Time-measurers are of very ancient date. The Greeks had clepsydræ and

the Romans gnomons, portable and ring-shaped, besides large standing

town-dials as at Aquileja and San Sabba near Trieste. The “Saracens”

were the perfecters of the clepsydra: Bosseret (p. 16) and the

Chronicon Turense (Beckmann ii. 340 _et seq._) describe the

water-clock sent by Al-Rashid to Karl the Great as a kind of

“cuckoo-clock.” Twelve doors in the dial opened successively and

little balls dropping on brazen bells told the hour: at noon a dozen

mounted knights paraded the face and closed the portals. Trithonius

mentions an horologium presented in A.D. 1232 by Al-Malik al-Kámil the

Ayyubite Soldan to the Emperor Frederick II: like the Strasbourg and

Padua clocks it struck the hours, told the day, month and year, showed

the phases of the moon, and registered the position of the sun and the

planets. Towards the end of the fifteenth century Gaspar Visconti

mentions in a sonnet the watch proper (certi orologii piccioli e

portativi); and the “animated eggs” of Nurembourg became famous. The

earliest English watch (Sir Ashton Lever’s) dates from 1541: and in

1544 the portable chronometer became common in France.

Footnote 183:

An illustrated History of Arms and Armour etc. (p. 59); London: Bell

and Sons, 1877. The best edition is the Guide des Amateurs d’Armes;

Paris: Renouard, 1879.

Footnote 184:

Chapt. iv. Dr. Gustav Oppert “On the Weapons etc. of the Ancient

Hindus;” London: Trübner and Co., 1880.

Footnote 185:

I have given other details on this subject in pp. 631–637 of “Camoens,

his Life and his Lusiads.”

Footnote 186:

The morbi venerei amongst the Romans are obscure because “whilst the

satirists deride them the physicians are silent.” Celsus, however,

names (De obscenarum partium vitiis, lib. xviii.) inflammatio coleorum

(swelled testicle), tubercula circa glandem (warts on the glans

penis), cancri carbunculi (chancre or shanker) and a few others. The

rubigo is noticed as a lues venerea by Servius in Virg. Georg.

Footnote 187:

According to David Forbes, the Peruvians believed that syphilis arose

from connection of man and alpaca; and an old law forbade bachelors to

keep these animals in the house. Francks explains by the introduction

of syphilis wooden figures found in the Chinchas guano; these

represented men with a cord round the neck or a serpent devouring the

genitals.

Footnote 188:

They appeared before the gates of Paris in the summer of 1427, not

“about July, 1422”: in Eastern Europe, however, they date from a much

earlier epoch. Sir J. Gilbert’s famous picture has one grand fault,

the men walk and the women ride: in real life the reverse would be the

case.

Footnote 189:

Rabelais ii. c. 30.

Footnote 190:

I may be allowed to note that syphilis does not confine itself to man:

a charger infected with it was pointed out to me at Baroda by my late

friend, Dr. Arnott (18th Regiment, Bombay N.I.) and Tangier showed me

some noticeable cases of this hippic syphilis, which has been studied

in Hungary. Eastern peoples have a practice of “passing on” venereal

and other diseases, and transmission is supposed to cure the patient;

for instance a virgin heals (and catches) gonorrhœa. Syphilis varies

greatly with climate. In Persia it is said to be propagated without

contact: in Abyssinia it is often fatal and in Egypt it is readily

cured by sand baths and sulphur-unguents. Lastly in lands like

Unyamwezi, where mercurials are wholly unknown, I never saw caries of

the nasal or facial bones.

Footnote 191:

For another account of the transplanter and the casuistical questions

to which coffee gave rise, see my “First Footsteps in East Africa” (p.

76).

Footnote 192:

The first mention of coffee proper (not of Kahwah or old wine in vol.

ii. 260) is in Night cdxxvi. vol. v. 169, where the coffee-maker is

called Kahwahjiyyah, a mongrel term showing the modern date of the

passage in Ali the Cairene. As the work advances notices become

thicker, _e.g._ in Night dccclxvi. where Ali Nur al-Din and the Frank

King’s daughter seems to be a modernisation of the story “Ala al-Din

Abu al-Shámát” (vol. iv. 29); and in Abu Kir and Abu Sir (Nights

cmxxx. and cmxxxvi.) where coffee is drunk with sherbet after present

fashion. The use culminates in Kamar al-Zaman II. where it is

mentioned six times (Nights cmlxvi. cmlxx. cmlxxi. twice; cmlxxiv. and

cmlxxvii.), as being drunk after the dawn-breakfast and following the

meal as a matter of course. The last notices are in Abdullah bin

Fazil, Nights cmlxxviii. and cmlxxix.

Footnote 193:

It has been suggested that Japanese tobacco is an indigenous growth

and sundry modern travellers in China contend that the potato and the

maize, both white and yellow, have there been cultivated from time

immemorial.

Footnote 194:

For these see my “City of the Saints,” p. 136.

Footnote 195:

Lit. meaning smoke: hence the Arabic “Dukhán,” with the same

signification.

Footnote 196:

Unhappily the book is known only by name: for years I have vainly

troubled friends and correspondents to hunt for a copy. Yet I am

sanguine enough to think that some day we shall succeed; Mr. Sidney

Churchill, of Teheran, is ever on the look-out.

Footnote 197:

In § 3 I shall suggest that this tale also is mentioned by Al-Mas’udi.

Footnote 198:

I have extracted it from many books, especially from Hoeffer’s

Biographie Générale, Paris, Firmin Didot, mdccclvii.; Biographie

Universelle, Paris, Didot, 1816, etc. etc. All are taken from the work

of M. de Boze, his “Bozzy.”

Footnote 199:

As learning a language is an affair of pure memory, almost without

other exercise of the mental faculties, it should be assisted by the

ear and the tongue as well as the eyes. I would invariably make pupils

talk, during lessons, Latin and Greek, no matter how badly at first;

but unfortunately I should have to begin with teaching the pedants

who, as a class, are far more unwilling and unready to learn than are

those they teach.

Footnote 200:

The late Dean Stanley was notably trapped by the wily Greek who had

only political purposes in view. In religions as a rule the minimum of

difference breeds the maximum of disputation, dislike and disgust.

Footnote 201:

See in Trébutien (Avertissement iii.) how Baron von Hammer escaped

drowning by the blessing of The Nights.

Footnote 202:

He signs his name to the Discours pour servir de Préface.

Footnote 203:

I need not trouble the reader with their titles, which fill up nearly

a column and a half in M. Hoeffer. His collection of maxims from

Arabic, Persian and Turkish authors appeared in English in 1695.

Footnote 204:

Galland’s version was published in 1704–1717 in 12 vols. 12mo.

(Hoeffer’s Biographie; Graesse’s Trésor de Livres rares and Encyclop.

Britannica, ixth Edit.)

Footnote 205:

See also Leigh Hunt “The Book of the Thousand Nights and one Night,”

etc., etc. London and Westminster Review Art. iii., No. lxiv.

mentioned in Lane, iii, 746.

Footnote 206:

Edition of 1856, vol. xv.

Footnote 207:

To France England also owes her first translation of the Koran, a poor

and mean version by Andrew Ross of that made from the Arabic (No. iv.)

by André du Reyer, Consul de France for Egypt. It kept the field till

ousted in 1734 by the learned lawyer George Sale whose conscientious

work, including Preliminary Discourse and Notes (4to London), brought

him the ill-fame of having “turned Turk.”

Footnote 208:

Catalogue of Printed Books, 1884, p. 159, col. i. I am ashamed to

state this default in the British Museum, concerning which Englishmen

are apt to boast and which so carefully mulcts modern authors in

unpaid copies. But it is only a slight specimen of the sad state of

art and literature in England, neglected equally by Conservatives,

Liberals and Radicals. What has been done for the endowment of

research? What is our equivalent for the Prix de Rome? Since the death

of Dr. Birch who can fairly deal with a Demotic papyrus? Contrast the

Société Anthropologique and its palace and professors in Paris with

our “Institute” _au second_ in a corner of Hanover Square and its

skulls in the cellar!

Footnote 209:

Art. vii. pp. 139–168, “On the Arabian Nights and translators, Weil,

Torrens and Lane (vol. i.) with the Essai of A. Loisseleur

Deslongchamps.” The Foreign Quarterly Review, vol. xxiv., Oct.

1839–Jan. 1840. London, Black and Armstrong, 1840.

Footnote 210:

Introduction to his Collection “Tales of the East,” 3 vols. Edinburgh,

1812. He was the first to point out the resemblance between the

introductory adventures of Shahryar and Shah Zaman and those of

Astolfo and Giacondo in the Orlando Furioso (Canto xxviii.). M. E.

Lévêque in Les Mythes et les Légendes de l’Inde et la Perse (Paris,

1880), gives French versions of the Arabian and Italian narratives,

side by side in p. 543 ff. (Clouston).

Footnote 211:

Notitiæ Codicis MI. Noctium. Dr. Pusey studied Arabic to familiarise

himself with Hebrew, and was very different from his predecessor at

Oxford in my day, who, when applied to for instruction in Arabic,

refused to lecture except to a class.

Footnote 212:

This nephew was the author of “Recueil des Rits et Cérémonies des

Pilgrimages de La Mecque,” etc. etc. Paris and Amsterdam, 1754, in

12mo.

Footnote 213:

The concluding part did not appear, I have said, till 1717: his

“Contes et Fables Indiennes de Bidpaï et de Lokman,” were first

printed in 1724, 2 vols. in 12mo. Hence, I presume, Lowndes’ mistake.

Footnote 214:

M. Caussin (de Perceval), Professeur of Arabic at the Imperial

Library, who edited Galland in 1806, tells us that he found there only

two MSS., both imperfect. The first (Galland’s) is in three small

vols. 4to. each of about pp. 140. The stories are more detailed and

the style, more correct than that of other MS., is hardly intelligible

to many Arabs, whence he presumes that it contains the original (an

early?) text which has been altered and vitiated. The date is supposed

to be circa A.D. 1600. The second Parisian copy is a single folio of

some 800 pages, and is divided into 29 sections and cmv. Nights, the

last two sections being reversed. The MS. is very imperfect, the 12th,

15th, 16th, 18th, 20th, 21st–23rd, 25th and 27th parts are wanting;

the sections which follow the 17th contain sundry stories repeated,

there are anecdotes from Bidpai, the Ten Wazirs and other popular

works, and lacunæ everywhere abound.

Footnote 215:

Mr. Payne (ix. 264) makes eleven, including the Histoire du Dormeur

éveillé = The Sleeper and the Waker, which he afterwards translated

from the Bresl. Edit. in his “Tales from the Arabic” (vol. i. 5,

etc.).

Footnote 216:

Mr. E. J. W. Gibb informs me that he has come upon this tale in a

Turkish storybook, the same from which he drew his “Jewád.”

Footnote 217:

A littérateur lately assured me that Nos. ix. and x. have been found

in the Bibliothèque Nationale (du Roi), Paris; but two friends were

kind enough to enquire and ascertained that it was a mistake. Such

Persianisms as Codadad (Khudadad), Baba Cogia (Khwájah) and Peri

(fairy) suggest a Persic MS.

Footnote 218:

Vol. vi. 212. “The Arabian Nights’ Entertainments (London: Longmans,

1811) by Jonathan Scott, with the Collection of New Tales from the

Wortley Montagu MS. in the Bodleian.” I regret to see that Messieurs

Nimmo in reprinting Scott have omitted his sixth Volume.

Footnote 219:

Dr. Scott who uses Fitnah (iv. 42) makes it worse by adding “Alcolom

(Al-Kulúb?) signifying Ravisher of Hearts” and his names for the six

slave-girls (vol. iv. 37) such as “Zohorob Bostan” (Zahr al-Bústán),

which Galland rightly renders by “Fleur du Jardin,” serve only to heap

blunder upon blunder. Indeed the Anglo-French translations are below

criticism: it would be waste of time to notice them. The

characteristic is a servile suit paid to the original _e.g._ rendering

hair “accomodé en boucles” by “hair festooned in buckles” (Night

ccxiv.), and Île d’Ébène (Jazírat al-Abnús, Night xliii.) by “the Isle

of Ebene.” A certain surly old littérateur tells me that he prefers

these wretched versions to Mr. Payne’s. Padrone! as the Italians say:

I cannot envy his taste or his temper.

Footnote 220:

De Sacy (Mémoire p. 52) notes that in some MSS., the Sultan, ennuyé by

the last tales of Shahrázad, proposes to put her to death, when she

produces her three children and all ends merrily without

marriage-bells. Von Hammer prefers this version as the more dramatic,

the Frenchman rejects it on account of the difficulties of the

_accouchements_. Here he strains at the gnat—a common process.

Footnote 221:

See Journ. Asiatique, iii. série, vol. viii., Paris, 1839.

Footnote 222:

“Tausend und Eine Nacht: Arabische Erzählungen. Zum ersten mal aus

einer Tunisischen Handschrift ergänzt und vollständig übersetzt,” Von

Max Habicht, F. H. von der Hagen und Karl Schatte (the offenders?)

Footnote 223:

Dr. Habicht informs us (Vorwort iii., vol. ix. 7) that he obtained his

MS. with other valuable works from Tunis, through a personal

acquaintance, a learned Arab, Herr M. Annagar (Mohammed Al-Najjár?)

and was aided by Baron de Sacy, Langlès and other savants in filling

up the lacunæ by means of sundry MSS. The editing was a prodigy of

negligence: the corrigenda (of which brief lists are given) would fill

a volume; and, as before noticed, the indices of the first four tomes

were printed in the fifth, as if the necessity of a list of tales had

just struck the dense editor. After Habicht’s death in 1839 his work

was completed in four vols. (ix.-xii.) by the well-known Prof. H. J.

Fleischer, who had shown some tartness in his “Dissertatio Critica de

Glossis Habichtianis.” He carefully imitated all the shortcomings of

his predecessor and even omitted the Verzeichniss, etc., the Varianten

and the Glossary of Arabic words not found in Golius, which formed the

only useful part of the first eight volumes.

Footnote 224:

Die in Tausend und Eine Nacht noch nicht übersetzten Nächte,

Erzählungen und Anekdoten, zum erstenmal aus dem Arabischen in das

Französische übersetzt von J. von Hammer, und aus dem Französichen in

das Deutsche von A. E. Zinserling, Professor, Stuttgart und Tubingen,

1823. Drei Bde. 8^o. Trébutien’s, therefore, is the translation of a

translation of a translation.

Footnote 225:

Tausend und Eine Nacht Arabische Erzählungen. Zum erstenmale aus dem

Urtexte vollständig und treu uebersetze von Dr. Gustav Weil. He began

his work on return from Egypt in 1836 and completed his first version

of the Arabische Meisterwerk in 1838–42 (3 vols. roy. oct.). I have

the Zweiter Abdruck der dritten (2d reprint of 3d) in 4 vols. 8vo.,

Stuttgart, 1872. It has more than a hundred woodcuts, but all of that

art fashionable in Europe till Lane taught what Eastern illustrations

should be.

Footnote 226:

My learned friend Dr. Wilhelm Storck, to whose admirable translations

of Camoens I have often borne witness, notes that this Vorhalle, or

Porch to the first edition, a rhetorical introduction addressed to the

general public, is held in Germany to be valueless and that it was

noticed only for the Bemerkung concerning the offensive passages which

Professor Weil had toned down in his translation. In the Vorwort of

the succeeding editions (Stuttgart) it is wholly omitted.

Footnote 227:

The most popular are now “Mille ed una notte. Novelle Arabe.” Napoli,

1867, 8vo. illustrated, 4 francs; and “Mille ed una notte. Novelle

Arabe, versione italiana nuovamente emendata e corredata di note”; 4

vols. in 32 (dateless), Milano, 8vo., 4 francs.

Footnote 228:

These are: (1) by M. Caussin (de Perceval), Paris, 1806, 9 vols. 8vo.

(2) Edouard Gauttier, Paris, 1822–24: 7 vols. 12mo.; (3) M. Destain,

Paris, 1823–25, 6 vols. 8vo., and (4) Baron de Sacy, Paris, 1838 (?),

3 vols. large 8vo., illustrated (and vilely illustrated).

Footnote 229:

The number of fables and anecdotes varies in the different texts, but

may be assumed to be upwards of four hundred, about half of which were

translated by Lane.

Footnote 230:

I have noticed these points more fully in the beginning of chapt. iii.

“The Book of the Sword.”

Footnote 231:

A notable instance of Roman superficiality, incuriousness and

ignorance. Every old Egyptian city had its idols (images of metal,

stone or wood), in which the Deity became incarnate as in the Catholic

host; besides its own symbolic animal used as a Kiblah or

prayer-direction (Jerusalem or Meccah), the visible means of fixing

and concentrating the thoughts of the vulgar, like the crystal of the

hypnotist or the disk of the electro-biologist. And goddess Diana was

in no way better than goddess Pasht. For the true view of idolatry see

Koran xxxix. 4. I am deeply grateful to Mr. P. le Page Renouf (Soc. of

Biblic. Archæology, April 6, 1886) for identifying the Manibogh,

Michabo or Great Hare of the American indigenes with Osiris Unnefer

(“Hare God”). These are the lines upon which investigation should run.

And of late years there is a notable improvement of tone in treating

of symbolism or idolatry: the Lingam and the Yoni are now described as

“mystical representations, and perhaps the best possible impersonal

representatives, of the abstract expressions paternity and maternity”

(Prof. Monier Williams in “Folk-lore Record” vol. iii. part i. p.

118).

Footnote 232:

See Jotham’s fable of the Trees and King Bramble (Judges lxi. 8) and

Nathan’s parable of the Poor Man and his little ewe Lamb (2 Sam. ix.

1).

Footnote 233:

Herodotus (ii. c. 134) notes that “Æsop the fable-writer (ὁ λογόποιος)

was one of her (Rhodopis) fellow slaves.” Aristophanes (Vespæ, 1446)

refers to his murder by the Delphians and his fable beginning, “Once

upon a time there was a fight;” while the Scholiast finds an allusion

to The Serpent and the Crab in Pax 1084; and others in Vespæ 1401, and

Aves 651.

Footnote 234:

There are three distinct Lokmans who are carefully confounded in Sale

(Koran chapt. xxxi.) and in Smith’s Dict. of Biography etc. art.

Æsopus. The first or eldest Lokman, entitled Al-Hakím (the Sage) and

the hero of the Koranic chapter which bears his name, was son of

Bá’úrá of the Children of Azar, sister’s son to Job or son of Job’s

maternal aunt; he witnessed David’s miracles of mail-making and when

the tribe of ’Ád was destroyed, he became King of the country. The

second, also called the Sage, was a slave, an Abyssinian negro, sold

to the Israelites during the reign of David or Solomon, synchronous

with the Persian Kay Káús and Kay Khusrau, also Pythagoras the

Greek(!). His physique is alluded to in the saying, “Thou resemblest

Lokman (in black ugliness) but not in wisdom” (Ibn Khallikan i. 145).

This negro or negroid, after a godly and edifying life, left a volume

of “Amsál,” proverbs and exempla (not fables or apologues); and

Easterns still say, “One should not pretend to teach Lokmán”—in

Persian, “Hikmat ba Lokman ámokhtan.” Three of his apothegms dwell in

the public memory: “The heart and the tongue are the best and worst

parts of the human body.” “I learned wisdom from the blind who make

sure of things by touching them” (as did St. Thomas); and, when he ate

the colocynth offered by his owner, “I have received from thee so many

a sweet that ’twould be surprising if I refused this one bitter.” He

was buried (says the Tárikh Muntakhab) at Ramlah in Judæa, with the

seventy Prophets stoned in one day by the Jews. The youngest Lokman

“of the vultures” was a prince of the tribe of Ad who lived 3,500

years, the age of seven vultures (Tabari). He could dig a well with

his nails; hence the saying, “Stronger than Lokman” (A. P. i. 701);

and he loved the arrow-game, hence “More gambling than Lokman” (ibid.

ii. 938). “More voracious than Lokman” (ibid. i. 134) alludes to his

eating one camel for breakfast and another for supper. His wife

Barákish also appears in proverb, _e.g._ “Camel us and camel thyself”

(ibid. i. 295) _i.e._ give us camel flesh to eat, said when her son by

a former husband brought her a fine joint which she and her husband

relished. Also, “Barákish hath sinned against her kin” (ibid. ii. 89).

More of this in Chenery’s Al-Hariri p. 422; but the three Lokmans are

there reduced to two.

Footnote 235:

I have noticed them in vol. ii. 47–49. “To the Gold Coast for Gold.”

Footnote 236:

I can hardly accept the dictum that the Katha Sarit Sagara, of which

more presently, is the “earliest representation of the first

collection.”

Footnote 237:

The Pehlevi version of the days of King Anushirwan (A.D. 531–72)

became the Humáyun-námeh (“August Book”) turned into Persian for

Bahram Shah the Ghaznavite: the Hitopadesa (“Friendship-boon”) of

Prakrit, avowedly compiled from the “Panchatantra,” became the Hindu

Panchopakhyan, the Hindostani Akhlák-i-Hindi (“Moralities of Ind”) and

in Persia and Turkey the Anvar-i-Suhayli (“Lights of Canopus”).

Arabic, Hebrew and Syriac writers entitle their version Kalílah wa

Damnah, or Kalilaj wa Damnaj, from the name of the two jackal-heroes,

and Europe knows the recueil as the Fables of Pilpay or Bidpay

(Bidyá-pati, Lord of learning?) a learned Brahman reported to have

been Premier at the Court of the Indian King Dabishlím.

Footnote 238:

Dict. Philosoph. S. V. Apocrypha.

Footnote 239:

The older Arab writers, I repeat, do not ascribe fables or

beast-apologues to Lokman; they record only “dictes” and proverbial

sayings.

Footnote 240:

Professor Taylor Lewis: Preface to Pilpay.

Footnote 241:

In the Katha Sarit Sagara the beast-apologues are more numerous, but

they can be reduced to two great nuclei; the first in chapter lx.

(Lib. x.) and the second in the same book chapters lxii.-lxv. Here too

they are mixed up with anecdotes and acroamata after the fashion of

The Nights, suggesting great antiquity for this style of composition.

Footnote 242:

Brugsch, History of Egypt, vol. i. 266 _et seq._ The fabliau is

interesting in more ways than one. Anepu the elder (Potiphar)

understands the language of cattle, an idea ever cropping up in

Folk-lore; and Bata (Joseph), his “little brother,” who becomes a

“panther of the South (Nubia) for rage” at the wife’s impudique

proposal, takes the form of a bull—metamorphosis full blown. It is

not, as some have called it, the “oldest book in the world;” that name

was given by M. Chabas to a MS. of Proverbs, dating from B.C. 2200.

See also the “Story of Saneha,” a novel earlier than the popular date

of Moses, in the Contes Populaires of Egypt.

Footnote 243:

The fox and the jackal are confounded by the Arabic dialects not by

the Persian, whose “Rubáh” can never be mistaken for “Shaghál.”

“Sa’lab” among the Semites is locally applied to either beast and we

can distinguish the two only by the fox being solitary and rapacious,

and the jackal gregarious and a carrion-eater. In all Hindu tales the

jackal seems to be an awkward substitute for the Grecian and classical

fox, the Giddar or Kolá (_Canis aureus_) being by no means sly and

wily as the Lomri (_Vulpes vulgaris_). This is remarked by Weber

(Indische Studien) and Prof. Benfey’s retort about “King Nobel” the

lion is by no means to the point. See Katha Sarit Sagara, ii. 28.

I may add that in Northern Africa jackal’s gall, like jackal’s grape

(_Solanum nigrum_ = black nightshade), ass’s milk and melted

camel-hump, is used aphrodisiacally as an unguent by both sexes. See

p. 239, etc. of Le Jardin parfumé du Cheikh Nefzaoui, of whom more

presently.

Footnote 244:

Rambler, No. lxvii.

Footnote 245:

Some years ago I was asked by my old landlady if ever in the course of

my travels I had come across Captain Gulliver.

Footnote 246:

In “The Adventurer” quoted by Mr. Heron, “Translator’s Preface to the

Arabian Tales of Chaves and Cazotte.”

Footnote 247:

“Life in a Levantine Family” chapt. xi. Since the able author found

his “family” firmly believing in The Nights, much has been changed in

Alexandria; but the faith in Jinn and Ifrit, ghost and vampire is

lively as ever.

Footnote 248:

The name dates from the second century A.H. or before A.D. 815.

Footnote 249:

Dabistan i. 231 etc.

Footnote 250:

Because Sí = thirty and Murgh = bird. In McClenachan’s Addendum to

Mackay’s Encyclopædia of Freemasonry we find the following definition:

“Simorgh. A monstrous griffin, guardian of the Persian mysteries.”

Footnote 251:

For a poor and inadequate description of the festivals commemorating

this “Architect of the Gods” see vol. iii. 177, “View of the History

etc. of the Hindus” by the learned Dr. Ward, who could see in them

only the “low and sordid nature of idolatry.” But we can hardly expect

better things from a missionary in 1822, when no one took the trouble

to understand what “idolatry” means.

Footnote 252:

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