learning of Abélard, 74.
—— of Heloise, 100, 104.
—— of women in twelfth century, 100.
Letter of Abélard to Abbot Adam, 172.
—— —— to St. Bernard, 267.
—— —— to Roscelin, 147.
—— of St. Bernard to French bishops, 274.
—— —— to St. Thierry, 194, 266.
—— of Peter the Venerable to Heloise, 322, 325.
—— of Roscelin to Abélard, 148.
—— of St. Thierry to Bernard, 258, 263-65.
Letters of Abélard and Heloise, 224-49, 318.
—— —— —— authenticity of, 229.
—— of St. Bernard to the Pope, 292-99.
—— —— to the Roman cardinals, 301-305.
Letter-writing in the twelfth century, 232.
Lex talionis, 94, 129.
Liaison of Abélard and Heloise, 84, 102-19.
Licence to teach, when necessary, 30, 39.
Licentiousness of Abélard, alleged, 85, 116, 131.
Lisiard de Crespy, 154.
Little Bridge, the, 19.
Locmenach, 9, 202.
Lotulphe of Novare, 62, 137, 150, 154, 167, 189.
Louis, King, 21, 43, 171, 176, 180, 272, 276, 282.
Lucan (quoted), 123.
Lucia, Abélard’s mother, 5, 49, 52.
Mabillon on Abélard’s orthodoxy, 318.
Maisoncelle, 136.
Manasses, Bishop of Meaux, 285.
Manegold of Alsace, 21.
Map, Walter, on St. Bernard, 318.
Marianne Alcoforado and Heloise, 227, 241.
Marriage of Abélard and Heloise, 111, 114.
Married priests, 91, 203.
Mathematics, not studied by Abélard, 12, 16.
Melun, 30, 39.
Metellus, Hugo, 11.
Miracles exposed by Abélard, 192.
Monasteries, 2, 93, 125, 203, 216.
Monastic festivals, 127.
—— life, history of, by Abélard, 248.
—— rule, by Abélard and Heloise, 246.
—— spirit, the, 49.
Moors, the, 198.
Moral classification, 195.
—— codes, divergence of, 87.
Morals of the twelfth century, 89.
Moriacum, 9.
Morigni, abbey of, 213.
Muratori (quoted), 22.
Music, Abélard’s knowledge of, 15.
Mutilation of Abélard, 120.
Nations at Paris, 67, 69, 70, 130.
Neander (quoted), 265.
Nevers, Count de, 282, 284.
Newman, Cardinal, on Abélard, 88, 246.
Nicholas de Montier-Ramey, St. Bernard’s Secretary, 305, 317.
Nobles of France and the King, 178.
Noël Alexandre on Abélard, 318.
Nogent-sur-Seine, 181.
Nominalism, 27.
Norbert, St., 43, 189, 191.
Notre Dame, cathedral of, 20, 22.
—— —— cloistral school of, 22, 36, 38, 41, 53, 64, 66.
Number of Abélard’s pupils, 67, 136, 184.
Nunneries, 50, 51, 208.
Occam, William, 343.
Omnebene of Bologna, 339.
Ordeal, the, 57, 95.
Orelli on the _Letters_, 229.
Original sin, Abélard’s view of, 280, 316.
Otto von Freising (quoted), 8, 72, 136, 155, 286, 318.
Palace school, the, 13.
Pallet, 4.
Papal court in France, 213.
—— schism, 213, 296.
Paraclete, the, 183, 188, 211, 214, 267, 328.
Parentage of Abélard, 5.
—— of Heloise, 97.
Paris, 18, 65, 68.
Paschal, Pope, 92, 132.
Peter the Eater, 38.
—— the Lombard, 342.
—— the Venerable, 97, 99, 312, 321, 325, 326.
Philip, King, death of, 38.
—— —— palace of, 20.
Philippe Auguste, 68, 77.
Pius IX. on reason, 332.
Plato, 65, 73, 76, 80.
Poetry of Abélard, 102, 106, 187.
Poison, attempts on life of Abélard by, 216.
Poole, Mr. (quoted), 10, 12, 102, 173, 182, 194, 287.
Pope’s _Heloise_, 225, 226, 241.
Porphyry, 24, 25.
_Portuguese Letters_, the, 225, 227, 228.
Pré-aux-clercs, the, 45, 70.
Predecessors of Abélard, 344.
Predestination, Abélard’s opinion on, 280.
Prémontré, 191.
Premonstratensians, the, 191, 192.
Priest, Abélard as a, 107.
Priories, 128, 135.
Priscian, mediæval study of, 15, 41.
_Problems of Heloise_, the, 250.
Profession, religious, of Heloise, 122.
Pupils of Abélard, 78, 254.
Quadrivium, the, 14.
Quarrel over Abélard’s body, 325.
Ralph of Laon, 55.
—— the Green, 138, 150, 154.
Rashdall (quoted), 13, 67, 94.
Rationalism of Abélard, 140, 144, 259, 261, 324, 330, 334, 341,
344.
Raynard, Abbot of Cîteaux, 314.
Realism, 27, 29.
Reason and faith, 140, 144, 261, 324, 330.
Reconciliation of Abélard and St. Bernard, 314.
Reformation, the, 341, 343.
Rémusat (quoted), 32, 77, 97.
Reuter on Abélard, 339.
Rhetoric, study of, 14, 36.
Rhuys, 204.
Robert of Arbrissel, 37, 49, 50, 51.
—— of Melun, 38.
Roland of Bologna, 339, 342.
_Roman de la Rose_, the, 231.
Rome, Abélard’s respect for, 276.
—— avarice and corruption of, 131.
Rome and reason, 330-33.
Roscelin, Jean, 7, 9, 27, 32, 41, 50, 117, 147, 344.
Rousseau and Abélard, 222.
Rousseau’s _Nouvelle Heloïse_, 228, 230, 241.
Rousselot, 23, 26.
Sabellianism, charge of, 155.
Samson, Archbishop of Rheims, 282, 284, 292.
Saracens, the, in Spain, 65, 198, 342.
Scholastic philosophy, the, 25.
Scholasticus, 22.
School life, 69.
Schoolmen and Abélard, the, 338, 340, 341, 342.
Schools of France, the, 13.
—— Paris, the, 21, 65, 68.
Scotus Erigena, 344, 346.
—— J. Duns, 342.
Sens, 270, 272, 283.
—— Council of, 155, 166, 270, 272, 281-86.
_Sententiae Abaelardi_, the, 108, 257, 317, 342.
Sermons of Abélard, 250.
Sexual ideas in twelfth century, 88.
_Sic et Non_, the, 143, 342.
Simony, prevalence of, 92.
Sins committed in ignorance, Abélard’s opinion on, 280, 316, 335.
Soissons, 151.
—— Council of, 153, 166.
_Song of Songs_ in Middle Ages, 257, 260.
St. Denis, abbey of, 13, 15, 21, 124-29, 133, 167, 168.
—— Genevieve, abbey of, 18, 21, 42, 43.
—— Germain of Auxerre, abbey of, 21.
—— Germain of the Meadow, abbey of, 21.
—— Gildas, abbey of, 9, 202-6.
—— Martin in the Fields, abbey of, 21.
—— Médard, abbey of, 161, 163.
—— Hilary, church of, 255.
—— Genevieve, hill of, 18, 41, 254.
—— Landry, port of, 19.
—— Ayoul, priory of, 172.
—— Marcellus, priory of, 324.
St. Victor, priory of, 21, 33.
—— —— school of, 36, 48, 53, 67, 341.
Stephen of Praeneste, Card., 305.
_Story of my calamities_, the, 81, 193, 220.
Students’ life, 69, 90, 94, 185.
Suger, Abbot, 21, 44, 132, 175, 177, 180, 201, 206.
Teaching of Abélard, 71.
Theobald of Champagne, Count, 135, 172, 174, 197, 284.
_Theologia Christiana_, the, 256.
Theological opinions of Abélard, 278-80, 329, 336.
Theology, teaching of, 55, 61, 139.
Tholuck on Abélard as theologian, 336.
Thomas of Aquin, St., 74, 335, 342.
Tirricus, Master, 10, 12, 14, 32, 159.
Tournai, 14.
Traditionalism, 331.
Travelling in the twelfth century, 6.
_Treatise on Baptism_, the, of St. Bernard, 267.
Trinity, Abélard’s works on the, 144, 279, 340.
—— statue of, at the Paraclete, 188.
Tri-theism, charge of, 152, 155, 188, 316.
Trivium, the, 14.
Turlot (quoted), 98.
Universals, problem of, 25, 38.
University of Paris, 64, 65.
Vatican Council, the, on reason, 333.
Vaughan, Roger, on Abélard, 26, 341.
Violence of the twelfth century, 93, 110.
Vitalis the Norman, 51.
Weakness of Abélard, 109.
William of Canterbury, 55.
—— of Champeaux, 22, 23, 27, 33, 36, 48, 52, 55, 137, 195.
—— of Dijon, 14.
—— of St. Thierry, 194, 257.
Women and saints, 215.
—— disguised as monks, 51.
—— school for, 21, 42, 100.
Works of Abélard, 140, 256, 264.
Printed by T. and A. CONSTABLE, (late) Printers to Her Majesty
at the Edinburgh University Press
* * * * * *
Transcriber’s note:
* Obvious printer errors have been silently corrected.
* Original spelling was kept, but variant spellings were made
consistent when a predominant usage was found.