The “Wise Men of Gotham” is an ironical saying, for the Gothamites

are proverbial for stupidity; but, like the fatuous behaviour of the

Wiltshire “moonrakers” of Bishop’s Cannings, the childish simplicity of

the original Gotham wiseacres was merely assumed. Their great exploit

was to plant a hedge round a cuckoo perched on a bush, in order to

keep him in; and on a hill one mile distant may to this day be found

the “Cuckoo Bush,” pointed out as the scene of their efforts. It is an

ivy-grown circular bank in a plantation enclosing a group of trees.

[Sidenote: _THE WISE MEN OF GOTHAM_]

But for the most circumstantial account of the doings of these rude

forefathers of the hamlet, we must have recourse to the legend

preserved by Thoroton, in the pages of his history of Nottinghamshire.

It seems, then, that King John, passing through Gotham towards

Nottingham, and intending to go through the meadows, was prevented

by the villagers, who imagined that the ground once travelled by a

king would for ever become a public road. The King, furious at their

proceedings—and the tantrums of a Norman sovereign were something

fearful—sent some of his retinue to learn the reason of this strange,

not to say highly temerarious, conduct; but during the interval the men

of Gotham had been able to reflect, and had come to the conclusion that

something terrible in the way of punishment awaited them, unless they

could prove themselves exceptional fools.

Accordingly, when the messengers arrived, they found the villagers

engaged in all manner of fantastic employments. Some were endeavouring

to drown an eel; others were occupied in dragging carts on to the roof

of a barn, to shade the wood from the sun; yet others were tumbling

their cheeses downhill, to find their way to Nottingham market; and

some were busily engaged in hedging in a cuckoo which had perched

itself upon an old bush. In short, they were all busy in some foolish

way or another; and their folly was duly reported to the King; who,

however, shrewdly remarked that “we ween there be more fools pass

through Gotham than remain in it.”

The folly of the Gothamites, according to this version, was more

apparent than real; but it is the name for folly, rather than that

for cunning, which has survived. So early as 1568 appeared the book

entitled “The Merry Tales of the Mad-men of Gottam,” and other ancient

allusions are plentiful; among them that to “Gotham College,” an

imaginary institution for the training of simpletons. A rhyme, of

unknown antiquity, celebrates another exploit of the villagers, in a

delicately allusive way:

Three Wise Men of Gotham

Went to sea in a bowl;

If the bowl had been stronger,

My tale had been longer.

The tragedy of the voyage we can vividly picture for ourselves.

There is, however, a rival Gotham, disputing these doubtful honours.

It is a place called Gotham Marsh, situated in the neighbourhood of

Pevensey, and the identical tales are told of it; but if any place may

be said to be the real original, the Nottinghamshire village is the

one, although it must not be forgotten that many places are credited

with similar stupidity. Of the village of Towednack, in Cornwall, in

the neighbourhood of St. Ives, the identical cuckoo story is told;

the people of Coggeshall, in Essex, are said to have chained up a

wheelbarrow, after it was bitten by a mad dog, for fear it should

develop hydrophobia; and in the ancient world Bœotia and Phrygia were

notoriously considered the home of the dunderheaded. We are familiar,

too, with the taunt in the Scriptures, “Can any good come out of

Nazareth?”

[Illustration: GOTHAM.]

[Sidenote: _ASSORTED FOLLY_]

This is all very highly uncomplimentary and interesting, and Gotham

seems eminently a place to be visited; but travellers meet with strange

disappointments. Gotham is a furiously ugly village of extraordinarily

wide and empty roads, and smelling violently of pigs; gypsum mines and

soap-works still further render it undesirable. A commonplace inn, the

“Cuckoo Bush,” displays a double-sided pictorial sign, very faded,

exhibiting on one side the cuckoo and on the other a group of the

wiseacres aforesaid, attempting to build him in.

It is indeed, by selecting the fine church, possible to make an

illustration of Gotham that shall not be commonplace; and the interior,

being in part Transitional Norman, is even finer than the exterior. A

singular uncouth carving on the chancel arch, popularly supposed to

represent “Toothache,” was probably intended to typify the Divine “gift

of speech.”

Resuming the road at Kegworth, the fag-end of Leicestershire is soon

ended. Lockington, on the left hand, with a very dilapidated church,

being the last village in this angle of the shire, where it joins Notts

and Derbyshire, was once considered a remote and out-of-the-way place:

hence the old rustic saying, “Put up your pipes and go to Lockington

Wake”: _i.e._ “Be quiet and go away with you.”

XXV

And thus we come to the Trent, but before crossing at Cavendish Bridge

and into Derby, we will leave the modern high road, and, striking off

to the left, through Castle Donington, come, in something like six

miles, to Stanton-by-Bridge and the long causeway that leads up to

the famous bridge of Swarkestone. The present line of road between

Derby and London, by way of Loughborough, did not come into great use

until 1771, when Cavendish Bridge was built. Until that time, the

broad and swift Trent, at the best of times not easily crossed, and

always peculiarly subject to flooding, was without a bridge anywhere

else than at Swarkestone in all those twenty-four miles or so between

Nottingham and Burton, and much of the traffic of horsemen, pedestrians

and pack-horses, instead of crossing the Trent here, at Wilne Ferry,

went southward of Derby by Osmaston, Chellaston, and across the river

at Swarkestone, and thence past Stanton-by-Bridge and King’s Newton,

coming into a choice of roads for London at Ravenstone, whence one

went, at discretion, either by Hinckley and Towcester, or else by Groby

and so into Leicester.

[Sidenote: _THE RIVER TRENT_]

The Trent was thus, in those ancient days when bridges were few, a

barrier of high strategical importance, and whoso held those infrequent

bridges commanded the military situation in the midlands: hence the

high importance, from an early period, of the castle, town, and bridge

of Nottingham.

[Sidenote: _SWARKESTONE BRIDGE_]

Between Stanton and Swarkestone, on either side of the Trent, the

land stretches out perfectly flat for nearly a mile, and is at this

day a fertile expanse of water-meadows in summer. In winter, or in

wet seasons, it becomes a vast inland sea, not, even now, altogether

without its dangers, but anciently extremely hazardous.

[Illustration: THE CAUSEWAY, SWARKESTONE BRIDGE.]

To build a causeway from the comparatively high ground of Stanton on

one side, and Swarkestone on the other, with little bridges spanning

the intermediate rills, and a large bridge crossing the Trent itself,

became early the good work of some pious founder, whose identity has,

in the way usual with such things, become involved in legends. The

chief legend of Swarkestone Bridge tells us that it was built by two

maiden sisters, whose lovers were drowned in the passage, before ever

a bridge or causeway existed. They expended all their fortune upon,

and devoted their lives to, the work, and built a chapel on the bridge

itself, wherein wayfarers might give thanks for their safety, and pray

for the souls of those who had been drowned, and those of the pious

benefactors. Another version says that the two ladies were daughters of

the Countess of Bellomont, and that they expended all their fortune on

the work, and were reduced to spinning for a livelihood.

But if we seek the real origin of this early work, thought to have

been originally undertaken in the twelfth century, we must look to

the neighbouring Priory of Repton, which built it and kept it in

repair, just as many other religious houses undertook similar works of

practical Christianity on behalf of wayfarers, all over the country;

making roads, bridging rivers, and providing hostels for all and sundry

whose evil fate compelled them to travel in those days when the best

place in the world was a man’s own fireside.

In the chapel they placed on the bridge a brother of the Priory

officiated, at the same time receiving offerings from grateful

travellers for maintenance and repairs of the structure. And so

the combined chapel and toll-house remained, until all religious

institutions suffered a thorough change, under Henry the Eighth. We

know what then became of it, for in the report of the Church Goods

Commissioners in 1552 it is stated: “We have a chapell edified and

buylded uppon Trent in ye mydest of the greate streme annexed to

Swerston bregge, the whiche had certayne stuffe belongyng to it; ii

desks to knell in, a table of wode, and certayne barres of yron and

glasse in the wyndos, which Mr. Edward Beamont, of Arkeston, hath

taken away to his owne use, and we saye that if the chappell dekeye,

the bridge wyll not stande.”

The chapel was, however, allowed to “dekeye,” and yet the bridge stood,

having been rebuilt so late as 1796. It says much for the excellence of

the monks’ work that their bridge remained until 1795, when, not floods

merely, but floods aided by a heavy lot of timber from a yard upstream,

came and overthrew it.

The bridge has been the scene of some military exploits. Here the

redoubtable Sir John Gell of Hopton, commanding the Parliamentary

forces, routed a force of Cavaliers on January 5th, 1643; and held the

approaches during all that troubled time. In 1745, too, when Prince

Charles and his Highlanders came so near to overthrowing the House of

Hanover, and regaining the crown of England for the feckless Stuarts,

he made, as any invader from the north was bound to do, for this

essential position.

The story of “the Forty-five” is closely involved with the course of

the Manchester and Glasgow Road, from this point onwards, and therefore

requires some brief historical summary.

[Sidenote: “_THE FORTY-FIVE_”]

In 1745, Prince Charles, the “Young Pretender,” son of James, the “Old

Pretender,” who in 1715 had made an ineffectual attempt to secure

the crown his father, James the Second, had lost, determined on a

bold throw for fortune. Setting out from France, July 2nd, on the

_Doutelle_, a little brig of 18 guns, engaged in privateering against

English shipping, he landed eventually at Erisca, in the Hebrides. He

had not voyaged without adventure. Accompanying the _Doutelle_ was a

French warship, the _Elizabeth_, which carried 68 guns and 700 men.

The precise connection of the French government with this attempt of

Prince Charles is obscure; but it would appear to have been an elastic

arrangement, by which the French could disclaim any hand in the rising,

if it proved a failure, while sympathetic enough to secretly aid, and

to be prepared for further help if the prospects of the enterprise were

sufficiently hopeful. Off the Lizard, the two ships were challenged by

an English man-o’-war, the _Lion_, which engaged the _Elizabeth_, with

the result that both were disabled and compelled to put back to their

respective ports; while the brig bearing the Prince, his few followers,

his supplies of money and arms, made away to Scotland.

Prince Charlie, the darling of many a romantic tale and legend, the

hero of numberless pathetic Scots ballads, was at this time twenty-five

years of age: tall above the average, comely and courteous: every inch

a Prince, so his admirers declared. The Highland chieftains who had

been so lavish of promises when he was away, across the water, were not

at first so ready with their help when he appeared among them. A good

deal of time was wasted, and he raised his white standard with the red

cross at Glenfinnan only on August 19th. Thereafter, the clans poured

in to his aid; but it was not until September 16th that he appeared

before Edinburgh and summoned the city to surrender. Edinburgh, let

it be acknowledged, placed no obstacles in his way, for it submitted

very tamely, and Charles, in all the glory of a costume which seems to

the present generation, that goes clad in so sombre a fashion, to have

been extravagantly theatrical, had the satisfaction of proclaiming his

father at the High Cross, as King James the Eighth of Scotland, and

Third of England.

Let us see what figure of romance he presented to the loyal eyes of

the clansmen, and the melting glances of the ladies. He stood straight

as a lance, and wore breeches of red velvet, military boots, and a

short tartan coat crossed with a blue silk sash, edged with gold. On

his head was a blue velvet bonnet, bound with gold lace, and with a

white cockade, the badge of his party. On his breast depended the star

of the order of St. Andrew, and at his side swung a basket-hilted

broadsword. The hair of this very picture of a Prince of romance was

of an auburn tint, but it was generally concealed from view by a white

wig. Altogether, this was a display that may be thought more suitable

for ceremonial occasions than for the serious business of campaigning.

[Sidenote: _THE INCOMPLETE LETTER-WRITER_]

To modern censorious minds the picture formed by this gay figure

suffers in the letters he wrote. They were written, let it be said,

in the loftiest sentiments, but the spelling of them was abominable.

When every one—among those who were sufficiently accomplished to write

at all—spelled according to personal predilection, this mattered

little or nothing; but in these days, when every Board School boy can

at least spell simple words, it seems shocking, and tarnishes romance

with a smear of vulgarity, to read Prince Charlie’s references to

“muney” and “munishuns.” When he draws his “sord,” we laugh, instead

of being thrilled, and when he writes of his father as “gems,” we with

difficulty understand that he means “James.”

[Illustration: SWARKESTONE BRIDGE.]

This is no place to follow his advance step by step. He gained a

complete victory at Prestonpans on September 21st and, the way then

cleared, he should have pressed forward. But a lack of sufficient

recruits, and, much more certainly, the wish to pose and dazzle

Edinburgh, as the victor in this first conflict, led the Prince to

delay. Had he made a dash into England on the morrow of Prestonpans,

his cousin, King George, would in all likelihood have been overthrown.

But he wasted precious time, and only left Edinburgh on October 31st,

for the advance upon England, He was at Carlisle on November 9th.

The opposition there was feeble, and he took the city and passed on.

Meanwhile, large forces were moving up from the south to meet him and

his Highlanders. Marshal Wade was in Staffordshire with an army, and

the Duke of Cumberland was advancing with another. King George in

person was proposing to leave London with a third. Many of these troops

had been landed from the scene of war with the French in Flanders, in

the interval of inaction after Prestonpans.

Prince Charles decided to give battle to Wade in Staffordshire, and

advanced through Lancaster and Manchester, to Stockport. News then

arrived of the presence of the Duke of Cumberland with his army divided

between Lichfield, Coventry, Stafford, and Newcastle-under-Lyme,

and the ingenious ruse was contrived of detaching a small column of

Highlanders to Congleton, while the main body of the Prince’s force

slipped quietly by the English army, on the road to Derby. It was a

master-stroke of manœuvring and was entirely successful. The Duke

of Cumberland, thus cleverly deceived, hurried up his forces on the

evening of December 2nd, going north, while the invaders pushed south,

and were installed at Derby on the 4th, where they were rejoined by the

detached column.

[Sidenote: _IN THE BALANCE_]

At this juncture the third English army was just setting out from

London and had reached Finchley Common. London was thoroughly alarmed:

shops were closed, the banks experienced an uneasy time, and more than

one of King George’s ministers anxiously debated the problem of whether

it were safest to declare for the Stuarts, or to remain loyal to the

House of Hanover. King George himself, according to popular rumour,

had made every preparation for leaving the country in haste, if it

were found necessary. Above all, the French were expected to attempt a

landing. All these terrors and doubts resulted in a panic on a day long

after remembered as “Black Friday.”

Prince Charles came very near success. He had five thousand men at

Derby, and although his ragged Highlanders were looked upon with

contempt by the English people, and although his cause by no means met

with the popular support he had anticipated, the people, if indeed they

did not help him, at any rate did not very actively oppose. Scottish

sentiment had, in a manner truly remarkable, survived the fact that

the Prince was a Roman Catholic, and that he was quite ignorant, at

the time of his landing, of Scottish costume and manners; but the

English people looked with disfavour upon one who was almost as much

a foreigner as George the Second himself. They loved neither the

Hanoverians nor the Stuarts, and were heartily tired of both their

houses, whose ambitions were for ever hindering honest men in their

business and their pleasures.

Had Prince Charles made haste to advance beyond Derby, he would have

been running grave risks, but, with two hostile forces already near

him, the position could scarce have been more dangerous; while it was

busily rumoured that either the courage or the loyalty, or perhaps

both, of the King’s army on Finchley Common were in doubt; and that on

the appearance of the invaders they would promptly lay down their arms.

Prince Charles, to do him justice, was eager to advance. To retreat,

even for a while, would be, he clearly saw, to strike dismay into his

supporters, and to weaken his cause. Already his outposts were six

miles south of Derby, holding the approaches to Swarkestone Bridge.

He was for risking everything. “Rather than go back,” he said, “I

would wish to be twenty feet underground.” But the faint-hearts were

numerous around him. Not among the clansmen, but amid the leaders did

prudence—to call it no worse name—show itself; and prudence prevailed.

After heated councils of war, the outposts were withdrawn, and on

December 5th the retreat from Derby began.

The historian who is also a sentimentalist, and looks upon history as a

romance, at this point feels keenly disappointed. He cares little for

Stuart or Hanoverian, but he feels defrauded of the stirring chapters

that would have been added to English history, had Prince Charles

pressed on and reached London. Three, at least, of the Georges were

so deadly dull, alike in their vices and their less frequent virtues,

that a Stuart, even though he developed afterwards all the defects of

his race, would have been welcome. But it was not to be, and, after

marching into the very middle of England, the invaders marched all

the weary way back again; and met disaster miserably in the midst of

Scotland. They could have fared no worse, and would have ended more

gloriously, in the advance.

[Illustration: “THE BALCONY,” SWARKESTONE.]

[Sidenote: _DISASTER IN RETREAT_]

Some admiration must needs be felt for the villagers near Swarkestone.

The Derby militia and amateur soldiers made a strategic movement to the

rear on the advance of the Highlanders, but the men of Weston presented

an embattled front. In the records of that village we learn the

villagers held a council and furbished up their arms for resistance.

They sent forth one John Pritchard, as scout, to Derby, to see if the

rebels were coming, and despatched on his heels Francis Henshaw and

William Dawson, made valiant with three quarts of ale each. William

Rose, blacksmith, was paid one shilling “for mending ye towne musquet,”

and a further sum of one shilling-and-sixpence was expended upon

ammunition for this weapon. Doubtless, the men of Weston would have

given a good account of themselves, and it is to be remarked that it

was the day after these warlike preparations that Prince Charles began

his retreat! Weston rejoiced, and appointed a day of thanksgiving, the

village constable contributed half-a-crown thank-offering, and the

community got as drunk as funds permitted.

Thus, for many reasons, we look upon Swarkestone Bridge with interest.

Causeway and bridge combined extend for three-quarters of a mile; the

Trent itself spanned in five arches of 414 feet in all. The causeway,

with its many Gothic-arched openings, is obviously very old, and is not

improved in appearance by the recent repairs done in blue brick. On

the Swarkestone side stands the fine substantial old coaching inn, the

“Crewe and Harpur’s Arms,” with the many-quartered shield of arms of

the family of Harpur-Crewe, of Calke, near by, prominent over the door,

surmounting the motto, _Degenerante genus opprobrium_—“Lineage becomes

a disgrace to him who degenerates from it.”

The Harpurs, who settled at Swarkestone in the fifteenth century, came

originally from Warwickshire, and flourished here exceedingly, as their

monuments in the church, hard by, prove. One, Sir Richard Harpur, 1577,

lies in effigy, robed as Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, and his

son, Sir John Harpur, near by. Their old mansion is in ruins close by

the church, but in a meadow, still called the “Balcony Field,” remains

a curious Jacobean pavilion that would appear to have been the spot

whence the ladies of the family and their guests safely watched the

sports: the bull-and bear-baiting and other vanished pastimes of a

brutal era.

XXVI

[Sidenote: _CAVENDISH BRIDGE_]

Returning to Cavendish Bridge, and crossing it, we enter Derbyshire,

whose people have long been unjustly made the subject of the old

folk-rhyme:

Derbyshire born,

Derbyshire bred,

Strong i’ th’ arm,

An’ thick i’ th’ ’ead.

The tolls levied at Cavendish Bridge long remained at an almost

prohibitive figure. The crossing of the Trent, before the bridge was

completed in 1771 at a cost of £3,333, was by means of a ferry-barge,

large enough to take vehicles, and the fare for a post-chaise was

half-a-crown, which remained the charge for the bridge, as Bray in his

tour of 1776 notes.

[Illustration: CAVENDISH BRIDGE.]

Although the bridge was long since freed, the toll-house stands, and

on it may still be seen the old notice-board which it seems to have

been nobody’s business, in particular, to remove. I am grateful for the

fact, for it enables the following particulars to be gleaned:

Tolls taken at this BRIDGE by Virtue of an Act of Parliament being

the fame that were taken at the Ferry, viz.:—

_s._ _d._

Coaches, Chariots, Landaus, etc., with 4 wheels, each 2 6

Chaise, Chair, etc.; with 2 wheels 1 0

Waggon, Wain, etc.; with 4 wheels 1 6

Horse, Mule, or Ass, not drawing 0 1

And so forth, through the various classes of traffic, ending with:

_d._

Foot passengers 1

Soldiers (favour’d) 1/2

The Trent, broad and strong, borders the road for the half-mile between

the bridge and the village of Shardlow, where the Trent and Mersey

Canal runs across the way, and the “Holden Arms,” a church built in

the unsatisfactory Gothic of 1838, the “Navigation,” the “Dog and

Duck,” and the “Old Crown” inns are huddled; together with a fine old

red-brick mansion dated 1686, and bearing the initials R.B.L.

[Sidenote: _APPROACH TO DERBY_]

The Manchester and Glasgow Road, Volume 1 (of 2) This Way to Gretna Green · 第 14 / 18 段