Boundary Lines—William Panton and Spain—Indian Trade—Indian Ponies and
Traders—Business of Panton, Leslie & Co.
The treaty of Versailles re-adjusted the broken circle of Spain’s empire
on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, by restoring to it the segment
taken from it by d’Iberville’s settlement, as well as that cut from it
by the Treaty of Paris in 1763.
But British West Florida was not in its entirety acquired by Spain. By
the Treaty of Paris of the third day of September, 1783, acknowledging
the independence of the United States, the 31° parallel of north
latitude was made the southern limit of the latter from the Mississippi
river to the Appalachicola. Thence the boundary line was that river up
to the Flint, thence in a straight line to the head waters of the St.
Mary’s and down that river to the Atlantic ocean. The Treaty of
Versailles, on the other hand, made that line the northern boundary of
the territory ceded to Spain. Those treaties therefore cut off a huge
slice from British West Florida.
But, even within that narrow strip of territory, Pensacola lost its
primacy; for in the establishment of the Spanish colonial governments
within it, the Perdido was made the western limit of West Florida.
Pensacola was, therefore, by that arrangement placed geographically in
reference to boundary lines as it stands to-day; the result, as before
shown, of d’Arriola having made his settlement three years before the
advent of d’Iberville to the gulf coast.
Those territorial changes dealt a withering blow to Pensacola. Instead
of being the capital of a province, bounded by the Mississippi and the
Chattahoochee, and a line from one to the other some miles north of
Montgomery, it became but the chief town of a narrow strip of wilderness
between the Perdido and the Appalachicola rivers. Lately regarded and
fostered as the future commercial base on the gulf of Britain’s North
American empire, it now became a garrison town, valued by Spain as only
an outpost to guard against encroachments by other powers on the shores
of a sea over which she sought supremacy.
Left to Spanish influences exclusively, it must have rapidly dwindled to
the condition, commercially at least, in which Captain Wills found it in
1763. But from that fate it was saved by two men who have already been
introduced to the reader.
The narrow religious prejudices of the Spanish court demanded the
banishment of all Protestant British under the Fifth Article of the
Treaty of Versailles; and they were rigidly obeyed by colonial officials
with one exception. They knew that to banish William Panton was to
insure for the town the fate above indicated, and they were equally
aware that his presence would be more effective in the preservation of
the peace of the provinces than a large military force, owing to his
influence over Alexander McGillivray, and of the latter’s over the
powerful Creek Indians. Indeed, it is unquestionable, that without those
influences, the Spanish government could not have been maintained in
West Florida. But it would have been idle to hope that a man who had
been loyal to an earthly monarch, under pain of confiscation and
banishment, would incur the guilt of apostasy from a faith that was to
him, at least, the symbol of allegiance to the King of Kings.
Accordingly, the religious test was waived as to him, and for it was
substituted an oath of allegiance to the Spanish King, whilst his
residence and influence were secured by means the most inviting to his
interest and flattering to his pride.
A treaty was entered into with him, as a quasi-sovereign, securing his
firm in all its possessions and rights, and bestowing upon its houses at
Pensacola, Mobile and Appalachee a monopoly of the Indian trade. For
these concessions the firm became the financial agent of the government
at those points, and bound to wield its influence in promoting peace and
good will between the Spaniards and the Indians.
The stipulations on both sides were faithfully fulfilled. At one time
Spain was indebted to the firm in the sum of $200,000 for advances, and
the debt was afterwards faithfully discharged. In humiliating contrast
with the honor and fidelity which marked the dealings of the Scotchmen
and Spaniards with each other, is the following advice of an American
agent, James Seagraves, [41]to his government. “I think if the Spanish
court were pushed in the business they will readily sacrifice Panton &
Co., especially as they owe the concern $200,000 for Indian supplies.”
This advice was given at a time when complications had arisen between
the Spanish government of Florida and the United States, growing out of
the energetic struggle of the Atlantic Indian traders to divert the
Creek trade from Pensacola to Charleston and Savannah. The step
suggested was, in effect, to transfer a commercial contest from the
Indian wilds to Madrid, where an American minister was expected to
perform the degrading task of attempting to induce the Spanish court to
commit a fraud upon agents who had served it so long and faithfully, as
well as to violate all its other obligations to them.
Panton, Leslie & Co. were engaged in that trade at Charleston and
Savannah long before the American revolution; a trade which, even then,
extended through the Coosa country in the heart of the Creek nation.
With a full knowledge of it, in all its details, they established
themselves at Pensacola with a view of drawing a part of it there. This
was the beginning of the commercial struggle which is continued to this
day, between the gulf and Atlantic ports for the trade of Central
Alabama. It began with the Indian ponies as a means of transportation;
it is carried on now by the steam horse; and a future generation may see
it continued by electricity.
The pony used by the trader was a strong, hardy little creature, which
with ease carried one hundred and eighty pounds and traveled twenty-five
miles a day. The rich and abundant pasturage in those times enabled him
to supply himself with sufficient food at noon and at night to meet his
requirements. There was often oddity in his load. It might be a
miniature chickenhouse, or two kegs of taffi, hung to his sides, with a
pack of merchandise on his back; or two pendant firkins of honey-comb,
with a pile of hides, skins, or beeswax towering between.
One driver for ten animals was the usual proportion of man and beast.
The companies were generally from five to ten, making a long line of
march, following the main and lateral trails mentioned in a previous
chapter. But as all the Indian settlements were visited, their movements
could not always be on the ridge. Sometimes creeks and rivers had to be
crossed. On such occasions, when the stream was not fordable with safety
to the packs, they were ferried over on rafts composed of logs or masses
of matted cane, guided where the current was strong by a grapevine rope
stretched across the stream.
Regarded by their savage customers as friends, who came periodically to
administer to their wants, and gratify their taste for taffi, the
traders made their journeys in perfect security. Like their class
everywhere, they were joyous men, full of fun and jokes, news and
gossip, to which full play was given, under the spur of a cup of taffi,
when caravans met.
Beside the trade thus carried on, there was one equally as great, if not
greater, carried on by the Indians themselves, without the intervention
of the traders. The business required Panton, Leslie & Co. to keep up a
stock of $50,000 at least, and a large corps of clerks to wait on their
savage customers.
Other business sprung up and brought population. Sawmills were erected,
brickyards opened and a tanyard established, which added leather to the
exports of the town.
Such were the fruits of William Panton’s presence in the province. Idle,
however, would have been his labor, his wealth and talents, though
backed by the Spanish Government, but for the co-operation of
McGillivray. Had the great Chief pointed his long, slender finger to
Savannah and Charleston as the sources of supply for his people, the
commercial life of Pensacola would have withered and perished like a
tree girdled by the woodman’s axe.
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Footnote 41:
American State Papers, Vol. III. p. 311.
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