=Source.=--_The Times_, December 9, 1876.
THE DUKE OF WESTMINSTER: The worst Government now remaining in Europe
is that of Constantinople, and it seems to us a most extraordinary
thing that men in this country and a portion of the Press seem to think
that the Turks have still a power of regeneration within themselves.
We hear them say, and with some justice, that the Turks are peaceful
citizens and warlike soldiers. The warlike qualities for which they
are distinguished seem to me not the best calculated to work for the
happiness and the contentment of the people under the fell sway of
Turkish dominion....
After all our sacrifices during the Crimean War, after having shed the
blood of thousands of our fellow-countrymen and expended millions of
treasure, England surely has some right to say now what should be done,
and how it should be done. The situation, though in some respects very
similar to that which existed in 1854, is entirely changed as regards
the state of public opinion in this country. Although it may be said
that Russia is thundering at the gates of Constantinople, England is
determined that she will not go to war against Russia for Turkey.
MR. GEORGE HOWELL (late Secretary to the Trades Parliamentary
Committee) said that throughout the length and breadth of the land
they would not find among the working classes such an opinion on this
question as was entertained in the clubs among educated gentlemen.
He might inform the educated classes present that they represented
the intensified feelings of the working classes when they pronounced
an opinion altogether averse from going to war, under any pretext
whatever, for the purpose of propping up Turkey. We ought to stand by
the other European Powers, and to insist that justice should be done to
the Christian provinces of Turkey, and to tell her plainly that if this
were not done, she must, at whatever cost, pack up, bag and baggage,
and leave Europe.
MR. EVELYN ASHLEY, M.P.: In his opinion the path of honour and of
safety lay in the active co-operation of England with Russia. Turkey
must be told that if she refused to give the necessary guarantees for
the safety of her Christian subjects, we would send our fleet to take
her fleet in pawn until she gave way. As to the fear of what might
be the result of Mussulman fanaticism if such a course were taken, he
could only say that the fanaticism of the Mussulman never broke out
when he was beaten, while he had no apprehension that our prestige
would be diminished among the Mussulman population of India.... Great
nations, like great ships, could ride in safety only on the high seas,
and although Russia might have her ambitions, which it might one day
be our duty to resist, we should be able to do so all the better if
we could but succeed in obtaining freedom for those down-trodden
populations of Turkey.
PROFESSOR BRYCE: Turkey would not yield so long as an atom of hope of
help from England was held out to her. The Porte believed it in the
very name of Constantinople, a spell which could call up the fleets of
England in the Bosphorus when it chose. That spell had never failed it
yet, and it had in it most implicit confidence. If, then, war was to be
averted, Turkey must be at once undeceived, and must be told that we
not only will not support her, but that we are prepared to coerce her,
and that she shall not be allowed to run a new race of tyranny.
CANON LIDDON: If the Christian provinces were to be really reformed,
there must be a new law which would secure equal rights to every human
being in the Turkish Empire. It was impossible to suppose, however,
that any legislation of this kind would be voluntarily accepted by
Turkey. There must be something in the nature of a military occupation.
LORD SHAFTESBURY: The Emperor of Russia has given us his personal
word of honour that he desires no territorial aggrandisement. Take
every precaution, surround yourselves by every legitimate defence, but
let us go with him as far as he will go with us, and let us reserve
our quarrel until we have something to quarrel about. But now let
us rejoice in the attitude of the United Kingdom this day. It is
majestic--a free and mighty people demand nothing for themselves,
neither power, nor commerce, nor extended empire. They seek simply the
welfare of others and the solidarity of nations.
PROFESSOR E. A. FREEMAN: From amid the clatter of wine-cups a voice of
defiance went forth, conveying the brag which all the world had heard,
that England would fight a first, a second, and a third campaign rather
than permit another Power to do the work which she herself ought to
accomplish. Were they prepared to wage war for a single hour, or to
shed one drop of English blood in order to prop up as foul and bloody a
fabric of wrong as ever a shuddering world had gazed upon? Would they
consent to draw the sword to protect the sovereign rights of those
whose hands were steeped in blood as their tongues were in falsehood?
Would they fight to uphold the integrity and independence of Sodom?
Should it be said that England, which had used every effort to put
down the slave trade, was ready to go to war in order that the Eastern
traffic in human flesh might still go on and supply our barbarous ally
with the victims of his hideous lusts? Was it, indeed, for such an
object that the countrymen of Canning and Wilberforce were to be called
upon to fight?
But it was said that we were bound by treaties to maintain the
independence and integrity of Turkey. He, however, did not so read the
treaties to which reference had been made, and which already had been
broken; and as for our interests in India being in peril, he would only
say let duty come first and interest after, and perish our dominion in
India rather than that we should strike a blow in such a cause as that
of the Porte! Besides, it was not through Constantinople that the road
to India lay; nor was it for Constantinople that the Emperor of Russia
was ready to draw the sword.
MR. FAWCETT, M.P.: If the Government went to war on behalf of Turkey,
he hoped the Liberal party would use every form allowed by Parliament
to prevent them from having one sixpence until they had ascertained by
an appeal to the country whether it was their wish that the blood and
treasure of England should be spilt, and the reputation of England cast
away in order to prop up a wretched, effete, and dissolute despotism.
MR. GLADSTONE, who was received with prolonged cheering:
“... What are we to say to the question of the Treaty of Paris? I will
give you my opinion in the most distinct manner. The Ottoman Porte has
in a most signal and conspicuous manner broken and trampled under foot
the Treaty of Paris. The meaning of this Guildhall speech was to set
forth that we were all bound by this Treaty to suggest that the Ottoman
Porte would be entitled to appeal to it; and whatever theoretical
acknowledgment there might be about affording assistance to the
Christian populations, yet in practice the appeal would have resolved
itself into the old practice of remonstrances and expostulations, with
results either none whatever, or confined to idle and empty words.
The Treaty of Paris in regard to the Porte I affirm to be no binding
Treaty at all. I am as far as possible from saying that the Treaty of
Paris is not binding as between the other Powers, but I stand simply
upon this broad, clear, and I think incontrovertible proposition--that
one who has broken a Treaty is no longer in a position to appeal to
it.... I now come to the conclusion of the Guildhall speech which
carried its sting, and a sting indeed it was, charged and overcharged
with venom. Why was it necessary to say that when England enters into
a war she has not to ask herself whether she can support a second or a
third campaign? Cannot that reference be understood? After her second
campaign in the Crimea Russia had to ask herself the question whether
she could enter upon a third? Why, then, was that particular form given
to a declaration which was perfectly unnecessary, of the capacity of
this country to go to war? Do not suppose that the capacity of this
country to go to war is increased by these idle vaunts. We know what
effect these words had in Russia; but a more important question was,
What was their effect in Constantinople? According to the reports of
those who have seen it, Constantinople is a Paradise of Nature; but
there are other paradises, one of which is called a Fool’s Paradise. I
am afraid that the Ottoman Porte, relying on the assistance of England
in the last extremity in all circumstances, has for a long time been in
a Fool’s Paradise, and it would have been much greater kindness not
to use words which were calculated to delude the Porte into the belief
that such were the intentions of England. We know that the Turk has
been relying on British aid, and although we do not think very highly
of his intelligence, has he no warrant for so relying? Why was the
squadron sent to Besika Bay, augmented into a fleet, in imitation of
the step taken in 1853?”