FOOD AND CLOTHING
If the problem of housing was a serious one and one which caused a
great amount of suffering the question of food was even more serious.
The theory of getting the food for the soldiers was all very simple,
but not so simple in practice. According to theory the various
colonies were apportioned the amount they were to supply and were to
deliver their portion to the camp which might be designated by the
commander-in-chief. The lack of authority of congress which played
havoc so many times with the smooth running of affairs also played
havoc in the commissary department.
The apportionment plan was carried out to some extent, but of course
was not to be depended upon for often the colonies got the supplies
to camp, but more often they did not. The amount to be supplied was
divided up among the inhabitants of the states, in the case of meat
some giving one hundred and fifty pounds and others one hundred and
eighty pounds according to their ability. The other supplies were
divided up in the same way. When a given community was ready to send
their supply some of the farmers would take the job of driving the
cattle to the camp, receiving about a dollar a day and expenses while
they were traveling.[37]
A Frenchman who traveled in America during the revolutionary period
told of his experience when he tried to get a room in an inn, which was
filled with farmers on their way to camp with a herd of cattle. In that
particular group there were thirteen men and two hundred and fifty
cattle.
July 19, 1775, Joseph Trumbell was made commissary general of stores
and provisions[38] by the continental congress. November 4, of the same
year the following resolution was made in congress in regard to the
rations of the private soldier. "Resolved, that: A ration consist of
the following kind and quantity of provisions viz.:
1 lb. of beef, or ¾ lb. pork or 1 lb. salt fish, per day.
1 lb. bread or flour per day.
3 pints of pease or beans per week, or vegetables equivalent, at
one dollar per bushel for pease or beans.
1 pint of milk per man per day or at the rate of 1/72 of a dollar.
1 half pint of rice, or 1 pint of indian meal per man per week.
1 quart of spruce beer or cider per man per day, or nine gallons of
molasses per company of 100 men per week.
3 lb. candles to 100 men per week for guards.
24 lb. of soft or 8 lb. of hard soap for 100 men per week."[39]
The rations mentioned in orderly books or journals were the same as
the above except that butter was added in some cases and a pint of
rum was allowed on the day a man was on fatigue duty or on special
occasions,[40] but in the large the rations given at the beginning of
the war by congress were followed whenever there were supplies enough
to admit of any definite plan being followed. The officers received
rations according to their rank.[41]
Thus would have ended the story of the revolutionary soldiers food
if the theory had been practicable, but as it was not, there is a
different story to tell. The conditions on the march to Quebec with
Arnold were almost unendurable. The march was only started when the
soldiers were put on short rations receiving three-fourths of a pound
of meat and bread instead of a whole pound,[42] and as they proceeded
the conditions only grew worse until when they were not yet nearing
their destination the last of the flour was divided. There were just
seven pints for each man. That amount was to last seven days, thus
each man had a pint a day to live on and that had to be divided into
a gill for breakfast, half a pint for dinner and the remaining gill
for supper. It was mixed with clear water with no salt and laid on the
coals to heat a little and then was nibbled as the soldiers marched on
or else it was boiled like starch and eaten in that fashion.[43] It
happened sometimes that some soldier had the good fortune to kill a
partridge, much to his joy, for that meant soup could be made.[44] The
condition only grew worse instead of better and all the food was gone,
the next move was to kill the dogs which were in camp[45] even the legs
and claws were boiled for soup. When the situation had become so acute
that the soldiers had given up their moose skin moccasins to boil in an
attempt to get a little nourishment,[46] a moose was killed, a halt was
called and soup was made for the hungry soldiers of the entire animal,
hoofs, horns and all.[47]
If we follow the division of the army which was sent against the
Indians in Sullivan's expedition in 1779, the conditions will be found
to be somewhat different for that march was made during the summer
and fall rather than fall and winter as the march to Quebec had been,
and besides the western campaign was into a country which abounded in
beans, peas, corn, cucumbers, pumpkins, squashes, and watermelons.[48]
The soldiers were short on rations[49] and out of bread, but it was
not felt so keenly because of the substitutes they could get.[50] The
main object of the expedition was to devastate the Indian's land and
one duty was to destroy or take all the food which came in their way.
When the soldiers came to a field of corn, their first duty was to
feast on it and then destroy all they could not use or carry away with
them.[51] If the corn was in a condition for roasting, they did that or
made succatash; if it was too hard for roasting they converted some old
tin kettles found in the Indian villages into large graters by punching
holes in the bottom. Then one of the military duties of the soldiers
was to grate the corn into a coarse meal which was mixed with boiled
pumpkins or squash and kneaded into cakes and baked on the coals[52]
and even that coarse food was relished by the men when fatigued after a
long march.
This rather amusing entry, yet terrible if true, is found in one diary
of the expedition "July 7—I eat part of a fryed Rattle Snake to day
which would have tasted very well had it not been snake".[53]
The conditions in the camp were somewhat different than those on the
march for in camp what the rations were depended on the amount of
supplies. If they were plentiful, full rations could be drawn by each
soldier, but when they were scarce each soldier had to take less. The
time and place of drawing supplies seemed to vary with circumstances,
and no definite plan was followed.
It is a mistake to think that the soldier of the American Revolution
was always suffering for the want of food. The picture drawn for us
most often is that of the distressing conditions. There was a brighter
side, although it is true that the soldier suffered many times. When
the camps were situated in or near an agricultural community the
farmers swarmed to camp with their produce charging exorbitant prices,
but if the soldier had any money he was usually willing to buy. In
the course of eight days the caterer of a single mess purchased three
barrels of cider, seven bushels of chestnuts, four of apples, at twelve
shillings a bushel, and a wild turkey[54] which weighed over seventeen
pounds.
In winter when there was no produce to be brought in and no way of
securing provisions the story was not so bright. The conditions at
Valley Forge are quite well known. How the rations were cut down until
it was "Fire cakes and Water" for breakfast, and water and fire cakes
for dinner[55] or how the soldiers ate every kind of horse feed but
hay[56], and often they were without meat for eight or ten days[57] and
longer without vegetables.
Supplies were gathered from every conceivable source, sometimes cows
were part of the supply company, taken along for the purpose of
supplying milk. One man writes in his diary his appreciation of a cow
which supplied them milk on the march with Sullivan's expedition.[58]
The methods used at that time for cooking seem very simple and
inefficient now. Huge bake ovens were built in the camp and whenever
there was flour to use, bakers baked the bread for the camp.[59] The
quality of the bread furnished in that way was certainly not beyond
reproach for often it was sour and unwholesome.[60]
There were huts built for kitchens, one for each company and there the
soldiers took turns cooking for their company[61] or else each soldier
cooked his own food over an open fire. At times the fuel became so
scarce that the fences[62] around the camp were torn down and burned,
and after that the food had to be eaten raw because of the lack of
fuel.[63] If there was material to be used for fuel and other supplies
some distance from the camp, it was no uncommon sight to see soldiers
yoked together acting the part of horses[64] in order to get the
supplies to camp.
Today, this question of food for the revolutionary soldier, in
the light of present day events, looks rather inefficient and
unscientific.
When there was plenty the soldiers feasted, when food was scarce they
fasted, but it must be remembered that there was no dependable supply,
no directing force, and no distributing agency, and beside those
hindrances there were no ways of preserving food as there are today.
A naked or half clothed army did not make a very imposing looking
force, even if they did have a place to live and something to eat.
They had to have something to wear if they were to meet the enemy
on the field. Steuben wrote "The description of the dress is most
easily given. The men were literally naked some of them in the fullest
extent of the word. The officers who had coats had them of every color
and make. I saw officers at a grand parade at Valley Forge mounting
Guard in a sort of dressing gown made of an old blanket or woolen bed
cover".[65] This description, no doubt was appropriate for part of the
army, part of the time, but not for all the army all the time.
The troops as they were assembled at Boston did present a peculiar
picture, each person wearing the costume best suited to his individual
notion of a suitable uniform, with a tendency toward frill, ruffles,
and feathers, each thinking that the gorgeousness added to the dignity
and effectiveness of the whole. Some were in citizens clothes, some in
the hunting shirt of the back-woodsman, and some even in the blanket of
the Indian, for, it was the notion of some, that riflemen should ape
the manners of the savage.[66]
Washington took the matter into consideration and wrote congress "I
find the Army in general and the Troops raised in Massachusetts in
particular very deficient in necessary clothing upon Inquiry there
appears no probability of obtaining any supplies in this quarter and
the best consideration of this matter I am able to form I am of the
opinion that a number of hunting shirts not less than ten thousand
would in a great Degree remove this difficulty in the cheapest and
quickest manner I know nothing in a Speculative view more trivial yet
if put in practice would have a happier Tendency to unite the men
and abolish those provincial Distractions which lead to jealousy and
dissatisfaction".[67]
He suggested the hunting shirt because it was cheap and "besides it is
a dress justly supposed to carry no small terror to the enemy who think
every such person a complete marksman".[68]
It was decided that the hunting shirt should be used and also that
the continental government should supply the clothing and then ten
per cent of each man's wages should be withheld each month.[69] The
quartermaster general had charge of the clothing supply and at regular
intervals he was supposed to distribute clothing to the soldier, but
the supply varied to such an extent that no regular plan could be
followed.
The following was considered an ordinary man's outfit for a year:
Two linen hunting shirts,
Two pairs of overalls,
A leathern or woolen waist coat with sleeves,
A pair of breeches,
A hat or leathern cap,
Two shirts,
Two pair of hose,
Two pair of shoes.[70]
The whole was to amount to about twenty dollars.
The soldier was considered in full uniform when he appeared on parade
with "a clean shirt, leggings or stockings, hair combed, shirt collar
buttoned with stock. Hunting shirt, well put on hat".[71]
Since the material for the hunting shirts was difficult to get, the
officers as well as the men were to dye their shirts in a uniform
manner.[72]
The different ranks of a soldier were shown by the hunting shirt.
A captain's was short and fringed, the private's short and plain,
the sergeant's was to have a small white cuff and be plain, and the
drummer's was to have a dark cuff. Both officers and soldiers were to
have hats cut round and bound with black, the brims of the hats were
to be two inches deep and cocked on one side with a button and a loop,
and a cockade which was to be worn on the left side. There was also a
distinction made by the wearing of a certain colored cockade in the
hat. The field officers were red or pink, the captain yellow or buff,
and the subaltern green.[73]
The material for the soldier's clothing was supplied by the various
colonies. The following resolution is typical of numerous ones passed
by the different colonies. "That a quanity of home made cloth or other
if that can't be obtained as far as may be of a brown or cloth colour,
sufficient for three thousand coats and the same number of waist
coats and as many blankets as can be obtained in the colony 3000 felt
hats, cloth of check Flannel or some linen if that can't be obtained
sufficient for six thousand shirts and also six thousand pairs of
shoes"[74] or as in Massachusetts a committee was appointed to collect
four thousand pairs of stockings.
The material after being collected was made up by regimental tailors,
the commanding officer was to make a report as to the number of tailors
employed in the regiment and also whether there were not more tailors
in the regiment than were employed in making clothing.[75]
The women at home aided very materially in the clothing problem by
their spinning, knitting and collecting of linen.[76] When persons
called on Mrs. Washington, whether she was at home or in camp, they
usually found her knitting and she had sixteen spinning wheels running
at one time.[77] Other women all over the country followed her example.
Instances, almost without number, are mentioned in diaries and journals
of the nakedness of the army, some without shoes, with only pieces of
blankets wrapped around their feet,[78] thousands without blankets,[79]
others with their shirts in strings,[80] and added to all that the
paymaster without a dollar and the quartermaster in almost the same
situation.[81]
Even the soldiers had to suffer from the want of clothing yet they were
able to see the funny side of the situation. The story is told in one
diary of a party that was given by an officer for which invitations
were extended to all, the only restriction being that no one with a
whole pair of breeches could be admitted.[82]
[Footnote 37: Chastellux, _Travels in America_, p. 58.]
[Footnote 38: _Journals of Congress_, Vol. II, p. 190.]
[Footnote 39: _Journals of Congress_, Vol. III, p. 322.]
[Footnote 40: See, Lyman, _Journal_, App. and Thacher, _Military
Journal_, p. 62.]
[Footnote 41: See, Thacher, _Military Journal_, p. 62.]
[Footnote 42: Meigs, _Journal_, (Oct. 15, 1775) p. 233.]
[Footnote 43: Thayer, _Journal_, (Oct. 28, 1775) p. 12.]
[Footnote 44: Ibid.]
[Footnote 45: Headley, _Chaplains and Clergy of the Revolution_, p.
100, and Thayer, _Journal_, Nov. 1, 1775.]
[Footnote 46: Thayer, _Journal_, (Nov. 1, 1775) p. 14.]
[Footnote 47: Headley, _Chaplains and Clergy of the Revolution_, p.
100.]
[Footnote 48: Barton, _Journal_, (Aug. 27, 1779) p. 7; Burrows,
_Journal_, (Aug. 27, 1779) p. 43.]
[Footnote 49: Burrows, _Journal_, (Aug. 30, 1779) p. 44; Hubley,
_Journal_, (Oct. 1, 1779), p. 166.]
[Footnote 50: Barton, _Journal_, (Aug. 27, 1779), p. 7.]
[Footnote 51: Burrows, _Journal_, (Aug. 27, 1779) p. 43; Fogg,
_Journal_ (Aug. 29, 1779) p. 94.]
[Footnote 52: Davis, _Journal_, Hist. Mag. Ser. 2, Vol. III, p. 203.]
[Footnote 53: Dearborn, _Journal_, (July 7, 1779) p. 74.]
[Footnote 54: Trevelyan, _American Revolution_, Vol. I, p. 327.]
[Footnote 55: Waldo, _Journal_ (Dec. 21, 1777) p. 132.]
[Footnote 56: Thacher, _Military Journal_, p. 180.]
[Footnote 57: Ibid., p. 80.]
[Footnote 58: Hubley, _Journal_, (Oct. 1, 1779) p. 166.]
[Footnote 59: Roger, _Journal_, (June 24, 1779) p. 248.]
[Footnote 60: Coits, _Orderly Book_, (July 7, 1770) p. 36.]
[Footnote 61: Lyman, _Journal_, (Nov. 21) p. 127, and (Dec. 3, 1775) p.
131.]
[Footnote 62: Greene, _Life of Greene_, Vol. I, p. 141.]
[Footnote 63: Greene, _Life of Greene_, Vol. I, p. 141.]
[Footnote 64: Lossing, _Life of Washington_, Vol. VI, p. 572.]
[Footnote 65: Kapp, _Life of Steuben_, pp. 116-117.]
[Footnote 66: Henry, _Journal_, in Penn. Ar. Ser. 2, Vol. XV, p. 59.]
[Footnote 67: Ford, _Washington Writings_, Vol. III, p. 13.]
[Footnote 68: Ibid.]
[Footnote 69: Ibid. and "Uniforms of the American Army" in _Mag. of Am.
Hist._, Vol. I, p. 476.]
[Footnote 70: Elbert, _Orderly Book_, p. 7.]
[Footnote 71: Lewis, _Orderly Book_, (Aug. 18, 1776), p. 77.]
[Footnote 72: Lewis, _Orderly Book_, (April 3, 1776), p. 13.]
[Footnote 73: Lewis, _Orderly Book_, (April 3, 1776), p. 13.]
[Footnote 74: Elbert, _Orderly Book_, (Mar. 16, 1708) p. 8.]
[Footnote 75: _American Archives_, Ser. 5, Vol. I., pp. 302, 456.]
[Footnote 76: Thacher, _Military Journal_, p. 234.]
[Footnote 77: Humphreys, _Catherine Schuyler_, p. 171.]
[Footnote 78: Shreve, _Journal_, Am. Hist., Mag. Vol. III, p. 568.]
[Footnote 79: Thacher, _Journal_, May 26, 1775.]
[Footnote 80: Waldo, _Diary_, (Dec. 14, 1777) p. 130.]
[Footnote 81: Ford, _Washington Writings_, Vol. III, p. 146.]
[Footnote 82: Kapp, _Life of Steuben_, p. 119.]