The posture of affairs in England appears, upon the whole, more

favourable to reform than in Upper Canada. We are resolved to double our

diligence; to have general petitions in favour of the abolition of every

kind of religious domination, circulated throughout the Province,

addressed to the Provincial and Imperial Parliaments, and take up the

whole question--decidedly, fully, and warmly. We must be up and doing

while it is called to-day. It is the right time. There is a new and Whig

Parliament in England, and I am sure our own House of Assembly dare not

deny the petitions of the people on this subject.

Nature of the Struggle for Religious Equality.

During this and many succeeding years the chief efforts of Dr. Ryerson

and those who acted with him were directed, as intimated before, against

the efforts put forth to establish a "dominant church" in Upper Canada.

A brief _resumé_ of the question will put the reader in possession of

the facts of the case:--

The late Bishop Strachan, in his speech delivered in the Legislative

Council, March 6th, 1828, devoted several pages of that speech (as

printed) to prove that "the Church of England is by law the Established

Church of this Province." This statement in some form he put forth in

every discussion on the subject.

The grounds upon which this claim was founded were also fully stated by

Rev. Wm Betteridge, B.D. (of Woodstock), who was sent to England to

represent the claims of the Church of England in this controversy. These

claims he put forward in his "Brief History of the Church in Upper

Canada," published in England in 1838. He rests those claims upon what

he considers to have been the intention of the Imperial Parliament in

passing the Clergy Reserve sections of the Act (31 Geo III., c. 31) in

1791, and also on the "King's Instructions" to the Lieutenant-Governor

of Upper Canada in 1818. He further contended that the "Extinction of

the Tithes Act," passed by the Upper Canada Legislature in 1823,

inferentially recognized the dominancy of the Church of England in

Canada as a Church of the Empire. Beyond this alleged inferential right

to be an Established Church in Upper Canada, none in reality existed. It

was, therefore, to prevent this inference,--which was insisted upon as

perfectly clear and irresistible,--from receiving Imperial or Provincial

recognition as an admitted or legal fact, that the persistent efforts of

Dr. Ryerson and others were unceasingly directed during all of those

years.

Few in the present day can realize the magnitude of the task thus

undertaken. Nor do we sufficiently estimate the significance of the

issues involved in that contest--a contest waged for the recognition of

equal denominational rights and the supremacy of religious liberty. All

of these questions are now happily settled "upon the best and surest

foundation." But it might have been far otherwise had not such men as

Dr. Ryerson stepped into the breach at a critical time in our early

history; and if the battle had not been fought and won before the

distasteful yoke of an "establishment" had been imposed upon this young

country, and burdensome vested interests been thereby created, which it

would have taken years of serious and protracted strife to extinguish.

As the fruits of that protracted struggle for religious equality have

been long quietly enjoyed in this province, there is a disposition in

many quarters to undervalue the importance of the contest itself, and

even to question the propriety of reviving the recollection of such

early conflicts. In so far as we may adopt such views we must

necessarily fail to do justice to the heroism and self-sacrifice of

those who, like Dr. Ryerson, encountered the prolonged and determined

opposition, as well as the contemptuous scorn of the dominant party

while battling for the rights which he and others ultimately secured for

us. Those amongst us who would seek to depreciate the importance of that

struggle for civil and religious freedom, must fail also to realize the

importance of the real issues of that contest.

To those who have given any attention to this subject, it is well known

that the maintenance of the views put forth by Dr. Ryerson in this

controversy involved personal odium and the certainty of social

ostracism. It also involved, what is often more fatal to a man's courage

and constancy, the sneer and the personal animosity, as well as

ridicule, of a powerful party whose right to supremacy is questioned,

and whose monopoly of what is common property is in danger of being

destroyed. Although Dr. Ryerson was a gentleman by birth, and the son of

a British officer and U. E. Loyalist, yet the fact that, as one of the

"despised sect" of Methodists, he dared to question the right of "the

Church" to superiority over the "Sectaries," subjected him to a system

of petty and bitter persecution which few men of less nerve and

fortitude could have borne. As it was, there were times when the tender

sensibilities of his noble nature were so deeply wounded by this

injustice, and the scorn and contumely of his opponents, that were it

not that his intrepid courage was of the finest type, and without the

alloy of rancour or bravado in it, it would have failed him. But he

never flinched. And when the odds seemed to be most against him, he

would, with humble dependence upon Divine help, put forth even greater

effort; and, with his courage thus reanimated, would unexpectedly turn

the flank of his enemy; or, by concentrating all his forces on the

vulnerable points of his adversary's case, completely neutralize the

force of his attack.

It must not be understood from this that Dr. Ryerson cherished any

personal animosity to the Church of England as a Divine and Spiritual

power in the land. Far from it. In his first "campaign" against the

Venerable Archdeacon of York (Dr. Strachan), he took care to point out

the difference between the principles maintained by the aggressors in

that contest and the principles of the Church itself. He said:--

Whatever remarks the Doctor's discourse may require me to make, I

wish it to be distinctly understood that I mean no reflection on

the doctrines, liturgy, or discipline of the Church of which he has

the honour to be a minister. Be assured I mean no such thing. I

firmly believe in her doctrines, I admire her liturgy, and I

heartily rejoice in the success of those principles which are

therein continued, and it is for the prosperity of the truths which

they unfold that I shall ever pray and contend. And, with respect

to Church government, I heartily adopt the sentiments of the pious

and the learned Bishop Burnet, that "that form of Church government

is the best which is most suitable to the customs and circumstances

of the people among whom it is established."[26]

Such was Dr. Ryerson's tribute to the Church of England in, 1826. His

disclaimer of personal hostility to that Church (near the close of the

protracted denominational contest in regard to the Clergy Reserves),

will be found in an interesting personal correspondence, in a subsequent

part of this book, with John Kent, Esq., Editor of _The Church_

newspaper in 1841-2.

With a view to enable Canadians of the present day more clearly to

understand the pressing nature of the difficulties with which Dr.

Ryerson had to contend, almost single-handed, fifty years ago, I shall

briefly enumerate the principal ones:--

1. The whole of the official community of those days, which had grown up

as a united and powerful class, were bound together by more than

official ties, and hence, as a "family compact," they were enabled to

act together as one man. This class, with few exceptions, were members

of the Church of England. They regarded her--apart from her inimitable

liturgy and scriptural standards of faith--with the respect and love

which her historical prestige and assured status naturally inspired

them. They maintained, without question, the traditional right of the

Church of England to supremacy everywhere in the Empire. They,

therefore, instinctively repelled all attempts to deprive that Church of

what they believed to be her inalienable right to dominancy in this

Province.

2. Those who had the courage, and who ventured to oppose the Church

claims put forth by the clerical and other leaders of the dominant

party of that time, were sure to be singled out for personal attack.

They were also made to feel the chilling effects of social

exclusiveness. The cry against them was that of ignorance, irreverence,

irreligion, republicanism, disloyalty, etc. These charges were repeated

in every form; and that, too, by a section both of the official and

religious press, a portion of which was edited with singular ability; a

press which prided itself on its intelligence, its unquestioned

churchmanship and exalted respect for sacred things, its firm devotion

to the principle of "Church and State"--the maintenance of which was

held to be the only safeguard for society, if not its invincible

bulwark. An illustration of the profession of this exclusive loyalty is

given by Dr. Ryerson in these pages. He mentions the fact that the plea

to the British Government put forth by the leaders of the dominant

party, as a reason why the Church of England in this Province should be

made supreme and be subsidized, was that she might then be enabled "to

preserve the principles of loyalty to England from being overwhelmed and

destroyed" by the "Yankee Methodists," as represented by the Ryersons

and their friends!

3. The two branches of the Legislature were divided on this subject. The

House of Assembly represented the popular side, as advocated by Dr.

Ryerson and other denominational leaders. The Legislative Council (of

which the Ven. Archdeacon Strachan was an influential member,)

maintained the clerical views so ably put forth by this reverend leader

on the other side.

4. Except by personal visits to England--where grievances could alone be

fully redressed in those days--little hope was entertained by the

non-Episcopal party that their side of the question would (if stated

through official channels), be fairly or fully represented. Even were

their case presented through these channels they were not sure but that

(as strikingly and quaintly put by Dr. Ryerson, on page 94).

In company with some ruthless vagrant--in the shape of a secret

communication from enemies in Canada--it would be slandered,

abused, and tomahawked at the foot of the throne.

As an illustration also of the spirit of the Chief Executive in Upper

Canada in dealing with the questions in dispute, I quote the following

extract from the reply of Sir John Colborne to an address from the

Methodist Conference in 1831.[27] He said:

Your dislike to any church establishment, or to the particular form

of Christianity which is denominated the Church, of England, may be

the natural consequence of the constant success of your own

efficacious and organized system. The small number of our

Church[28] is to be regretted, as well as that the organization of

its ministry is not adapted to supply the present wants of the

dispersed population in this new country; but you will readily

admit that the sober-minded of the province are disgusted with the

accounts of the disgraceful dissensions of the Episcopal Methodist

Church and its separatists, recriminating memorials, and the

warfare of one Church with another. The utility of an Establishment

depends entirely on the piety, assiduity, and devoted zeal of its

ministers, and on their abstaining from a secular interference

which may involve them in political disputes.

The labours of the clergy of established churches in defence of

moral and religious truth will always be remembered by you, who

have access to their writings, and benefit by them in common with

other Christian Societies. You will allow, I have no doubt, on

reflection that it would indeed be imprudent to admit the right of

societies to dictate, on account of their present numerical

strength, in what way the lands set apart as a provision for the

clergy shall be disposed of.

The system of [University] Education which has produced the best

and ablest men in the United Kingdom will not be abandoned here to

suit the limited views of the leaders of Societies who, perhaps,

have neither experience nor judgment to appreciate the value or

advantages of a liberal education....

Such was the spirit in which the Governor in those days replied to the

respectful address of a large and influential body of Christians. He

even went further in another part of his reply, and referred to "the

absurd advice offered by your missionaries to the Indians, and their

officious interference."[29] Such language from the lips of Her

Majesty's Representative, if at all possible in these days, would

provoke a burst of indignation from those to whom it might be addressed,

but it had to be endured fifty years ago, when to question the

prerogative of the Crown, or the policy of the Executive, was taken as

_prima facie_ evidence of disloyalty, and republicanism.

5. Into the discussion of the claims of the Church of England in Upper

Canada, two questions entered, which were important factors in the case.

Both sides thoroughly understood the significance of either question as

an issue in the discussion; and both sides were, therefore, equally on

the alert--the one to maintain the affirmative, and the other the

negative, side of these questions. The first was the claim that it was

the inherent right of the Church of England to be an established church

in every part of the empire, and, therefore, in Upper Canada. Both sides

knew that the admission of such a claim, would be to admit the exclusive

right of that Church to the Clergy Reserves as her heritage. It was

argued, as an unquestionable fact, that the exclusive right of the

Church of England in Upper Canada to such reserves must have been

uppermost in the mind of the royal donor of these lands, when the grant

was first made. The second point was, that the admission of this

inherent right of the Church of England to be an established church in

Upper Canada, would extinguish the right of each one of the

nonconformist bodies to the status of a Church. It can well be

understood that in a contest which involved vital questions like these

(that is, of the exclusive endowment of one Church, and its consequent

superior status as a dominant Church), the struggle would be a

protracted and bitter one. And so it proved to be. But justice and right

at length prevailed. A portion of the Reserves was impartially

distributed, on a common basis among the denominations which desired to

share in them, and the long-contested claims of the Church of England to

the exclusive status of an established church were at length

emphatically repudiated by the Legislature; and, in 1854, the last

semblance of a union between Church and State vanished from our Statute

Book.[30]--J. G. H.

_Dec. 18th, 1830._--In the _Guardian_ of this day, Dr. Ryerson published

a petition to the Imperial Parliament, prepared by a large Committee, of

which he was a member, and of which Dr. W. W. Baldwin was Chairman. In

that petition the writer referred to the historical fact, that, had the

inhabitants of this Province been dependent upon the Church of England

or of Scotland for religious instruction, they would have remained

destitute of it for some years, and also that the pioneer non-Episcopal

ministers were not dissenters, because of the priority of their

existence and labours in Upper Canada. The petition, having pointed out

that there were only five Episcopal clergy in Canada during the war of

1812, and that only one Presbyterian minister was settled in the

Province in 1818, declared that:

The ministers of several other denominations accompanied the first

influx of emigration into Upper Canada, (1783-1790,) and have

shared the hardships, privations, and sufferings incident to

missionaries in a new country. And it is through their unwearied

labours, that the mass of the population have been mainly supplied

with religious instruction. They, therefore, do not stand in the

relation, of Dissenters from either the Church of England or of

Scotland, but are the ministers of distinct and independent

Churches, who had numerous congregations in various parts of the

Province, before the ministerial labours of any ecclesiastical

establishment were, to any considerable extent, known or felt.

_Jan. 20th, 1831._--As an evidence that the views put forth by Dr.

Ryerson, in the _Guardian_, against an established Church in Upper

Canada, were acceptable outside of his own denomination, I give the

following letter, addressed to him at this date from Perth, by the Rev.

Wm. Bell, Presbyterian:

Though differing from you in many particulars, yet in some we

agree. Your endeavours to advance the cause of civil and religious

liberty have generally met my approbation. Some of your writings

that I have seen discover both good sense and Christian feeling.

The liberality, too, you have discovered, both in regard to myself

and in regard of my brethren, has not escaped my observation. Be

not discouraged by the malice of the enemies of religion. Your

_Guardian_ I have seldom seen, but from this time I intend to take

it regularly. Consider me one of your "constant readers." The

matters in which we differ are nothing in comparison of those in

which we agree.

_Feb. 9th._--Some members of the Church of England in the Province

evinced a good deal of hostility to the Methodists of this period,

chiefly from the fact that they had been connected with the Methodist

Episcopal Church in the United States, and that the Canada Conference

had formed one of the Annual Conferences of that Church, presided over

by an American Bishop. As an evidence of this hostility, Dr. Ryerson

stated in the _Guardian_ of this date, that Donald Bethune, Esq., and

others, of Kingston, had petitioned the House of Assembly:--

To prohibit any exercise of the functions of a priest, or exhorter,

or elder of any denomination in the Province except by British

subjects; 2nd, to prevent any religious society connected with any

foreign religious body to assemble in Conference; 3rd, to prevent

the raising of money by any religious person or body for objects

which are not strictly British, etc.

The Legislature appointed a Committee on the subject, and Dr. Ryerson,

as representing the Methodists, Rev. Mr Harris the Presbyterians, and

Rev. Mr. Stewart the Baptists, were summoned to attend this Committee

with a view to give evidence on the subject. This Dr. Ryerson did at

length, (as did also these gentlemen). Dr. Ryerson traced the history of

the Methodist body in Canada, and showed that, three years before this

time, the Canada Conference had taken steps to sever its connection with

the American General Conference, and had done so in a friendly

manner.[31]

The petition was aimed at the Methodists, as they alone answered the

description of the parties referred to by the petitioners. The petition

was also a covert re-statement of the often disproved charge of

disloyalty, etc., on the part of the Methodists. The House very properly

came to the conclusion--

"That it was inconsistent with the benign and tolerant principles

of the British Constitution to restrain by penal enactment any

denomination of Christians, whether subjects or foreigners," etc.

This, however, was a sample of the favourite mode of attack, and the

system of persecution to which the early Methodists were exposed in this

Province. At the same session of Parliament in 1831, the Marriage Bill,

which had been before the House each year for six successive years, was

finally passed. This Bill gave to the Methodists and to other

non-Episcopal ministers the right for the first time to solemnize

matrimony in Upper Canada.

_Feb. 19th._--Sir John Colborne, the Lieutenant-Governor, having

nominated an Episcopal chaplain to the House of Assembly, the question,

"Is the Church of England an established church in Upper Canada?" was

again debated in the House of Assembly and discussed in the newspapers.

With a view to a calm, dispassionate, and historical refutation of the

claims set up by the Episcopal Church on the subject, Dr. Ryerson

reprinted in the _Guardian_ of this day, the sixth of a series of

letters which he had addressed from Cobourg to Archdeacon Strachan, in

May and June, 1828. It covered the whole ground in dispute.[32]

_Nov. 6th, 1832._--Archdeacon Strachan, in his sermon, preached at the

visitation of the Bishop of Quebec at York, on the 5th of September,

speaking of the Methodists, said that he would--

Speak of them with praise, notwithstanding their departure from the

Apostolic ordinance, and the hostility long manifested against us

by some of their leading members.

In reply to this statement, Dr. Ryerson wrote from St. Catharines to the

Editor of the _Guardian_. He pointed out that:--

It was not until after Archdeacon Strachan's sermon on the death of the

former Bishop of Quebec was published, in 1826, that a single word was

written, and then to refute his slanders. In that sermon, when

accounting for the few who attend the Church of England, the Archdeacon

said that their attendance discouraged the minister, and that--

His influence is frequently broken or injured by numbers of

uneducated, itinerant preachers, who, leaving their steady

employment, betake themselves to preaching the Gospel from

idleness, or a zeal without knowledge ... and to teach what they do

not know, and which from their pride they disdain to learn.[33]

Again, in May, 1827, Archdeacon Strachan sent an "Ecclesiastical Chart"

to the Colonial Office, and in the letter accompanying it stated that:--

The Methodist teachers are subject to the orders of the United

States of America, and it is manifest that the Colonial Government

neither has, nor can have any other control over them, or prevent

them from gradually rendering a large portion of the population, by

their influence and instructions, hostile to our institutions,

civil and religious, than by increasing the number of the

Established Clergy.

Who then [Dr. Ryerson asked] was the author of contention? Who was the

aggressor? Who provoked hostilities? The slanders in the Chart were

published in Canada, and in England, by Dr. Strachan before a single

effort was made by a member of any denomination to counteract his

hostile measures, or a single word was said on the subject.

* * * * *

_Nov. 19th, 1834._--In connection with this subject I insert here the

following reply (containing several historical facts) to a singularly

pretentious letter which Dr. Ryerson had inserted in the _Guardian_ of

this date, denouncing the opposition of a certain "sect called

Methodists" to the claims of the Church of England as an established

church in the Colony. The reply was inserted in order to afford

strangers and new settlers in Upper Canada correct information on the

subject, and to disprove the statement of the writer of the letter, Dr.

Ryerson mentioned the following facts:--

The pretensions of the Episcopal clergy began to be disputed by the

clergy of the Church of Scotland as soon as it was known that the former

had got themselves erected into a corporation. This was, I believe, in

1820.[34] The subject was brought before the House of Assembly in 1824,

and the House in 1824, '25, '26, '27, passed resolutions remonstrating

against the exclusive claims of the Episcopal clergy. From 1822 to 1827

several pamphlets were published on both sides of the question, and much

was said in the House of Assembly; but during this period not one word

was written by any minister or member of the Methodist Church, nor did

the Methodists take any part in it, though their ministers were not even

allowed to solemnize matrimony--a privilege then enjoyed by Calvinistic

ministers--and though individual ministers had been most maliciously and

cruelly persecuted, under the sanction of judicial authority.... But in

the statements drawn up for the Imperial Government by the Episcopal

clergy during the years mentioned, the extirpation of the Methodists was

made one principal ground of appeal by the Episcopal clergy for the

exclusive countenance and patronage of His Majesty's Government. Some of

these documents at length came before the Canadian public; and in 1827 a

defence of the Methodists and other religious denominations was put

forth by the writer of these remarks in the form of a "Review of a

Sermon preached by the Archdeacon of York." Up to this time not one word

was said on "the church question" by the Methodists. But it was so

warmly agitated by others, that in the early part of 1827 Archdeacon

Strachan, an executive and legislative councillor, was sent to London to

support the claims of the Episcopal clergy at the Colonial Office. His

ecclesiastical chart and other communications were printed by order of

the Government, and soon found their way into the provincial newspapers,

and gave rise to such a discussion, and excited such a feeling

throughout the Province as was never before witnessed. The shameful

attack upon the character of the Methodist ministry, whose unparalleled

labours and sufferings, usefulness, and unimpeachable loyalty were known

and appreciated in the Province, and the appeal to the King's

Government to aid in exterminating them from the country excited strong

feelings of indignation and sympathy in the public mind. The House of

Assembly investigated the whole affair, examined fifty-two witnesses,

adopted an elaborate report, and sent home an address to the King

condemning the statements of the agent of the Episcopal clergy, and

remonstrating against the establishment of a dominant church in the

Province.[35] The determination to uproot the Methodists was carried so

far in those by-gone days of civil and ecclesiastical despotism, that

the Indians were told by executive sanction that unless they would

become members of the Church of England, the Government would do nothing

for them! In further support of my statement, I quoted four Episcopal

addresses and sermons, sufficient to show who were the first and real

aggressors in this matter--certainly not the Methodists.

* * * * *

As a sample of Dr. Ryerson's controversial style in 1826, when he wrote

the Review of Archdeacon Strachan's sermon (to which he refers above) I

quote a paragraph from it. In replying to the Archdeacon's "remarks on

the qualifications, motives, and conduct of the Methodist itinerant

preachers," which Dr. Ryerson considered "ungenerous and unfounded," he

proceeded:--

The Methodist preachers do not value themselves upon the wealth,

virtues, or grandeur, of their ancestry; nor do they consider their

former occupation an argument against their present employment or

usefulness. They have learned that the Apostles were once

fishermen; that a Milner could once throw the shuttle; that a

Newton once watched his mother's flock.... They are likewise

charged with "preaching the Gospel out of idleness." Does the

Archdeacon claim the attribute of omniscience? Does he know what is

in man? How does he know that they preach "the Gospel out of

idleness?" ... What does he call idleness?--the reading of one or

two dry discourses every Sabbath ... to one congregation, with an

annual income of £200 or £300?... No; this is hard labour; this is

indefatigable industry!... Who are they then that preach the Gospel

out of idleness?--those indolent, covetous men who travel from two

to three hundred miles, and preach from twenty-five to forty times

every month?--who, in addition to this, visit from house to house,

and teach young and old repentance towards God, and faith in our

Lord Jesus Christ?--those who continue this labour year after year

... at the enormous salary of £25 or £50 per annum?--these are the

men who "preach the Gospel out of idleness!" O bigotry! thou

parent of persecution; O envy! thou fountain of slander; O

covetousness! thou god of injustice! would to heaven ye were

banished from the earth![36]

* * * * *

_Jan. 22nd, 1831._--In the _Guardian_ of this day Dr. Ryerson publishes

a letter from the Rev. Richard Watson to the trustees of the Wesleyan

University, in Connecticut, declining the appointment of Professor of

_Belles Lettres_ and Moral Philosophy. He says:--

To _Belles Lettres_ I have no pretensions; Moral Philosophy I have

studied, and think it a most important department, when kept upon

its true principles, both theological and philosophic. Being,

however, fifty years old, and having a feeble constitution, I do

not think it would be prudent in me to accept.

During this year (1831) Dr. Ryerson engaged in a friendly controversy

with Vicar-General Macdonnell, Editor of the _Catholic_, published in

Kingston. This controversy included six letters from Dr. Ryerson, and

five from the Vicar-General, published in the _Christian Guardian_. It

touched upon the leading questions at issue between Roman Catholics and

Protestants. The correspondence was broken off by the Vicar-General.

FOOTNOTES:

[24] The following is a copy of the document under the authority of

which Dr. Ryerson was deputed to go to New York to procure presses and

types for the proposed _Christian Guardian_ newspaper:--

This is to certify that the Bearer, Rev. Egerton Ryerson, is appointed

agent for procuring a printing establishment for the Canada Conference,

and is hereby commended to the Christian confidence of all on whom he

may have occasion to call for advice and assistance for the above

purpose.

(Signed) William Case, _Superintendent_.

James Richardson, _Secretary_.

Ancaster, Upper Canada,

Sept. 4th, 1829.

[25] These seven papers, taken together, were the first attempt to put

into a connected form the history of the Methodist Church in Canada down

to 1830.--H.

[26] "Claims of Churchmen and Dissenters," &c., 1826, p. 27. (See p.

80.)

[27] For various reasons (apparently prudential at the time) this reply

was never published in the _Christian Guardian_, as were other replies

of the Governor.--H.

[28] This expression, "our Church," illustrates the fact which I have

indicated in first paragraph on page 97.

[29] This charge, preferred by such high authority, was taken up boldly

by the Methodist authorities. Rev. James (afterwards Bishop) Richardson,

Presiding Elder, was commissioned to inquire into its truthfulness. He

made an exhaustive report, proving the entire incorrectness of the

statement, and that the whole difficulty arose from the persistent

efforts of a Mr. Alley (an employé of the Indian Department) to promote

his own interest at the expense of that of the Indians, and to remove

out of the way the only obstacle to the accomplishment of his

purpose--the Methodist Missionary. Dr. Ryerson having pointed out these

facts in the _Guardian_, Capt. Anderson, Superintendent of Indian

affairs at Coldwater, questioned his conclusion "that the advice given

to the Indians was both prudent and loudly called for, and perfectly

respectful to His Excellency." Dr. Ryerson then examined the whole of

the evidence in the Case, and (See _Guardian_, vol. iii., p. 76) came to

the following conclusion:--1. That sometimes the local agents of the

Indian Department are men who have availed themselves of the most public

occasions to procure ardent spirits, and entice the Indians to

drunkenness, and other acts of immorality; being apparently aware that

with the introduction of virtue and knowledge among these people will be

the departure of gain which arises from abuse, fraud, and debauchery. 2.

That these agents are not always men who respect the Sabbath. 3. That

the Missionary's "absurd advice" was in effect that the Indians should

apply to their Great Father to remove such agents from among them. 4.

That their "craft being endangered," the agents and parties concerned,

"with studied design, sought to injure the missionary in the estimation

of His Excellency, and to destroy all harmony in their operations, in

order, if possible, to compel the Missionary to abandon the Mission

Station." The effect of this controversy was very salutary. His

Excellency, having reconsidered the Case, "gave merited reproof and

suitable instructions to the officers of the Indian Department in regard

to their treatment of the Methodist Missionary." Dr. Ryerson adds:--We

had no trouble thereafter on the subject.

[30] Another disturbing element entered subsequently into this

controversy. And this was especially embarrassing to Dr. Ryerson, as it

proceeded from ministers in the same ecclesiastical fold as himself. I

refer to the adverse views on church establishments, put forth by

members of the British Conference in this country and especially in

England (to which reference is made subsequently in this book). Dr.

Ryerson was, as a matter of course, taunted with maintaining opinions

which had been expressly repudiated by his Methodist "superiors" in

England. He had, therefore, to wage a double warfare. He was assailed

from within as well as from without. Besides, he had to bear the charge

of putting forth heretical views in church politics, even from a

Methodist standpoint. He, however, triumphed over both parties--those

within as well as those without. And his victory over the former was the

more easily won, as the views of the "British Methodists," on this

question were almost unanimously repudiated by the Methodists of Canada.

See "Epochs of Canadian Methodism," pp. 330-353.--H.

[31] See pages 63, 64 of the _Christian Guardian_ for 1831; also page

90, _ante_.

[32] See _Christian Guardian_ of Feb. 19th, 1831, and also the pamphlet

containing the whole of this series of eight letters, entitled: "Letters

from the Reverend Egerton Ryerson to the Honourable and Reverend Doctor

Strachan, published originally in the _Upper Canada Herald_; Kingston,

1828," pp. 42, double columns. See page 80.--H.

[33] For reply to this statement see extract from Review given on p.

105.--H.

[34] In "a Pastoral Letter from the Clergy of the Church of Scotland in

the Canadas to their Presbyterian Brethren" issued in 1828, they

say:--"We did, in the year 1820, petition His Majesty's Government for

protection and support to our Church, and claimed, by what we believe to

be our constitutional rights, a participation in the Clergy Reserves."

Montreal, 1828, p. 2. This Pastoral Letter gave rise to a protracted

discussion for and against the Presbyterian side of the question.--H.

[35] The Report was adopted by a vote of 22 to 8. It stated:--The

ministry and instructions [of the Methodist Clergymen] have been

conducive--in a degree which cannot be easily estimated--to the

reformation of their hearers, and to the diffusion of correct

morals--the foundation of all sound loyalty and social order.... No one

doubts that the Methodists are as loyal as any other of His Majesty's

subjects, etc. Full particulars of this controversy will be found in Dr.

Ryerson's "Epochs of Canadian Methodism," pp. 165-218.--H.

[36] In "An Apology for the Church of England in Canada, by a Protestant

of the Established Church of England," the writer thus refers to this

controversy:--"Our Methodist brethren have disturbed the peace of their

maternal Church by the clamour of enthusiasm and the madness of

resentment; but they are the wayward children of passion, and we hope

that yet the chastening hand of reason will sober down the wildness of

that ferment," etc. Kingston, U.C., 1826, p. 3.--H.

CHAPTER IX.

1831-1832.

Methodist Affairs in Upper Canada--Proposed Union with the British

Conference.

Of the events transpiring in Upper Canada during 1831 and 1832, in which

Dr. Ryerson was an actor, he has left no record in his "Story." His

letters and papers, however, show that during this period he retired

from the editorship of the _Christian Guardian_, and that plans were

discussed and matured which led to his going to England, in 1833, to

negotiate a union between the British and Upper Canadian Conferences.

His brother George had gone on a second visit to England in March, 1831.

This second visit was for a twofold purpose, viz., to collect money with

the Rev. Peter Jones, for the Indian Missions, and also to present

petitions to the Imperial Parliament on behalf of the non-episcopalians

of the Province. I give extracts from his letters to Dr. Ryerson,

relating his experiences of, and reflections on, Wesleyan matters in

England at that period. Writing from Bristol, on the 6th of August,

1831, Rev. George Ryerson said:--

In my address to the Wesleyan Conference here I stated that we

stood in precisely the same relation to our brethren of the

Methodist Conference in the United States as we do to our brethren

of the Wesleyan Conference in England--independent of

either--agreeing in faith, in religious discipline, in name and

doctrine, and the unity of spirit,--but differing in some

ecclesiastical arrangements, rendered necessary from local

circumstances. I also expressed my firm conviction that the

situation in which we stand is decidedly the best calculated to

spread Methodism and vital religion in Canada. This statement did

not, I think, give so much satisfaction to the Conference as the

others, for what Pope said of Churchmen:

"Is he a Churchman? then he's fond of power,"

may also be literally applied to Wesleyan ministers, and, I may

add, to Englishmen generally. I have reason to know that they would

gladly govern us. I was, therefore, very pointed and explicit on

this subject. I rejoice that our country lies beyond the Atlantic,

and is surrounded by an atmosphere of freedom. A few months'

residence in this country would lead you to value this circumstance

in a degree that you can scarcely conceive of; and you would, with

unknown energy, address this exhortation to the Methodists and to

the people of Canada: "Stand fast, therefore, in the liberty

wherewith God's providence hath made you free, and in this abound

more and more." I also assured them of our respect and love for

them as our fathers and elder brethren, and mentioned my reasons

for giving this information to prevent future collision and

misunderstanding.

The Conference or Missionary Society have, however, not given up

their intention of establishing an Indian Mission in Upper Canada,

but, in consequence of my remonstrances, have delayed it. Brother

James Richardson's letter to the Missionary Committee, which I

submitted, and was told by Rev. Dr. Townley, one of the

Secretaries, that they would by no means withdraw their missionary

at Kingston, as it was still their intention to establish a mission

to the Indians in Upper Canada, and this station would be very

necessary to them. I see that they are a little vexed that

emigrants from their Societies should augment our membership.

The whole morning service of the Church of England is now read in

most of the Wesleyan Chapels, and with as much formality as in the

Church. Many of the members, when they become wealthy and rise in

the world, join the Church, and their wealth and influence are lost

to the Society. Organs are also introduced into many of their

Chapels.

In a letter dated London, Feb. 6th, 1832, Rev. Geo. Ryerson writes again

to Dr. Ryerson, and says that he and Peter Jones:

By request, met the Rev. Richard Watson, and some others of the

Missionary Committee. They wished to consult us respecting the

resolutions forwarded to them from your Missionary Committee. They

profess that they will not occupy any station where there is a

mission, as Grand River, Penetanguishene, etc., except St. Clair.

But they declare that as it regards the white population, the

agreement with the American Conference ceased when we became a

separate connexion. I opposed their views, as I have invariably

done, in very strong and plain terms, and explained to them the

character and object of the persons who were alluring them to

commence this schism. They proposed that we should give up the

missions to them. I told them we could no more do so, than they

give up theirs. They finally acquiesced, and voted the £300 as Rev.

Dr. Townley wrote. At the Conference, at Bristol, I explained that

a union of the two Conferences would be inexpedient and

unprofitable, any further than a union of brotherly love and

friendship.

In another letter to Dr. Ryerson from his brother George, dated London,

April 6th, 1832, he says:--

I have been detained so long on expenses, and continually advancing

money for the Central Committee at York, that I hope it will be

repaid to Peter Jones. I was a long time attending to the business

of my mission to bring it to the only practicable arrangement, that

is, having it submitted to the Legislature of Upper Canada, with

such recommendations and instructions as would give satisfaction to

the country by consulting the wishes and interests of all parties.

I have never before in my life been shut up to walk in all things

by simple faith more than I have for some months past; yet I was

never kept in greater steadfastness and peace of mind, nor had such

openings of the Spirit and life of Jesus in my soul. The judgments

of God are spreading apace--the cholera is more deadly in London,

and it has now broken out in Ireland, and in the centre of Paris,

where it is said to be very destructive. You need no other evidence

of its being a work of God, than to be informed that it is made the

public mock of the infidel population of this city; a state of

feeling and conduct in regard to this pestilence that never,

perhaps, was witnessed from any country, and that would make a

heathen or Mahommedan ashamed. I have seen gangs of men traversing

the streets and singing songs in ridicule of the cholera, and have

seen caricatures of it in the windows.

_August 29th, 1832._--To-day, in a valedictory editorial, Dr. Ryerson

took leave of the readers of the _Christian Guardian_, having been its

first editor for nearly three years. In that valedictory Dr. Ryerson

said (p. 116):--

I first appeared before the public as a writer, at the age of two and

twenty years. My first feeble effort was a vindication of the

Methodists, and several other Christian denominations against the

uncalled-for attack made upon their principles and character. It also

contained a remonstrance against the introduction into this country of

an endowed political Church, as alike opposed to the statute law of the

Province, political and religious expedience, public rights and

liberties. I believe this was the first article of the kind ever

published in Upper Canada, and, while from that time to this a powerful

combination of talent, learning, indignation, and interest has been

arrayed in the vain attempt to support by the weapons of reason,

Scripture, and argument, a union between the Church and the

world--between earth and heaven; talents, truth, reason, and justice

have alike been arrayed in the defence of insulted and infringed rights,

and the maintenance of a system of public, religious, and educational

instruction, accordant with public rights and interests, the principles

of sound policy, the economy of Providence, and the institutions and

usages of the New Testament.

Dr. Ryerson also published in this number of the _Guardian_ the general

outline of the arrangements proposed at Hallowell (Picton) on behalf of

the Canada Conference to the English Conference, and designed to form

the basis of articles for the proposed union between the two bodies.

Rev. Robert Alder was present at the Conference, and was a consenting

party to the basis of union.

_December 7th, 1832._--The prospects of Union with the British

Conference were not encouraging in various parts of the Connexion, and

chiefly for the reasons mentioned by Rev. George Ryerson in his letters

from England (see pp. 107, 8). Rev. John Ryerson, writing to Dr. Ryerson

from Cobourg, also says:--

The subject of the Union appears to be less and less palatable to

our friends in these parts, so much so, that I think it will not be

safe for you to come to any permanent arrangements with the British

Conference, even should they accede to our proposals. I am of the

opinion that, except we give ourselves entirely into their hands in

some way or another, no Union will take place. I tell the

preachers, and they and I tell the people, that, Union or no Union,

it is very important that you should go home; that you will

endeavour, in every way you can, to convince the British Conference

of the manifest injustice and wickedness of sending missionaries to

this country.

_November 21st, 1832._--The proposed union with the British Conference

excited a good deal of discussion at this time in various parts of Upper

Canada. Dr. Ryerson, therefore, addressed a note on the subject to Rev.

Robert Alder, the English Conference representative. I make a few

extracts:--

At the Hallowell Conference (1832) the question of the union was

principally sustained by my brothers, and was concurred in by the vote

of a large majority of the Conference.... But in some parts of the

country, where Presidential visits have been made, certain local

preachers have found out that the Societies ought to have been

consulted; that they have been sold ("by the Ryersons,") without

consent; that no Canadian will henceforth be admitted into the

Conference; that our whole economy will be changed by arbitrary power,

and all revivals of religion will be stopped, etc. The first of the

objections is the most popular, but they have all failed to produce the

intended effect, to an extent desired by the disaffected few. The object

contemplated is, to produce an excitement that will prevent me going to

England, and induce the Conference to retrace its steps. The merit or

demerit of the measure has been mainly ascribed to me; and on its

result, should I cross the Atlantic, my standing, in a great measure,

depends. If our proposals should meet with a conciliatory reception, and

your Committee would recommend measures, rather than require

concessions, in the future proceedings of our Conference, everything can

be accomplished without difficulty or embarrassment. You know that I am

willing, as an individual, to adopt your whole British economy, _ex

animo_. You also know that my brothers are of the same mind, and that a

majority of the Conference will readily concur. May the Lord direct

aright!

Dr. Alder's reply to Dr. Ryerson in February, 1833, was that:

You must look at the great principles and results involved in this

most important affair, and not shrink from the duties imposed on

you, to avoid a few present unpleasant consequences. It is not for

me to prescribe rules of conduct to be observed by you, but I must

say, that I am surprised that any circumstance should cause you to

waver for a moment in reference to your visit to Europe. If you

were to decline coming, would not the many on the other side, who

are strictly watching your movements, at once say that the whole

arrangements are deceptive, and merely designed to make an

impression on me for a certain purpose. You know they would. Of

course you will act as you please. I neither advise nor persuade,

but say: Be not too soon nor too much alarmed. There are no

jealousies, no evil surmisings, no ambitious designs in the matter,

but a sincere desire to promote the interests of Methodism and the

cause of religion in Upper Canada; and nothing will be desired

from, or recommended to, you, but for this purpose.

It is a noble object that we have in view. Rev. Richard Watson

takes a statesmanlike view of the whole case, and will, I am

persuaded, as will all concerned here, meet you with the utmost

ingenuousness and liberality, and, if they be met in a similar

manner, all will end well. If you can agree to the following

recommendation, I think everything else will easily be settled,

viz., to constitute two or three districts, to meet annually, as

District Conferences, and to hold a Triennial Conference, to be

composed of all the preachers in the Provinces, under a President,

to be appointed in the way mentioned in the plan of agreement

proposed by your last Conference. Several of your preachers wish

it; Bro. Green, the presiding Elder, is in favour of it.

_January 10th, 1833._--It being necessary to collect funds to defray Dr.

Ryerson's expenses to England, his brother, William, wrote to him from

Brockville at this date, giving an account of his success there as a

collector. He said:--

After the holidays I commenced operations, and having besieged the

doors of several of our gentry, most of whom contributed without

much resistance, on most honourable terms, of course, such as

paying from $3 to $6, with a great many wishes, and hearty ones

too, for your success. More than two-thirds of the sum collected

are given by the gentlemen of the village, most of whom expressed

and appeared to feel a pleasure in giving, and who have never been

known to give anything to the Methodists before on any occasion

whatever. Our congregation has greatly increased, so that we now

have about five hundred, some say more, in the evening. A majority

of the first families in the village attend our chapel. Among many

others, Mr. Jonas Jones, and several of the families in the same

connection; Mr. Sherwood, the High Sheriff, and several others,

most of whom have never been known to attend a Methodist meeting

before. You will be surprised to hear that Mrs. James Sherwood has

become my warm friend, treating me with the greatest attention and

kindness; and also on various occasions speaking most kindly and

respectfully of me and all our family, especially yourself.

* * * * *

_January 31st, 1833._--Under this date, Dr. Ryerson has recorded in his

diary the following tribute to his first wife:--

A year ago this morning, at half-past five o'clock, the wife of my

youth fell asleep in Jesus, leaving a son and daughter (John and

Lucilla Hannah), the former two years and a half old, and the

latter fourteen days. Hannah Aikman (her maiden name) was the

daughter of John and Hannah Aikman, and was the youngest of eleven

children. Hannah was born in Barton, Gore District, on the 4th of

August, 1804. Her natural disposition was most amiable, and her

education was better than is usually afforded to farmer's daughters

in this country. At the age of sixteen she was awakened, converted,

and joined the Methodist Church, of which she remained an exemplary

member until her death. I became intimately acquainted with her in

1824, when she was twenty years of age, and after taking the advice

of an elder brother, who had travelled the circuit on which they

lived, at the strong solicitation of my parents, and the impulse of

my own inclinations, I made her proposals of marriage, which were

accepted. This was before I had any intention of becoming a

preacher in the Methodist Church, either travelling or local.

About this time the Lord laid his afflicting hand upon me;[37] I

was brought to the gate of death, and in that state became

convinced by evidence as satisfactory as that of my existence, that

in disregarding the dictates of my own conscience, and the

important advice of many members of the Church, both preachers and

lay, in regard to labouring in the itinerant field, I had resisted

the Spirit of God; and on that sick, and in the estimation of my

family, dying bed, I vowed to the Lord my God, that if He should

see fit to raise me up and open the way, I would no more disobey

the voice of His Providence and servants. From that hour I began

visibly to recover, and, though the exercises of my mind were

unknown to any but myself and the Searcher of hearts, before I had

sufficiently recovered to walk two miles, I was called upon by the

Presiding Elder, and several official members, and solicited to go

on the Niagara Circuit, which was then partly destitute through the

failure in health of one of the preachers. I could not but view

this unexpected call us the voice of God, and, after a few days'

deliberation and preparation, I obeyed, on the 24th of March, 1825,

the day on which I was twenty-two years of age.

This unanticipated change in the course of my life, while it

involved the sacrifice of pecuniary interests and some very

flattering offers and promises, presented my contemplated marriage

in a somewhat different light; though the possibility of such a

change was mentioned as a condition in my proposals and our

engagement. And I will here record it to the honour of the dead

that she who afterwards became my wife, wrote to me a short time

after I commenced travelling, that if a union between us was in any

respect opposed to my views of duty, or if I thought it would

militate against my usefulness, I was perfectly exonerated by her

from all obligations to such a union; that, whatever her own

feelings might be, she begged that they would not influence

me,--that God would give her grace to subdue them,--that she

shuddered at the thought of standing in the way of my duty and

usefulness.

Knowing, as I did, that her fondness for me was extravagant, I

could not wound the heart which was the seat of such elevated

feelings, or help appreciating more highly than ever the principles

of mind which could give rise to such noble sentiments, and such

martyr-like disinterestedness of soul. In subsequent interviews, we

mutually agreed--should Providence permit--and (at her suggestion)

should neither of us change our minds, we would get married in

three or four years. During this interval, I had at times

agitations of mind as to the advantages of such a step, in regard

to my ministerial labours, but determined to rely on the Divine

promise, "Blessed is the man that sweareth to his own hurt, and

changeth not." This promise has been abundantly fulfilled in me. We

were married on the 10th of September, 1828. A more affectionate

and prudent wife never lived. She was beloved and respected by all

that knew her. I never saw her angry, nor do I recollect that an

angry or unkind word ever passed between us. Her disposition was

sweet, her spirit uniformly kind and cheerful, sociable, and meek.

Her professions were never high, nor her joys rapturous. But in

everything she was invariably faithful, and ready for every good

word and work. In her confidence, peace, and conduct, as far as I

could discover, without intermission, the poet's words were clearly

illustrated:--

"Her soul was ever bright as noon, and calm as summer evenings be."

Though her piety for years excited my respect, and in many

instances my admiration, it was nevertheless greatly quickened and

deepened about six months before her death, during the Conference

held at York. From that time I believe she enjoyed the perfect love

of God. At least, as far as I can judge, the fruits of it were

manifest in her whole life.

Several days previous to her death, when her illness assumed a

mortal aspect, and she became sensible that her earthly pilgrimage

was closing, her usual unruffled confidence rose to the riches of

the full assurance of understanding, faith and hope, and she

expressed herself with a boldness of language, a rapture of hope,

and triumph of faith that I never before witnessed. Passages of

Scripture, and verses of hymns, expressive of the dying Christian's

victories, triumphs, and hopes, were repeated by her with a joy and

energetic fervency that deeply affected all present. Her deathbed

conversations and dying counsels were a rich repast and a valuable

lesson of instruction to many of her Christian friends. The night

before she took her departure, she called me to her and consulted

me about disposing of the family and all her own things, with as

much coolness and judgment as if she had been in perfect health,

and was about leaving home on a few days' visit to her friends. A

little before midnight she requested the babe to be brought to

her--kissed it--blessed it, and returned it. She then called for

the little boy (John), and, embracing and kissing him, bequeathed

to him also the legacy of a pious mother's dying prayer and

blessing. Afterwards she embraced me, and said, "My dear Egerton,

preach the Word; be instant in season and out of season, and God

will take care of you, and give you the victory." She then bid an

affectionate farewell individually to all. She continued in the

perfect possession of her reason, triumphing in the Rock of her

salvation, until the messenger arrived and her spirit took its

departure with the words, "Come, Lord Jesus," lingering upon her

lips. Thus lived and died one of the excellent of the earth,--a

woman of good, plain sense, a guileless heart, and a sanctified

spirit and life. Such is the testimony respecting her, of one who

knew her best.

In his deep sorrow and affliction, at that time, Dr. Ryerson received

many sympathizing letters. I give an extract of one from his brother

George, dated London, Eng., 29th March, 1832. He says:--

I deeply sympathize with you in your affliction. I know how to feel

for you, and you as yet know but a very small part of your trials.

Years will not heal the wound. I am, even now, often quite

overwhelmed when I allow myself to dwell upon the past. I need not

suggest to you the commonplace topics of comfort and resignation,

but I have no doubt you will see the hand of God so manifestly in

it, that you will say "It was well done." I will further add that

the saying of St. Paul was at no time so applicable as at the

present (1 Cor. vii. 29, etc.).

* * * * *

The years 1830-1832 were noted in the history of the Methodist Church in

Upper Canada for two things: 1st. The establishment of the Upper Canada

Academy--the radiating centre of intellectual life in the Connexion.

2nd. The erection of the Adelaide St. Chapel, which for many years was

the seat and source of Church life in the Societies. At the Conference

of 1830 it was agreed to establish the Upper Canada Academy. In the

_Guardian_ of the 23rd of April, 1831, Dr. Ryerson gave an account of

the new institution and made a strong appeal in its favour. On the 7th

June, 1832, the foundation stone of the Academy was laid at Cobourg. On

the 16th June, 1833, the new brick church on Newgate (Adelaide) St. was

opened for Divine Service. In the _Guardian_ of June 19th, Dr. Ryerson

says: "For its size--being 75 by 55 feet--it is judged to be inferior to

very few Methodist Chapels in America." P. 126.

FOOTNOTES:

[37] See note on page 86 and page 28.

CHAPTER X.

1833

Union between the British and Canadian Conferences

I undertook the mission to England to negotiate a Union between the

British and Canadian Conferences with great reluctance. I determined in

the course of the year, from various circumstances, to abandon it; but

was persuaded by letters from Rev. Robert Alder, the London Missionary

Secretary (one of which is given on page 110), and the advice of my

brother John, to resume it.

The account of my voyage and proceedings in England are given in the

following extracts from my journals:--

_March 4th, 1833._--This morning at 6 a.m. I left York _via_

Cobourg, Kingston, and New York, on my first important mission to

England, an undertaking for which I feel myself utterly

incompetent; and in prosecution of which I rely wholly on the

guidance of heavenly wisdom, imploring the special blessing of the

Most High.

_Kingston, March 11th._--I find that considerable excitement, and

in some instances, strong dissatisfaction, exists on the question

of Union, by misrepresentation of the proceedings and intentions of

our Conference respecting it. Full explanations have in every

instance restored confidence, and acquiescence. A correction of

these misrepresentations, and the reply of the Wesleyan Missionary

Committee to the proposals of our Conference have given universal

satisfaction, and elicited a general and strong desire for the

accomplishment of this all-important measure. My interviews with my

brothers (William and John) have been interesting and profitable to

me.

_Watertown, N.Y., March 12._--Came from Kingston here to-day,

twenty-eight miles. This Black River country is very level, and

appears to be fertile, but the people generally do not seem to be

thriving.

_Utica, March 13th._--This is a flourishing town of about 10,000

inhabitants, beautifully situated on the south side of the Mohawk

river. I travelled through a settlement and village called Renson,

consisting principally of Welsh, where the Welsh language is

universally spoken; there is a _Whitefield_ Methodist chapel, but I

was told they retained more of the name, than of the genuine spirit

of their founder. "Because of swearing the land mourneth."

_Hartford, March 16th._--The southern part of Massachusetts and the

northern part of this State, are mountainous and rocky and barren.

The inhabitants are supported by manufactures, grazing and dairies.

They appear to be rather poor but intelligent. In my conversation

to-day with a professed infidel I felt sensibly the importance of

being skilled in wielding any weapon with which theology, history,

science, so abundantly furnishes the believer in the Christian

revelation; and never before did I see and feel the lofty

superiority of the foundation on which natural and revealed truth

is established, over the cob-web and ill-shaped edifice of

infidelity.

_Hartford, March 17th._--I have attended service three times

to-day, and preached twice. Religion seems to be at a low ebb. Yet

I have not heard religion spoken of, or any body of religious

people referred to, in any other way than that of respect.

_New York, March 20th._--I am now about to embark for England, the

reason of my long journey from Canada to New York is the slow

travel by stage, before any railroads, and the Hudson river not

navigable so early.

_New York, March 21st._--[Just on the eve of sailing for England, Dr.

Ryerson wrote from New York to his brother John, at Hallowell. He

said:--

I stayed with the Rev. Dr. Fisk all night and part of two days. I was

much gratified and benefited, and have received from him many valuable

suggestions respecting my mission to England and agency for the Upper

Canada Academy. He was unreserved in his communications, and is in

favour of my Mission, as were Brother Waugh, Drs. Bangs, Durbin[38] and

others. They all seem to approve fully of the proceedings of our

Conference in the affair.--H.]

_New York, March 22nd._--[On the day on which Dr. Ryerson sailed for

England, Mr. Francis Hall, of the New York _Commercial Advertiser_, sent

him a note in which he said:--

I have just received from a friend in Montreal the following

information which I wish you would give to the Rev. Richard Reece,

of London:--The Lord has blessed us abundantly in Montreal. Upwards

of four hundred conversions have taken place in our chapel since

last summer. It is now necessary for us to have a chapel in the St.

Lawrence suburbs, and another in the Quebec suburbs immediately.

This (said Mr. Hall) for those who know Montreal, is great news

indeed. It is equal to an increase of as many thousands in the city

of New York; the whole population being only a little more than

thirty thousand, a great portion of which are Roman Catholics.--H.]

Dr. Ryerson's journal then proceeds:--

_At Sea, April 10th._--On the 22nd ult., I embarked on the sailing

ship "York," Capt. Uree, New York. I was sick for fourteen days,

ate nothing, thought little, and enjoyed nothing. Feeling better, I

was able to read a little.

_April 12th._--After twenty days' sail we landed at Portsmouth.

Thanks be to the God of heaven, earth, and sea for His protection,

blessing, and prosperity! I was greatly struck with the extensive

fortifications, and vast dockyards, together with the wonderful

machinery in this place; such indications of national wealth, and

specimens of human genius and industry.

_April 13th._--This morning I arrived in London, and was cordially

received by the Secretary of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, and

kindly invited to take up my lodgings at the Mission House.

_April 14th--Sabbath._--Heard the Rev. G. Marsden preach. In the

afternoon this holy man addressed about four hundred Sunday-school

children, after which I spoke a few words to them. We then attended

a prayer-meeting, where many found peace with God. In the evening I

heard the Rev. Theophilus Lessey preach a superior sermon, and I

felt blessed.

_April 16th._--This evening I preached my first sermon in England,

in City Road Chapel, from John iii. 8. This is called Mr. Wesley's

Chapel, having been built by him, and left under peculiar

regulations. Alongside is Mr. Wesley's dwelling-house, and in the

rear of it rest his bones, also those of Rev. Dr. Adam Clarke and

Rev. Richard Watson; three of the greatest men the world ever saw.

In the front of this chapel, on the opposite side of the street,

are the celebrated Bunhill Field's burying ground, among whose

memorable dead rests the dust of the venerable Isaac Watts, John

Wesley's mother, John Bunyan, Daniel Defoe, etc.

_April 21st--Sunday._--To-day I went to hear the celebrated Edward

Irving. His preaching, for the most part, I considered commonplace;

his manner, eccentric; his pretensions to revelations, authority,

and prophetic indications, overweening. I was disappointed in his

talents, and surprised at the apparent want of feeling manifested

throughout his whole discourse.

_April 20th._--This morning I attended the funeral of the great and

eminently pious Rev. Rowland Hill, who died in the 89th year of his

age. Lord Hill, his nephew, was chief mourner. There was a large

attendance of ministers of all denominations, and a great concourse

of people. Rev. Wm. Jay, of Bath, preached an admirable sermon from

Zech. ii. 2. "Howl fir tree, for the cedar hath fallen." The

venerable remains were interred beneath the pulpit.

_April 26th._--To-day I heard Rev. Richard Winter Hamilton, of

Leeds, an Independent, preach a missionary sermon for the Wesleyan

Society. His text was Col. i. 16. It was the most splendid sermon I

ever heard.

_April 28th._--Heard the Rev. Robert Newton in the morning. In the

afternoon I preached a missionary sermon in Westminster Chapel, and

in the evening another at Chelsea.

_April 29th._--This day was held the Annual Meeting of the Wesleyan

Missionary Society, in Exeter Hall, Lord Morpeth in the chair. He

is a young man, serious and dignified in his manners. The speeches

generally were able and to the point. Collection was £231.

_May 1st._--The Annual Meeting of the British and Foreign Bible

Society was held in Exeter Hall. Lord Bexley presided. The Bishops

of Winchester and Chester, brothers, addressed the meeting. They

are eloquent speakers, but the Hon. and Rev. Baptist Noel was the

speaker of the day.

_May 3rd._--This morning I attended the Annual Breakfast Meeting of

the preachers' children, at the City Road Morning Chapel; nearly

200 preachers and their families were present. Rev. Joseph

Entwistle spoke, as did Mr. James Wood, of Bristol, myself and one

or two others.

_May 5th., Exeter._--Left London at 5 a.m. and arrived here at 10

p.m., within a minute of the time specified by the coachman. We

passed over the scene of that inimitable tract, "The Shepherd of

Salisbury Plain." We were shown the tree under which the shepherd

was sheltered.

_May 6th._--Rev. Wm. Naylor preached this morning in Exeter, and I

preached in the evening.

_Taunton, May 7th._--At a Missionary Tea Meeting to-day, deep

interest was excited in the cause of the British North American

Missions. Taunton is a very ancient town. It existed in the time of

the Romans. It was in this town that King Ina held the first

Legislative Assembly or Parliament ever held in Britain. It

consisted of ecclesiastics and noblemen and enacted certain laws

for the better government of the Heptarchy. It was near this town

King Alfred concealed himself, and was discovered in the capacity

of a cook. Here also stands the Church of St. Mary, a most splendid

and ancient gothic building, where that venerable and holy man of

God, Joseph Alleine, author of the "Alarm to the Unconverted,"

preached.

In a letter to a friend in Upper Canada, Dr. Ryerson at this date

writes:--

_Nottingham, May 29th._--I this morning called upon Mrs. Watson,

mother of the late distinguished Richard Watson. She is nearly

eighty years of age, and in rather humble circumstances. She is in

the possession of a naturally strong and unimpaired intellect, and

has apparently not the least vanity on account of the unrivalled

talents, high attainments, and great popularity of her son. In

conversation she stated the following particulars: That her husband

was a saddler, that he formerly lived and followed his business in

Boston-on-the-Humber in Lincolnshire, where Richard was born; that

her husband was the only Methodist in the town, and was the means

of introducing Methodism into that town; that his business was

taken from him, and he was obliged to leave and remove to another

place on account of it; that Richard was very weakly, and so poorly

that she carried him when a child on a pillow in her arms; that

when he began to talk and run about he was unusually stupid and

sleepy, would drop asleep anywhere; that he was very tall of his

age, and made such advancement in learning, that he read the Latin

Testament at five years of age, and had read a considerable part of

it before his parents knew that he had been put to the study of

Latin; the clergyman, his tutor, thought him older, from his size

and mind, or, as he said, he would not have put him to Latin so

young; that Richard had a very great taste for reading; when he was

a very small boy, he read the History of England (when not eight

years of age), and recollected and related with the utmost

correctness all its leading facts; that he would frequently remain

at school after school hours, doing difficult questions in

arithmetic for older boys; that he was bound out, according to his

request, to the trade of a house-joiner; that he was most diligent

and faithful at his work, and made such rapid advancement in

learning the trade, that at the end of two years, his master told

his father that he had already learned as much as he could teach

him, and that he was willing to give him up if he desired--the best

hand in his shop; that Richard began to go out and exhort when he

was fourteen years of age, and that he preached when he was

fifteen, and was received on trial by the Conference as a

travelling preacher about a month after he was sixteen; that he was

frequently pelted with eggs, and even trodden under foot; that his

own uncle on one occasion encouraged it, saying, "My kinsman does

it pretty well, give him a few more eggs, lad" (addressing one of

the mob), and that Richard came home frequently with his clothes

completely besmeared with eggs and dirt.

I attended the Wesleyan Missionary meeting here and spoke at it.

The meeting was highly interesting. It was addressed by Rev. Mr.

Edwards, (Baptist) and by the Messrs. Bunting, Atherton, and

Bakewell. In this town the noted Kilham made his first Methodist

division, and here suddenly ended his life. Here Bramwell got the

ground for a chapel in answer to prayer. Near the town runs the

River Trent. From Nottingham I went fourteen miles to Mansfield and

attended a missionary meeting. I was in the house which was the

birth-place of the great Chesterfield, and passed through Mansfield

forest, the scene of Robin Hood's predatory exploits.

In his journal Dr. Ryerson says:--

_London, June 24th._--I had an interview with Rt. Hon. Edward

Ellice, on Canadian affairs; a man of noble spirit, liberal mind,

and benevolent heart. He condemned Dr. Strachan's measures, and

manifested an earnest, desire to promote the welfare of Upper

Canada. I gave him an account of the political and religious

affairs in Upper Canada with which he expressed himself pleased,

and gave me £50 for the Upper Canada Academy.

_June 16th._--This day was dedicated, by Rev. Wm. Ryerson, the new

brick chapel on Newgate (Adelaide) Street, Toronto. (See subsequent

chapter.)

_June 24th._--Writing to-day to a valued friend in Upper Canada in

regard to his mission in London, Dr. Ryerson told him that he had no

doubt of its advantageous results in promoting harmony and peace. He

then said:--

I apprehend that Mr. Stanley's appointment to the Secretaryship of

the Colonies will not be very beneficial to us. The reason of Lord

Goderich and Lord Howick (Earl Grey's son) retiring from that

office was that they would not bring any other Bill on slavery into

Parliament, but one for its immediate and entire abolition. I

understand that Lords Goderich and Howick are sadly annoyed at Mr.

Stanley's course.

It will only be for the friends of good government to pray for the

re-appointment of Lord Goderich, or insist upon a change in the

Colonial policy towards Upper Canada. This part, however, belongs

to political men. But I am afraid it may have an unfavourable

bearing upon our religious rights and interests.

In Rev. J. Richardson's letter to me, he mentions that the

petitions were sent in the care of Mr. Joseph Hume. He is not the

person to present a petition to His Majesty on religious liberty in

the Colonies, and especially after the part he has taken in

opposing the Bill for emancipating the slaves in the West Indies.

It has incensed the religious part of the nation against him. He is

connected with the West India interest by his wife, and his

abandoning all his principles of liberty in such a heart-stirring

question, destroys confidence in the disinterestedness of his

general conduct, and his sincere regard for the great interests of

religion. I leave London this afternoon for Ireland. My return here

depends upon whether I can do anything in this petition

business.[39]

It is difficult to get a moment for retirement, excepting very

early in the morning, or after twelve at night. It is not the way

for me to live I had, however, a very profitable and good day

yesterday. I preached, and superintended a love-feast in City Road

Chapel last evening. It was a very good one, only the people were a

little bashful in speaking at first, like some of our York friends

who are always so very timid, such as Dr. Morrison, Mr. Howard, and

others.

In his journal Dr. Ryerson says:--

_June 26th._--According to appointment, I called upon the Earl of

Ripon, and was most kindly received. I wished to enquire about the

medal promised by His Majesty, William IV., to Peter Jones, and to

solicit a donation towards our Academy at Cobourg. His Lordship

gave me £5. He expressed his disapprobation of Sir John Colborne's

reply to the Methodist Conference in 1831, (see page 98). He stated

that he was anxious for the Union between the British and Canadian

Conferences, and was gratified at the prospect of its success.[40]

His Lordship stated that, while in the Colonial Department, he had

only received Mr. W. L. Mackenzie as a private individual, and had

done no more than justice to him.

_June 28th._--I called at the Colonial office, and laid before Mr.

Stanley statements and documents relative to the Clergy Reserve

Question. Mr. Stanley was very courteous, but equally cautious. I

stated that the House of Assembly of Upper Canada had nearly every

year since 1825, by very large majorities, decided against the

erection of any Church Establishment in that Province, and in

favour of the appropriation of the Clergy Reserves to the purposes

of General Education; that this might be taken to be the fair and

deliberate sense of the people of Upper Canada; that this question

was distinct from any question or questions of political reform;

that parties and parliaments who differed on other questions of

public policy, agreed nearly unanimously in this. He expressed his

opinion that the Colonial Legislature had a right to legislate on

it, and asked me why our House of Assembly had not done it. I told

him it had, but the Legislative Council had rejected the Bill

passed by the Assembly on the subject.

_July 13th._--In a letter at this date to a friend in Upper Canada, Dr.

Ryerson further refers to this and a subsequent interview as follows:--

I have had two interviews with Mr. Secretary Stanley, on the subject of

the House of Assembly's Address on the Clergy Reserves, and have drawn

up a statement of the grounds on which the House of Assembly and the

great body of the people in Upper Canada resist the pretensions and

claims of the Episcopal clergy. Mr. Solicitor-General Hagerman has been

directed to do the same on behalf of the Episcopal clergy. I confess

that I was a little surprised to find that the Colonial Secretary was

fully impressed at first that Methodist preachers in Canada were

generally Americans (Yankees);--that the cause of the great prosperity

of Methodism there was the ample support it received from the United

States;--that the missionaries in Upper Canada were actually under the

United States Conference, and at its disposal. The Colonial Secretary

manifested a little surprise also, when I turned to the Journals of the

Upper Canada House of Assembly, and produced proof of the reverse,

which he pronounced "perfectly conclusive and satisfactory."

_August 8th._--Dr. Ryerson received a touching note at this date from

Mrs. Marsden, with explanation of her reluctance to let Rev. Geo.

Marsden, her husband, go to Canada as President of the Conference. She

says:--

At length my rebellious heart is subdued by reason and by grace. I

am made willing to give up my excellent husband to what is supposed

to be a great work. I am led to hope that, as a new class of

feelings are brought into exercise, perhaps some new graces may be

elicited in my own character, as well as that of my dear husband;

at any rate it is a sacrifice to God, which I trust will be

accepted, and, both in a private and a public view, be overruled

for the glory of God. I am sure, notwithstanding some repeated

attempts to reconcile me to this affair, I must have appeared very

unamiable to you; but the fact was simply this, I could not see you

or converse with you, without so much emotion as quite unnerved me,

therefore I studiously avoided you; but did you know the happiness

which dear Mr. Marsden and I have enjoyed in each other's society

for so many years, you would not be surprised that I should be

unwilling to give up so many months as will be required for this

service; but to God and His Church I bow in submission.

This estimable lady did not long survive. She died in six months--just

after her husband had returned from America. In a letter from Rev. E.

Grindrod, dated March, 1834, he says, Mrs. Marsden died, after a short

illness, on 22nd February. She was one of the most amiable and pious of

women. Her lite was a bright pattern of every Christian virtue. Her end

was delightfully triumphant.

* * * * *

The following is an extract from Dr. Ryerson's diary of this year:--

After many earnest prayers, mature deliberation, and the advice of

an elder brother, I have decided within the last few months to

enter again into the married state. The lady I have selected, and

who has consented to become my second wife, is one whom I have

every reason to believe possesses all the natural and Christian

excellencies of my late wife. She is the eldest daughter of a pious

and wealthy merchant, Mr. James Rogers Armstrong. For her my late

wife also entertained a very particular esteem and affection, and,

from her good sense, sound judgment, humble piety, and affectionate

disposition, I doubt not but that she will make me a most

interesting and valuable companion, a judicious house-wife, and an

affectionate mother to my two children. Truly I love her with a

pure heart fervently I receive her, and hope ever to treat and

value her as the special token of my Heavenly Father's kindness

after a season of His chastisement. If thou, Lord, see fit to spare

us, may our union promote Thy glory and the salvation of sinners!

Dr. Ryerson's marriage with Miss Mary Armstrong, took place at Toronto,

on the 8th of November 1833.

FOOTNOTES:

[38] While in England, Dr. Ryerson received the following note from Rev.

Dr. J. P. Durbin, in which he said: After I parted with you at my house,

I felt a strong inclination to engage your correspondence for our paper,

at least once a week, if possible, for the benefit of our people and

country, through the Church. Can you not write us by every packet?

Information in regard to English Methodism will be particularly

interesting, especially their financial arrangements. Do inquire

diligently of them, and write us minutely for the good of our Zion.--H.

[39] In Epochs of Canadian Methodism, Dr. Ryerson says:--When the writer

of these Essays was appointed a representative of the Canadian

Conference to negotiate a union between the two Conferences in 1833, he

carried a Petition to the King, signed by upwards of 20,000 inhabitants,

against the Clergy Reserve Monopoly and the Establishment of a Dominant

Church in Upper Canada. This petition was presented through Lord

Stanley, the Colonial Secretary. Page 221.--H.

[40] Dr. Ryerson has left no record in his "Story" of the negotiations

for this Union. His report, however, on the subject will be found on

pages 193, 194, Vol. iv. of the _Guardian_ for October 16th, 1833, from

which I take the following extracts: On the 5th June, Rev. Messrs.

Bunting, Beecham, Alder, and myself, examined the whole question in

detail, and prepared an outline of the resolutions to be submitted to

the British Conference, and recommended that a grant of £1,000 be

appropriated the first year to the promotion of Canadian Missions. On

the 2nd August these resolutions were introduced by Rev. John Beecham

(Missionary Secretary). They were supported by Rev. Jabez Bunting, Rev.

Jas. Wood (now in his 83rd year), and Rev. Robert Newton. A Committee

was appointed to consider and report on the whole matter consisting of

the President, Secretary, and seven ex-Presidents, the Irish

representatives (Messrs. Waugh, Stewart, and Doolittle), and fifteen

other ministers. This Committee considered and reported these

resolutions, which were adopted and forms the basis of the Articles of

Union. Hereafter, the name of our Church will be changed from "The

Methodist Episcopal Church in Canada," to "The Wesleyan Methodist Church

in British North America."--H.

CHAPTER XI.

1833-1834.

"Impressions" of England and their Effects.

On my return to Canada, after having negotiated the Union of 1833 with

the English Conference, accompanied by Rev. George Marsden, as first

President of the Canadian Conference, I was re-elected editor of the

_Christian Guardian_, and continued as such until 1835, when I refused

re-election, and was appointed to Kingston; but in November of the same

year, the President of the Conference appointed from England (Rev.

William Lord) insisted upon my going to England to arrange pecuniary

difficulties, which had arisen between him and the London Wesleyan

Missionary Committee.

Except the foregoing paragraph, Dr. Ryerson has left no particulars of

the events which transpired in his history from the period of his return

to Canada in September, 1833, until some time in 1835. I have,

therefore, selected what follows in this chapter, from his letters and

papers, to illustrate this busy and eventful portion of his active life.

The principal circumstance which occurred at this time was the

publication of his somewhat famous "Impressions" of public men and

parties in England. This event marked an important epoch in his life, if

not in the history of the country.

The publication of these "Impressions" during this year created quite a

sensation. Dr. Ryerson was immediately assailed with a storm of

invective by the chief leaders of the ultra section of politicians with

whom he had generally acted. By the more moderate section and by the

public generally he was hailed as the champion, if not the deliverer, of

those who were really alarmed at the rapid strides towards disloyalty

and revolution, to which these extreme men were impelling the people.

This feature of the unlooked for and bitter controversy, which followed

the publication of these "impressions," will be developed further on.

_October 2d, 1833._--On this day the Upper Canada Conference ratified

the articles of union between it and the British Conference, which were

agreed upon at the Manchester Conference on the 7th of August. (See

note on page 119.)[41] At the Conference held this year in York

(Toronto), Dr. Ryerson was again elected editor of the _Guardian_. He

entered on the duties of that office on the 16th October.

_October 30th._--In reply to the many questions put to Dr. Ryerson on

his return to Canada, such as: "What do you think of England?" "What is

your opinion of her public men, her institutions?" etc., etc., he

published in the _Guardian_ of this day the first part of "Impressions

made by my late visit to England," in regard to public men, religious

bodies, and the general state of the nation. He said:--

There are three great political parties in England--Tories, Whigs, and

Radicals, and two descriptions of characters constituting each party. Of

the first, there is the moderate and the ultra tory. An English ultra

tory is what we believe has usually been meant and understood in Canada

by the unqualified term tory; that is, a lordling in power, a tyrant in

politics, and a bigot in religion. This description of partizans, we

believe, is headed by the Duke of Cumberland, and is followed not "afar

off" by that powerful party, which presents such a formidable array of

numbers, rank, wealth, talent, science, and literature, headed by the

hero of Waterloo. This shade of the tory party appears to be headed in

the House of Commons by Sir Robert Inglis, member for the Oxford

University, and is supported, on most questions, by that most subtle and

ingenious politician and fascinating speaker, Sir Robert Peel, with his

numerous train of followers and admirers. Among those who support the

distinguishing measures of this party are men of the highest Christian

virtue and piety; and, our decided impression is, that it embraces the

major part of the talent, and wealth, and learning of the British

Nation. The acknowledged and leading organs of this party are

_Blackwood's Magazine_ and the _London Quarterly Review_.

The other branch of this great political party is what is called the

moderate tory. In political theory he agrees with his high-toned

neighbour; but he acts from religious principle, and this governs his

private as well as his public life. To this class belongs a considerable

portion of the Evangelical Clergy, and, we think, a majority of the

Wesleyan Methodists. It evidently includes the great body of the piety,

Christian enterprise, and sterling virtue of the nation. It is, in time

of party excitement, alike hated and denounced by the ultra Tory, the

crabbed Whig, and the Radical leveller. Such was our impression of the

true character of what, by the periodical press in England, is termed a

moderate Tory. From his theories we in some respects dissent; but his

integrity, his honesty, his consistency, his genuine liberality, and

religious beneficence, claim respect and imitation.

The second great political and now ruling party in England are the

Whigs--a term synonymous with whey, applied, it is said, to this

political school, from the sour and peevish temper manifested by its

first disciples--though it is now rather popular than otherwise in

England. The Whig appears to differ in theory from the Tory in this,

that he interprets the constitution, obedience to it, and all measures

in regard to its administration, upon the principles of expediency; and

is, therefore, always pliant in his professions, and is even ready to

suit his measures to "the times"; an indefinite term, that also

designates the most extensively circulated daily paper in England, or in

the world, which is the leading organ of the Whig party, backed by the

formidable power and lofty periods of the _Edinburgh Review_. The

leaders of this party in the House of Lords are Earl Grey and the Lord

Chancellor Brougham; at the head of the list in the House of Commons

stands the names of Mr. Stanley, Lord Althorp, Lord John Russell, and

Mr. T. B. Macaulay. In this class are also included many of the most

learned and popular ministers of Dissenting congregations.

The third political sect is called Radicals, apparently headed by

Messrs. Joseph Hume and Thomas Attwood; the former of whom, though

acute, indefatigable, persevering, popular on financial questions, and

always to the point, and heard with respect and attention in the House

of Commons, has no influence as a religious man; has never been known to

promote any religious measure or object as such, and has opposed every

measure for the better observance of the Sabbath, and even introduced a

motion to defeat the bill for the abolition of colonial slavery; and Mr.

Attwood, the head of the celebrated Birmingham political Union, is a

conceited, boisterous, hollow-headed declaimer.

Radicalism in England appeared to me to be but another word for

Republicanism, with the name of King instead of President. The notorious

infidel character of the majority of the political leaders and

periodical publications of their party, deterred the virtuous part of

the nation from associating with them, though some of the brightest

ornaments of the English pulpit and nation have leaned to their leading

doctrines in theory. It is not a little remarkable that that very

description of the public press, which in England advocates the lowest

radicalism, is the foremost in opposing and slandering the Methodists in

this Province. Hence the fact that some of these editors have been

amongst the lowest of the English radicals previous to their egress from

the mother country.

Upon the whole, our impressions of the religious and moral character,

and influence, of the several political parties into which the British

nation is unhappily divided, were materially different in some respects,

from personal observation, from what they had been by hear-say and

reading.

On the very evening of the day in which the foregoing appeared, Mr. W.

L. Mackenzie (in the _Colonial Advocate_ of Oct. 30th), denounced the

writer of these "Impressions" in no measured terms. His denunciation

proved that he clearly perceived what would be the effect on the public

mind of Dr. Ryerson's candid and outspoken criticisms on men and things

in England--especially his adverse opinion of the English idols of (what

subsequently proved to be) the disloyal section of the public men of the

day in Upper Canada and their followers.

Mr. Mackenzie's vehement attack upon the writer of these "Impressions"

had its effect at the time. In some minds a belief in the truth of that

attack lingered long afterwards--but not in the minds of those who could

distinguish between honest conviction, based upon actual knowledge, and

pre-conceived opinions, based upon hearsay and a superficial

acquaintance with men and things.

As the troubled period of 1837 approached, hundreds had reason to be

thankful to Dr. Ryerson that the publication of his "Impressions" had,

without design on his part, led to the disruption of a party which was

being hurried to the brink of a precipice, over which so many well

meaning, but misguided, men fell in the winter of 1837, never to rise

again.

It was a proud boast of Dr. Ryerson (as he states in the "Epochs of

Canadian Methodism," page 385), that in these disastrous times not a

single member of the Methodist Church was implicated in the disloyal

rebellion of 1837-8. He attributed this gratifying state of things to

the fact that he had uttered the notes of warning in sufficient time to

enable the readers of the _Guardian_ to pause and think; and that, with

a just appreciation of their danger, members of the Society had

separated themselves from all connection with projects and opinions

which logically would have placed them in a position of defiant

hostility to the Queen and constitution.

But, to return. The outburst of Mr. Mackenzie's wrath, which immediately

followed (on the evening of the same day) the publication of Dr.

Ryerson's "Impressions," was as follows:--

The _Christian Guardian_, under the management of Egerton Ryerson,

has gone over to the enemy,--press, types, and all,--and hoisted

the colours of a cruel, vindictive, Tory priesthood.... The

contents of the _Guardian_ of to-night tells us in language too

plain, too intelligible to be misunderstood, that a deadly blow has

been struck in England at the liberties of the people of Upper

Canada, by as subtle and ungrateful an adversary, in the guise of

an old and familiar friend, as ever crossed the Atlantic.

In his "Almanac," issued on the same day, Mr. Mackenzie also used

similar language. He said:--

The arch-apostate Egerton, alias _Arnold_, Ryerson, and the

_Christian Guardian_ goes over to Strachan and the Tories.

_Nov. 6th._--In the _Guardian_ of this day Dr. Ryerson inserted an

extended reply to Mr. Mackenzie, and, in calm and dignified language,

gave the reasons which induced him to publish his "Impressions." He

said:--

We did so,--1st, As a subject of useful information; 2nd, To correct an

erroneous impression that had been industriously created, that we were

identified in our feelings and purposes with some one political party;

3rd, To furnish an instructive moral to the Christian reader, not to be

a passive or active tool, or the blind, thorough-going follower of any

political party as such. We considered this called for at the present

time on both religious and patriotic grounds. We designed this

expression of our sentiments, and this means of removing groundless

prejudice and hostility in the least objectionable and offensive way,

and without coming in contact with any political party in Canada, or

giving offence to any, except those who had shown an inveterate and

unprincipled hostility to Methodism. We therefore associated the

Canadian _ultra_ tory with the English radical, because we were

convinced of their identity in moral essence, and that the only

essential difference between them is, that the one is top and the other

bottom. We therefore said, "that very description of the public press

which in England advocates the lowest radicalism, is the foremost in

opposing and slandering the Methodists in this Province."

That our Christian brethren throughout the Province, and every sincere

friend to Methodism, do not wish us to be an organized political party,

we are fully assured--that it is inconsistent with our profession and

duty to become such. Out of scores of expressions to the same effect we

might quote quite abundantly from the _Guardian_, but our readers are

aware of them.

That the decided part we have felt it our duty to take in obtaining and

securing our rights in regard of the Clergy Reserve Question, has had a

remote or indirect tendency to promote Mr. Mackenzie's political

measures, we readily admit; but that we have ever supported a measure,

or given publicity to any documents from Mr. Mackenzie, or any other

political man in Canada, on any other grounds than this, we totally

deny.

Mr. Mackenzie's attack rests on four grounds: 1. That our language was

so explicit as to remove every doubt and hope of our encouraging a

"thick and thin" partizanship with him, or any man or set of men in

Canada; or, 2. That we did not speak in opprobrious, but rather

favourable terms, of His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor; or, 3. That

we expressed our approbation of the principles and colonial policy of

Lord Goderich (now Earl Ripon), and those who agree with him; or 4. That

we alluded to Mr. Hume in terms not sufficiently complimentary. If Mr.

Mackenzie's wishes are crossed and his wrath inflamed, because we have

not entered our protest against His Excellency the Lieutenant-Governor,

we could not do so after we had learned the views of His Majesty's

Government, in a reply of His Excellency to an address of our Conference

about two years ago,[42] when every unfavourable impression had been

removed, and when good-will was expressed towards the Methodists as a

people; we have not so learned to forgive injuries--we have not so

learned to "honour and obey magistrates,"--we have not so learned our

duty as a minister, and as a Christian. We, as a religious body, and as

the organ of a religious body, have only to do with Sir John Colborne's

administration, as far as it concerns our character and rights as

British subjects; His Excellency's measures and administration in merely

secular matters lie within the peculiar province of the political

journalists and politicians of the day. If our offering a tribute of

grateful respect to Lord Goderich, who had declared in his despatches to

Canada his earnest desire to remove every bishop and priest from our

Legislature, to secure the right of petitioning the King to the meanest

subject in the realm, to extend the blessings of full religious liberty

and the advantages of education to every class of British subjects in

Canada, without distinction or partiality, and in every way to advance

the interests of the Province;--if honouring such men and such

principles be "hoisting the colours (as Mr. Mackenzie says), of a cruel,

vindictive, Tory priesthood," then has Mr. Mackenzie the merit of a new

discovery of vindictive cruelty, and with his own definition of liberty,

and his own example of liberality, will he adopt his own honourable

means to attain it, and breathe out death and destruction against all

who do not incorporate themselves into a strait-jacket battalion under

his political sword, and vow allegiance and responsibility to everything

done by his "press, types, and all?"

Mr. Mackenzie did not reply to Dr. Ryerson in the spirit of his

rejoinder. He was a master of personal invective, and he indulged in it

in this instance, rather than discuss the questions raised on their

merits. He, therefore, turned on Dr. Ryerson, and, over his shoulders,

struck a blow at his venerable Father and his eldest Brother. He said:--

The Father of the Editor of the _Guardian_ lifted his sword against

the throats of his own countrymen struggling for freedom from

established churches, stamp acts, military domination, Scotch

governors, and Irish government; and his brother George figured on

the frontier in the war of 1812, and got wounded and pensioned for

fighting to preserve crown and clergy reserves, and all the other

strongholds of corruption, in the hands of the locusts who infest

and disturb this Province.

Dr. Ryerson's simple rejoinder to this attack on his Father and Brother

was as follows:--

The man who could hold up the brave defenders of our homes and firesides

to the scorn and contempt of their countrymen, must be lost to all

patriotic and loyal feelings of humanity for those who took their lives

in their hands in perilous times.

_Nov. 14th._--As to the effect of the "impressions" upon the country

generally, the following letter from Hallowell (Picton) written to Dr.

Ryerson by his brother John, may be safely taken as an example of the

feeling which they at first evoked. It is characterized by strong and

vigorous language, indicative of the state of public opinion at the

time. It is valuable from the fact that while it is outspoken in its

criticism of Dr. Ryerson's views, it touches upon the point to which I

have already referred, viz: the separation into two sections of the

powerful party which was then noted as the champion of popular rights.

Mr. Ryerson says:--

Your article on the Political Parties of England has created much

excitement throughout these parts. The only good that can result

from it is, the breaking up of the union which has hitherto existed

between us and the radicals. Were it not for this, I should much

regret its appearance. But we had got so closely linked with those

extreme men, in one way or another, that we cannot expect to get

rid of them without feeling the shock, and, perhaps, it may as well

come now as anytime. It is our duty and interest to support the

Government. Although there may be some abuses which have crept in,

yet, I believe that we enjoy as many political and religious

advantages as any people. Our public affairs are as well managed as

in any other country. As it respects the Reformers, so called, take

Baldwin, Bidwell, Rolph, and such men from their ranks, and there

is scarcely one man of character or honour among them. I am sorry

to say it, but it is so. The best way for the present is for us to

have nothing to say about politics, but treat the Government with

respect. Radcliffe, of the Cobourg _Reformer_, and Dr. Barker, of

the Kingston _Whig_, have come out in their true character.

Radcliffe is preparing a heavy charge against you. But let them

come; fear them not! I hope they will show themselves _now_. I

thought that you, in your reply to W. L. Mackenzie, did not speak

in a sufficiently decided manner. You say you have not changed

your views; but I hope you have in some respects. Although you

never were a Radical, yet have not we all leaned too much towards

them, and will we not now smart for it a little? But, the sooner it

comes on, the sooner it will be over.

Rev. John Ryerson then gives the first intimation of the existence of

that germ of hostility to the recently consummated Union on the part of

the British Wesleyan Missionaries in this country--a hostility which

became at length so deep and widespread as to destroy the Union

itself--a union which was not fully restored until 1847. Mr. Ryerson

points out the political animus of the movement, and proceeds:--

You see that the Missionaries are making great efforts to have

Kingston and York made exceptions to the general arrangements.

Should the English Committee listen to them, confidence will be

entirely destroyed. Their object is to make the British Conference

believe that we have supported Radical politics to an unlimited

extent, and that, therefore, the people will not submit to the

Union with such people; they (the Missionaries) are, however, the

authors of the whole trouble. Rev. Mr. Hetherington told me that

they were getting the back numbers of the _Guardian_ to prove that

we had been political intimidators! They say that Mr. Marsden, the

President, told the members at Kingston that it they could make it

appear that we had done this, they should be exempted from the

Union, and be supplied with Missionaries from home.

In a subsequent letter from Rev. John Ryerson, he discusses his

brother's "Impressions of Public Men in England," and utters a word of

warning to the Methodist people who have allied themselves too closely

with the disloyal party. He says:

What will be the result of your remarks in the _Guardian_ on

Political Parties in England, I cannot say. They will occasion much

speculation, some jealousy, and bad feeling. I have sometimes

thought you had better not have written them, particularly at this

time, yet I have long been of the opinion (both with regard to

measures and men) that we leaned too much towards Radicalism, and

that it would be absolutely necessary to disengage ourselves from

them entirely. You can see plainly that it is not Reform, but

Revolution they are after. We should fare sumptuously, should we

not, with W. L. Mackenzie, of Toronto, and Radcliffe, of Cobourg,

for our rulers! I have also felt very unpleasant in noticing the

endeavours of these men (aided by some of our members) to introduce

their republican leaven into our Ecclesiastical polity. Is it not a

little remarkable that not one of our members, who have entered

into their politics, but has become a furious leveller in matters

of Church Government, and these very men are the most regardless of

our reputation, and the most ready to impugn our motives, and

defame our character, when we, in any way, cross their path. There

are some things in your remarks I don't like; but, on the whole, I

am glad of their appearance, and I hope, whenever you have occasion

to speak of the Government, you will do it in terms of respect. I

am anxious that we should obtain the confidence of the Government,

and entirely disconnect ourselves from that tribe of levellers,

with whom we have been too intimate, and who are, at any time,

ready to turn around and sell us when we fail to please them.

_Nov. 20th._--In another letter to Dr. Ryerson from his brother John, at

this date, he says:--

I deeply feel for you in the present state of agitation and trial.

My own heart aches and sickens within me at times; I have no doubt,

however much of a philosopher you may be, that you at times

participate in the same feelings; but, pursuing a conscientious

course, I hope you will at times be able to say:

"Courage, my soul! thou need'st not fear,

Thy great Provider still is near."

The following sympathetic letter from Dr. Ryerson's friend, Mr. E. C.

Griffin, of Waterdown, written at the same time, gives another proof of

the unreasoning prejudice of those whose knowledge of the outer world

was circumscribed and superficial. In England, Dr. Ryerson saw things as

they were. He was, therefore, not prepared for the burst of wrath that

followed the plain recital of his "impressions" of men and things in

England. Mr. Griffin writes:--

The respect I have for you and yours should at all times deter me

from bearing evil tidings, yet the same consideration would make it

a duty under peculiar circumstances. You have already learned that

the public mind has been much agitated in consequence of your

remarks in the _Guardian_ on Mr. Joseph Hume, M.P., and Mr. Thomas

Attwood, M.P. (see page 123). On this Circuit it is truly

alarming--some of our most respectable Methodists are threatening

to leave the Church. The general impression has obtained (however

unjustly) that you have "turned downright Tory," which, in this

country, whether moderate or ultra, seems to have but one meaning

among the bulk of Reformers, and that is, as being an enemy to all

reform and the correction of acknowledged abuses. This general

impression among the people has created a feverish discontent among

the Methodists. The excitement is so high that your subsequent

explanation has seemed to be without its desired effect. I should

be glad if you would state distinctly in the _Guardian_ what you

meant in your correspondence with the Colonial Secretary, when you

said you had no desire to interfere with the present emoluments of

the Church clergy (or words to that effect); and also of the term

"equal protection to the different denominations." You are,

doubtless, aware of the use made of these expressions by some of

the journals, and, I am sorry to say, with too much effect. These

remarks, taken in connection with those against Mr. Hume, is the

pivot on which everything is turned against you, against the

_Guardian_, and against the Methodists.

A few days later Dr. Ryerson received another letter from Mr. Griffin,

in which he truthfully says:--

Perhaps there have not been many instances in which sophistry has

been applied more effectually to injure an individual, or a body of

Christians, as in the present instance. Whigs, tories, and radicals

have all united to crush, I may say at a blow, the Methodists, and

none have tried to do so more effectually than Mr. W. L. Mackenzie.

He persisted in it so as to make his friends generally believe that

the cause of reform was ruined by you. His abuse of you and your

friends, and the Methodists, is more than I can stand. He has

certainly manifested a great want of discernment, or he has acted

from design. I see that the Hamilton _Free Press_ has called in the

aid of Mr. F. Collins, of the _Canadian Freeman_, to assist in

abusing you and your whole family.

From Augusta, Rev. Anson Green wrote about the same time, and in a

similar strain, but not so sympathetically. He says:--

I fear your impressions are bad ones. Our people are all in an

uproar about them.

_Nov. 22nd._--Rev. William Ryerson writing from Kingston at this time,

reports the state of feeling there. He says:--

As to the _Guardian_, I am sorry to inform you that it is becoming

less popular than formerly. If your English "impressions" are not

more acceptable and useful in other parts than they are here, it

will add little to your credit, or to the usefulness of your paper

to publish any more of them. I know that you have been shamefully

abused, and treated in a most base manner, and by no one so much so

as by Mr. Radcliffe of the Cobourg _Reformer_. I hope you will

expose the statements and figures of the _Reformer_ to our friends.

It is rather unfortunate that if you did intend, as is said, to

conciliate the Tory party in this country, you should have

expressed yourself in such a way as to be so much misunderstood.

_Nov. 23rd._--Rev. Alvah A. Adams, writing from Prescott, says:--

There are a few disturbances in our Zion. Some are bent on making

mischief. You need not be surprised that the Grenville _Gazette_

speaks so contemptuously of you and the cause in which you have

been, and are still, engaged. There are reasons why you need not

marvel at the great torrent of scurrilous invectives with which his

useless columns have of late abounded.

_Nov. 23rd._--Although not so intended by Dr. Ryerson, yet the

publication of his "impressions," had the effect of developing the plans

of Mr. W. L. Mackenzie, and those who acted with him, much more rapidly

and fully than they could have anticipated. In the second supplement to

his _Colonial Advocate_, published November 23rd, Mr. Mackenzie used

this unmistakeable language:--

The local authorities have no means to protect themselves against

an injured people, if they persist in their unconstitutional

career.... There are not military enough to uphold a bad government

for an hour, if the Rubicon has been passed; and well does Sir John

Colborne know that although he may hire regiments of priests here,

he may expect no more red-coats from Europe in those days of

economy.... He also knows that if we are to take examples from the

Mother Country, the arbitrary proceedings of the officers of his

government _are such_ as would warrant the people to an open and

_armed resistance_.

_Dec. 6th._--Dr. Ryerson having received a protest from five of his

ministerial brethren in the Niagara District,[43] against his

"impressions" he wrote a remonstrance to each of them, but this did not

appease them. Rev. David Wright said:--

As an individual I am not at all satisfied either with the course

you have taken or the explanation given. Could you witness the

confused state of our Church on Stamford Circuit; the insults we

receive, both from many of our members and others of good standing,

you would at once see the propriety of the steps we have taken for

our defence. Hardly a tea-party or meeting of any kind, but the

_Guardian_ is the topic of conversation, and the conversion of its

editor and all the preachers to Toryism. The Ranters and the

Ryanites are very busy, and are doing us much harm. I am more and

more convinced of the imprudence of the course you have taken,

especially at this trying time in our Church. In Queenston,

Drummondville, Chippewa, Erie, St. Davids, the Lane, and Lyons'

Creek the preachers are hooted at as they ride by. This is rather

trying. I assure you.

Rev. James Evans said:--

You request me not to solicit any to continue the _Guardian_ who

are dissatisfied, and who wish to discontinue. This is worse than

all beside. And do you suppose that, in opposition to the wish of

the Conference, and interest of the Church, I shall pay attention

to your request? No, my brother, I cannot; I will not. It shall be

my endeavour to obtain and continue subscribers by allaying as far

as practicable, their fears, rather than by telling them that they

may discontinue and you will abide the consequences. I am

astonished! I can only account for your strange and, I am sure,

un-Ryersonian conduct and advice on one principle--that there is

something ahead which you, through your superior political

spyglass, have discovered and thus shape your course, while we

land-lubbers, short-sighted as we are, have not even heard of it.

Dr. Ryerson, therefore, challenged these five ministers to proceed

against him as provided by the Discipline of the Church. In his reply to

them, he lays down some important principles in regard to the rights of

an editor, and the duty of his ministerial accusers. He said:--

I beg to say that I cannot publish the criminating declaration of which

you speak. You will therefore act your pleasure in publishing it

elsewhere. The charges against me are either true or false. If they are

true, are you proceeding in the disciplinary way against me? Though I am

editor for the Conference, yet I have individual rights as well as you;

and the increased responsibility of my situation should, under those

rights, if possible, be still more sacred. And if our Conference will

place a watchman upon the wall of our Zion, and then allow its members

to plunge their swords into him whenever they think he has departed from

his duty, without even giving him a court-martial trial, then they are a

different description of men from what I think they are. If, as you say,

I have been guilty of imprudent conduct, or even "misrepresented my

brethren," make your complaint to my Presiding Elder, according to

discipline, and then may the decision of the Committee be published in

the _Guardian_, or anywhere else that they may say. So much for the

disciplinary course. Again, if "the clamour," as you call it, against

the _Guardian_ be well founded, are you helping the _Guardian_ by

corroborating the statement of that clamour? Can Brother James Evans

consistently or conscientiously ask an individual to take, or continue

to take the _Guardian_, when he or you publish to the world the belief

that its principles are changed? Will this quiet the "clamour?" Will

this reconcile the members? Will this unite the preachers? Will this

promote the harmony of the Church? Will it not be a fire-brand rather

than the "seeds of commotion?" One or two others here got a meeting of

the male members of the York Society, and proposed resolutions similar

in substance to yours, which were opposed and reprobated by brother

Richardson, on the very disciplinary and prudential ground of which I

speak, and rejected by the Society. In your declaration you say (not on

account of "clamour," or accusations of editors or others, but on

account of editorial remarks in the _Guardian_), "you express your

sentiments to save your character from aspersion." In this you imply

that the editor of the _Guardian_ has misrepresented your sentiments,

and aspersed your character; and, if so, has he not changed his

principles? And, if he has changed his principles, is he not guilty of

falsehood, since he has positively declared to the reverse? You

therefore virtually charge him with inconsistency, misrepresentation,

and deliberate falsehood. Is this the fruit of brotherly love? Again,

you say that "our political sentiments are the same as before the visit

of the editor of the _Guardian_ to England." Is not this equal to

asserting that the editor's sentiments are not the same? You therefore

say that you love me; that you desire the peace of the Church, and the

interests of the _Guardian_, yet you propose a course which will confirm

the slanders of my enemies--to implicate me with inconsistency and

falsehood--to injure the _Guardian_, and deprive yourselves of the

power, as men of honour and truth, to recommend it--to kindle and

sanction dissatisfaction among our Church members--to arm preacher

against preacher--and to criminate a brother before the public, without

a disciplinary trial. You say "our friends are looking out for it." Is

this the way, my brother, that you have quieted their minds, by telling

them that you also were going to criminate the editor? If this be so, I

am not surprised that there is dissatisfaction on your circuit. Brother

Evans said that nothing but a denial of having changed my opinions, and

an explicit statement of them, would satisfy our friends. I did so, and

did so plainly and conscientiously. Yet you do not even allude to this

expression of my sentiments, but still insist upon doing what is far

more than taking my life--stabbing my principles and integrity. I ask

if this is my reward for endangering my life and enduring unparalleled

labours, to save the Societies heretofore from being rent to the very

centre, and enduring ceaseless storms of slander and persecution for

years past in defending the abused character of my brethren? Are they

the first to lift up their heel against me? Will they join in the hue

and cry against me, rather than endure a "hoot," when I am unjustly

treated and basely slandered? I hope I have not fallen into such hands.

Dr. Ryerson received at this time a candid and kindly characteristic

letter from his youngest brother, Edwy, at Stamford, which indicated

that a reaction was taking place in regard to the much discussed

"impressions." He says:--

The present agitated state of the Societies, partly from the Union,

and, in a greater degree, from your "impressions" (which would have

been a blessing to our Societies, had they never been published)

make it very unpleasant to ask even for subscriptions to the

_Guardian_. We are here in a state of commotion; politics run high,

and religion low. "The _Guardian_ has turned Tory," is the hue and

cry, and many appear to be under greater concern about it, than

they ever were about the salvation of their souls. Many again, have

got wonderfully wise, and pretend to reveal (as a friend, but in

reality as an enemy) the secrets of your policy. Under these

unpleasant circumstances, the Ranters have availed themselves of

the opportunity of planting themselves at nearly all our posts, and

sowing tares in our Societies.

You have received a protest, signed by several preachers, and my

name among them. Those were my impressions at the time. Therefore I

thought it my duty, in connection with my brethren, to make my

protest. I have, however (since seeing the _Guardian_), been led to

believe you had not changed from what you were. Many of the

preachers are rejoiced that you were put in the editorial chair,

and feel strongly disposed to exert their influence that you may

not be displaced.

_Dec. 2nd._--On this day Dr. Ryerson received a kind word of

encouragement from Mr. Alex. Davidson, a literary friend in Port Hope,

afterwards of Niagara. He said:--

I have had an opportunity of seeing most of the provincial papers.

They exhibit a miserable picture of the state of the press. The

conduct of the editors ought, I think, to be exposed. I have been

afraid that from such unmerited abuse, you would quit the

_Guardian_ in disgust, and I am glad to see that, though your mind

may be as sensitive as that of any other person, you remain firm.

Another indication of the reaction in regard to the "impressions" is

mentioned in a note received from Rev. Ephraim Evans, Trafalgar. He

says:--

Mr. Thos. Cartwright, of Streetsville, who had given up the

_Guardian_, has ordered it to be sent to him again so that he may

not seem to countenance the clamour that has been raised against

you. Mr. Evans adds: "I am happy to find that the agitation

produced by the unwarrantable conduct of the press generally, is

rapidly subsiding; and, I trust, nay, am certain, that the late

avowal of your sentiments, will be perfectly satisfactory to every

sensible and ingenuous mind. I am, upon the whole, led to believe

that Methodism will weather out this storm also, and lose not a

spar."

_Dec. 6th._--Among the many letters of sympathy received by Dr. Ryerson

at this time, was one from his Father, in which he says:--

I perceive by the papers that you have met with tempestuous

weather. I devoutly hope that the Great Pilot will conduct you

safely through the rocks and quicksands on either side.

_Jan. 6th, 1834._--In a letter from Rev. Anson Green, at Augusta, it was

apparent that the tide of popular opinion against Dr. Ryerson had

turned. He said:--

I have been very much pleased indeed with the _Guardian_ during the

last few months. There is a very great improvement in it. In this

opinion I am not alone. Your remarks on the Clergy Reserve question

were very timely and highly satisfactory. A number of our brethren

have wished me to express to you the pleasure they feel in the

course which you have pursued as editor. There has been very great

prejudice against you in these parts, among preachers and people,

but I think they are dying out and will, I trust, shortly entirely

disappear. I hope we shall soon see "eye to eye."

_March 5th._--In the _Guardian_ of this day, Dr. Ryerson intimated

that:--

Among many schemes resorted to by the abbettors of Mr. Mackenzie to

injure me, was the circulation of all kinds of rumours against my

character and standing as a minister. For proof, it was represented that

I was denied access to the Wesleyan pulpit in this town. When these

statements were made early in the year, the stewards and leaders of the

York Society met on the 11th of last January, and passed a resolution to

the effect

That being anxious, lest, under exciting circumstances, you might

be tempted to withhold your ministrations from the York

congregation, they desire their Secretary to inform you that it is

their wish, and they believe it a duty you owe to the Church of

Christ, to favour it with your views on His unsearchable riches as

often as an opportunity may present itself.

As these rumours have now been revived, I published this resolution in

the _Guardian_ of to-day.

The capital offence charged against Dr. Ryerson in publishing his

"impressions" was his exposure of Joseph Hume, M.P., the friend and

patron of Mr. Mackenzie. (See pages 118 and 123.) In the _Guardian_ of

December 11th, Dr. Ryerson fully met that charge. Among other things he

pointed out:--

1st. That, having voted for a Church establishment in India, Mr. Hume

was the last man who should have been entrusted with petitions from

Upper Canada, against a Church establishment in Upper Canada. 2nd. That

Methodists emigrating to this country, when they learn that Mr. Hume is

regarded as a sort of representative of the principles of the Methodists

in Upper Canada, immediately imbibe strong prejudices against them,

refusing to unite with them, and even strongly opposing them, saying

that such Methodists are Radicals--a term which, in England, conveys

precisely the same idea that the term Republican does in this Province.

Thus the prejudices which exist between a portion of the Canadian and

British Methodists here, are heightened, and the breach widened. 3rd.

That even adherents of the Church of England here who were Reformers in

England join the ranks of those opposed to us when they know that Mr.

Hume is a chosen representative of our views in England; for the

personal animosity between the Whigs and Reformers and Radicals in

England is more bitter, if possible, than between the Radicals and

Tories, and far more rancorous than between the Whigs and Tories. There

is just as much difference between an English Reformer and an avowed

English Radical as there is between a Canadian Reformer and an avowed

Canadian Republican. In the interests of the Methodists, therefore,

religiously and politically, the allusion to Mr. Hume was justifiable

and necessary. Dr. Ryerson continues:--

I may mention that so strongly impressed was I with these views, that in

an interview which I had with Mr. Secretary Stanley, a few days before

the Clergy Reserve petitions were presented by Mr. Hume, I remarked that

the people of Upper Canada, not being acquainted with public men in

England, had sent them to the care of a gentleman of influence in the

financial affairs of Great Britain, but that I was apprehensive that he

was not the best qualified to advocate a purely legal and religious

question. Mr. Secretary Stanley smilingly interrupted me by asking "Is

it Hume?" I replied, "It is, but I hope this circumstance will not have

the least influence upon your mind, Mr. Secretary Stanley, in giving the

subject that important and full consideration which its great importance

demands." Mr. Stanley replied: "No, Mr. Ryerson, be assured that the

subject will not be in the least prejudiced in my mind by any

circumstance of that kind; but I shall give it the most important and

grave consideration."

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