_How we quartered ourselves in the metropolis of Tlascalla, and what
we did there._
I have already mentioned that we rested a day at Gualiopar, where we
were visited by the caziques of Tlascalla, who kindly offered us every
assistance, which was the more praiseworthy in them when we take the
time and circumstances into consideration.[97]
As soon as we had arrived in the Tlascallan metropolis, Cortes made
inquiries respecting the 40,000 pesos worth of gold which he had
forwarded to the latter place for the garrison of Vera Cruz; when
Maxixcatzin, Xicotencatl, and one of our soldiers who had remained behind
in Tlascalla on account of ill health, informed him that a certain Juan
de Alcantara, with two others of the garrison lying in Vera Cruz had
arrived there and taken all the gold with them, as they had produced a
written permission to that effect signed by Cortes, which he,
Maxixcatzin, had carefully saved. Upon being questioned as to the time
they had left with the gold, we found it must have been during the days
we had the severe engagements with the Mexicans. Subsequently we learnt
that Alcantara and his companions had been murdered and robbed of their
treasure on their road to Vera Cruz. Cortes was sorely grieved at this
loss, and was most anxious to know how matters stood in the latter
place. He therefore despatched three Tlascallans to that town with a
letter, in which he gave a full account of all that had transpired at
Mexico, but very wisely omitted to mention the number of men we had lost
there. He likewise admonished the garrison to observe the utmost
vigilance, and to keep Salvatierra and Narvaez close prisoners. They
were desired to send their sick to Tlascalla with all their store of
powder and crossbows. He at the same time wrote to Caballero, and
particularly cautioned him not to allow any vessel to depart for Cuba,
and to see that Narvaez did not escape. If he considered the two
vessels of Narvaez which lay in the harbour there unfit for use, he was
to run them on shore, and immediately send him the sailors and as many
arms as he could spare.
These three messengers made all haste and soon returned with an answer
from Vera Cruz, which gave us the good news that they had enjoyed the
profoundest peace there, but had been apprized of our misfortune at
Mexico by the fat cazique of Sempoalla. They also informed us that Juan
de Alcantara and his companions had been murdered on their return.
Pedro Caballero sent word that all Cortes' commands should be attended
to. One of the two vessels was still in good condition, but with the
other he would act as he had been ordered and send the men to us, though
he had not over-sufficient hands, as many of the sailors were sick and
several had died.
All the reinforcement we received, on this occasion, consisted in seven
men, of whom three were sailors. They arrived in Tlascalla under the
command of a certain Lencero, to whom the tavern belonged, known to this
day by the name of Venta de Lencero. Every one of these men were in bad
health; five of them were covered with sore swellings, and the two
others limped helplessly about with their bellies enormously swollen, so
that the succours brought by Lencero became quite a byword among us.
I must now, however, relate something of a more serious nature. The
reader cannot have forgotten the younger Xicotencatl, who commanded the
whole armed power of Tlascalla against us, and who had always shown his
hatred of us. This feeling was again aroused in him when the news of our
flight from Mexico, and of the number of troops we had lost arrived in
Tlascalla; and how we were marching towards the latter place to seek
protection and assistance. Xicotencatl now, therefore, assembled his
relations and friends, with all those whom he thought would enter into
his views, and proposed that they should select some favorable
opportunity, either in the day or night-time to fall upon us unawares
and destroy us all. "He would," he said, "form a friendly alliance with
the Mexican monarch, for which the present moment was particularly
favorable, as the Mexicans had just elected a new monarch in the person
of Cuitlahuatzin. We had," he continued, "left quantities of cotton
stuffs and gold behind us in Tlascalla, and had brought an additional
quantity with us, and they would all become wealthy personages by such a
booty."
When the elder Xicotencatl received information of this rebellious
movement, he grew excessively angry, and commanded his son to banish
all such thoughts from his mind. Such a step as that, he said, would be
altogether unjustifiable, and he might be sure, if Maxixcatzin and
Chichimeclatecl got intelligence of it, they would certainly order him
to be put to death, to which he himself would give his consent. Old
Xicotencatl, however, might say what he liked, his son remained firm to
his purpose, and set earnestly about to make the necessary preparations,
when Chichimeclatecl, who was at enmity with the younger Xicotencatl,
got secret information of his intentions, which he instantly
communicated to Maxixcatzin, and both determined to call a meeting of
the chief personages of the town, with the elder Xicotencatl and the
caziques of Huexotzinco, and commanded the younger Xicotencatl to appear
before them.
After all had been assembled, Maxixcatzin addressed the meeting as
follows: "I ask you, do you yourselves think, or have you ever heard
others say that such riches or so much prosperity was ever known for the
last hundred years in the land of Tlascalla as since the time these
teules have appeared among us? Were we ever so much respected by all our
neighbours? It is only since their arrival we possess abundance of gold
and cotton stuffs; it is since that time only we eat salt again, of
which we had been deprived for such a length of time. Wherever our
troops have shown themselves with these teules, they have been treated
with the utmost respect; and if many of our countrymen have lately
perished in Mexico, they certainly fared no worse than the teules
themselves. All of you must likewise bear in mind the ancient tradition
handed down to us by our forefathers, that, at some period or other, a
people would come from where the sun rises, to whom the dominion of
these countries was destined. How dare Xicotencatl, taking all this into
consideration, contemplate this horrible treachery, from which nothing
can flow but war and our destruction? Is this not a crime which ought
not to be pardoned? Is it not exactly in accordance with the evil
designs with which this man's head always runs full? Now that misfortune
has led these teules to us for protection, and that we may assist them
with our troops to renew the war with Mexico, are we to act
treacherously to these our friends?"
To these reproaches, in which his own blind father joined, the younger
Xicotencatl replied, that he persevered in his opinion that, under the
present circumstances, it would be most politic to form an alliance with
the Mexicans; and allowed himself many other impudent expressions, which
so enraged the old chiefs that Maxixcatzin, Chichimeclatecl, and the
elder Xicotencatl, notwithstanding his blindness, rose up from their
seats, then fell upon the young man, and pushed him down the steps of
the building, under the most abusive language. He would certainly have
been killed on the spot, if respect for his aged father had not withheld
them. In the meantime they imprisoned all those who had sided with him.
To punish Xicotencatl himself, this was not exactly the time, and Cortes
refused in any way to meddle in the matter. I have mentioned this
circumstance to convince the reader how loyal and honest the Tlascallans
were towards us, and how much we were indebted to them, particularly to
the elder Xicotencatl, who, it is even said, had given orders for his
son to be put to death, as soon as he had been informed of all his
intrigues and treacherous designs.[98]
We had now rested twenty-two days, and had patiently awaited the cure of
our wounds; and Cortes now determined upon making an incursion into the
neighbouring province of Tepeaca, where several of Narvaez's men and
some of ours had been killed on their march to Mexico. He accordingly
told our officers what his plan was; but when Narvaez's men heard of a
new campaign, they became quite low-spirited. The latter were not
accustomed to war, and had had a sufficient taste of it in our overthrow
at Mexico, the carnage at the bridges, and in the battle of Otumpan; and
were very clamorous in their requests to our general to return to their
commendaries and their gold mines in Cuba. They peremptorily refused to
obey him any longer, and declared they would take no further part in his
conquests; and Duero, who, from the very beginning, had been in secret
understanding with Cortes, protested most loudly against this
contemplated invasion of Tepeaca. They cursed the gold Cortes had given
them, which had all been lost again in their flight from Mexico, and
assured him they were glad enough to have escaped with their lives from
that terrific battle. They were unanimously determined to return to
Cuba, and said they were not desirous of suffering any further losses
than they already had in this expedition.
Cortes, however, did not so soon give up all hopes of persuading them to
join him in this campaign. He spoke to them in a very quiet and kind
manner, and made many very excellent remarks, but all to no purpose; and
when they found that Cortes persevered in his determination, they
desired one of the royal secretaries to draw up a formal protest, in
which they gave a circumstantial account of our present position, how we
were in want of horses, muskets, crossbows, and even cords for the
latter; in short, of everything necessary to carry on a war. They
further went on to say, that the whole of us were covered with wounds,
and that only 440 men remained of the united troops of Narvaez and
Cortes; the Mexicans occupied every pass and every mountain, and the
vessels would rot away with the worm if they lay any longer in the
harbour; and so on.
After they had presented this protest in form to our general, he
altogether objected to it, and we others of his old troops begged of him
most earnestly not to allow any of Narvaez's men to return to Cuba, as
it would every way prove injurious to the cause of God and the interest
of our emperor.
When they found that all the steps they had taken were fruitless, and
that we maintained they were imperatively called upon to remain, both
for the service of God and of our emperor, they at last consented to
stay, and declared their willingness to join us in the contemplated
campaign; but Cortes was obliged to promise that he would allow them to
depart for Cuba as soon as ever circumstances would permit. This,
however, did not put an end to their murmurs. We heard nothing but
complaints against Cortes and his conquests,--how dearly they had paid
for all this, left comfortable homes, and peace and security, to serve
in a country where they lived in constant danger of losing their lives.
They likewise considered it would be unpardonable in us to commence a
second war with the Mexicans, with whom we should never be able to cope
in the open field for any length of time, after what we had seen of
their vast power both in Mexico and at Otumpan. Cortes, they continued,
would not relinquish his purpose as long as his ambition to command was
satisfied, and we others merely stuck to him because we had nothing to
lose but our lives. Many similar reproaches did they throw out against
Cortes, who, under the present circumstances, thought it was best to
leave them unnoticed; and he was glad, a few months after, to send them
home, as will be related in the proper place.
Here again I am bound to notice a number of errors in Gomara's history;
in order, however, not to go too much into detail, I will confine myself
to the following remarks.
Respecting the above-mentioned protest against the projected campaign of
Tepeaca, Gomara does not exactly state with which party it originated,
whether from Cortes' old troops or those of Narvaez. Everything he
relates concerning this matter merely goes to raise Cortes to the skies
and to cast the rest of us in the shade. We, the true Conquistadores, on
reading his work, soon discovered that Gomara had been bribed by
presents to relate the circumstances in that way. Were we not the very
men who supported Cortes in all the battles, and in every other matter?
and yet Gomara has the impudence to consider this as nothing, and
affirms that we protested against the further conquest of New Spain.
Gomara likewise commits a terrible blunder when he makes Cortes say, in
answer to this protest, in order to inspire us with courage, that he
would recall Leon and Ordas, of whom one, he says, was engaged forming a
settlement with 300 men in Panuco, and that the other, with a like
detachment, had been sent for a similar purpose to the river
Guacasualco. Every word of this is false; for, when we marched to
Alvarado's assistance in Mexico, those projected settlements were
relinquished, as I have above mentioned, and both these officers went
along with us to Mexico. Leon even met with his death at one of the
bridges, as we saw, and Ordas was severely wounded in three several
places. What a great pity it is that Gomara does not write with equal
veracity as he does beauty!
I was likewise amazed to read what he says of the battle of Otumpan. He
boldly asserts that we should have been defeated if Cortes had not been
present, for he alone decided the fate of the day by his attack upon the
Mexican commander-in-chief, who carried the royal standard. I should
indeed be loth to do Cortes an injustice, and, as an excellent and brave
general, I have the highest esteem for him; but certainly we have, above
all, to thank the Almighty, who mercifully protected us in all the
dangers we encountered, and who put under Cortes' commands such
courageous officers and soldiers. The second praise is certainly due to
us, whose valiant arms overcame every obstacle. We it were who firmly
withstood the enemy's attack, who broke their line, and who punctually
obeyed the commands of our general and his officers. And yet Cortes is
said to have done all himself at the battle of Otumpan! Why does this
Gomara not mention as well the heroic deeds of the officers and soldiers
in that battle? But it is quite evident that all he relates in his book
is intended for the praise of Cortes only, otherwise he could not have
passed by all the rest of us in silence. He should have asked how often
the brave Christobal de Olea had saved Cortes' life, until he met with
his death in a similar attempt during the subsequent siege of Mexico?
I had nearly forgotten to mention the battle near Sochimilco, where Olea
again saved Cortes' life, but which had nearly cost him his own, for he
was severely wounded.
In order not to confound names, I must observe that we had among our
troops a Christobal de Olea and a Christobal de Oli.
Gomara is right when he says that Cortes made a run at the Mexican
commander-in-chief, which caused the latter to drop the standard from
his hands; but then it is also a fact that Juan Salamanca, of Ontiveras,
who became alcalde mayor of Guacasualco after the fall of Mexico,
killed that chief with a thrust of his lance, tore away the splendid
crest of plumes which adorned his head, and presented it to Cortes; for
which reason he was subsequently permitted to add a bunch of feathers to
his armorial bearings.
I do not mention these things to diminish Cortes' glory, for the praise
and merit of all the victories we gained, and of the battles we fought,
down to the total conquest of New Spain, are due to him, and he has
deserved those honours with which the Castillians were wont to crown
their generals after some splendid victories, and the triumphs which the
Romans decreed to Pompey, Julius Caesar, and the Scipios. Cortes, indeed,
has merited greater honours than all these Romans!
Gomara further relates that Cortes ordered the younger Xicotencatl to be
secretly executed in Tlascalla as punishment for his treacherous designs
against us; but this likewise is an untruth, for Cortes ordered him to
be hung in a village near Tezcuco, as will be seen hereafter.
In the same way Gomara sends so many thousands of Indians with us into
the field of battle, that there is neither sense nor meaning in what he
says; and he likewise gives a very exaggerated account of the numbers of
cities, towns, and villages, of which not one fifth part ever existed;
and if we sum up what he says of the population, we shall find there are
more millions than there are villages in Spain. Wherever he speaks of
80,000, we must really write down 1000. Everything certainly sounds very
fine in his work, because he never at any time relates all that
happened. When, therefore, the reader compares his account with mine, he
must not allow himself to be blinded by the ornaments of his beautiful
style, for mine is plain and rude, but truth supplies the place of art
and eloquence. How much it is to be regretted that Dr. Illescas and Paul
Jovio should have copied him so closely!
I must, however, return to my history on the campaign of Tepeaca.
[97] According to Torquemada, Cortes had left one of his officers, named
Juan Perez, with eighty Spaniards in Tlascalla, when he first marched to
Mexico. On learning from this officer that Maxixcatzin had offered to
march at the head of 100,000 men to his assistance, he grew excessively
angry with him, and reproached him in the severest terms for not having
accepted of the offer. (p. 359.)
[98] Torquemada throws more light on the reason of the younger
Xicotencatl's wishing to form an alliance with Mexico. The Mexicans
being aware that the Spaniards would derive great advantages by their
alliance with Tlascalla, sent an embassy of six distinguished personages
to draw this republic into an alliance with them. The matter was
formally discussed by the Tlascallan chiefs in council, and though the
Mexican ambassadors tried their utmost to persuade them into an
alliance, the majority decided against it.
At the head of the minority stood the younger Xicotencatl, and the
debate was carried on with such asperity that the young hero, who had
more penetration than the rest, was at length forcibly expelled the
meeting. (p. 362.)