INTERVIEW WITH LENIN
A quarter of an hour ahead of the hour set for my appointment with
Lenin, I hastened to the Kremlin enclosure, the well-guarded seat of the
executive government. Two Russian soldiers inspected my pass and led me
across a bridge to obtain another pass from a civilian to enter the
Kremlin itself and to return to the outside. I had heard that Lenin was
guarded by Chinese soldiers, but I looked in vain for a Chinese among
the guards that surrounded the Kremlin. In fact I saw but two Chinese
soldiers during my entire stay in Soviet Russia.
I mounted the hill and went toward the building where Lenin lives and
has his office. At the outer door two more soldiers met me, inspected my
passes, and directed me up a long staircase, at the top of which stood
two more soldiers. They directed me down a long corridor to another
soldier who sat before a door. This one inspected my passes and finally
admitted me to a large room in which many clerks, both men and women,
were busy over desks and typewriters. In the next room I found Lenin’s
secretary who informed me that “Comrade Lenin will be at liberty in a
few minutes.” It was then five minutes before three. A clerk gave me a
copy of the _London Times_, dated September 2, 1919, and told me to sit
down. While I read an editorial the secretary addressed me and asked me
to go into the next room. As I turned to the door it opened, and Lenin
stood waiting with a smile on his face.
It was twelve minutes past three, and Lenin’s first words were, “I am
glad to meet you, and I apologize for keeping you waiting.”
Lenin is a man of middle height, close to fifty years of age. He is well
proportioned, and very active, physically, in spite of the fact that he
carries in his body two bullets fired at him in August, 1918. His head
is large, massive in outline, and is set close to his shoulders. His
forehead is broad and high, his mouth large, the eyes wide apart and
there appears in them at times a very infectious twinkle. His hair,
pointed beard, and mustache, have a brown tinge. His face has
wrinkles,—said by some to be wrinkles of humor,—but I am inclined to
believe them the result of deep study, and of the suffering he endured
through long years of exile and persecution. I would not minimize the
contribution that his sense of humor has made to these lines and
wrinkles, for no man who lacked a sense of humor could have overcome the
obstacles he has met.
During our conversation his eyes never left mine. This direct regard was
not that of a man who wished to be on guard; it bespoke a frank
interest, which seemed to me to say, “We shall be able to tell many
things of interest to each other. I believe you to be a friend. In any
event we shall have an interesting talk.”
He moved his chair close to his desk and turned so that his knees were
close to mine. Almost at once he began asking me about the labor
movement in America, and from that he went on to discuss the labor
situation in other countries. He was thoroughly informed even as to the
most recent developments everywhere. I soon found myself asking him
questions.
I told him that the press of various countries had been saying that
Soviet Russia was a dictatorship of a small minority. He replied, "Let
those who believe that silly tale come here and mingle with the rank and
file and learn the truth.
"The vast majority of industrial workers and at least one-half of the
articulate peasantry are for Soviet rule, and are prepared to defend it
with their lives.
“You say you have been along the Western Front,” he continued. “You
admit that you have been allowed to mingle with the soldiers of Soviet
Russia, that you have been unhampered in making your investigation. You
have had a very good opportunity to understand the temper of the rank
and file. You have seen thousands of men living from day to day on black
bread and tea. You have probably seen more suffering in Soviet Russia
than you had ever thought possible, and all this because of the unjust
war being made upon us, including the economic blockade, in all of which
your own country is playing a large part. Now I ask you what is your
opinion about this being a dictatorship of the minority?”
I could only answer that from what I had seen and experienced I could
not believe that these people, who had found their strength and
overthrown a despotic Czar, would ever submit to such privations and
sufferings except in defence of a government in which, however
imperfect, they had ultimate faith, and which they were prepared to
defend against all odds.
“What have you to say at this time about peace and foreign concessions?”
I asked.
He answered, “I am often asked whether those American opponents of the
war against Russia—as in the first place bourgeois—are right who expect
from us, after peace is concluded, not only resumption of trade
relations but also the possibility of securing concessions in Russia. I
repeat once more that they are right. A durable peace would be such a
relief to the toiling masses of Russia that these masses would
undoubtedly agree to certain concessions being granted. The granting of
concessions under reasonable terms is also desirable to us, as one of
the means of attracting into Russia the technical help of the countries
which are more advanced in this respect, during the co-existence side by
side of Socialist and capitalist states.”
In reply to my next question about Soviet power he replied:
"As for the Soviet power, it has become familiar to the minds and hearts
of the laboring masses of the whole world which clearly grasped its
meaning. Everywhere the laboring masses, in spite of the influence of
the old leaders with their chauvinism and opportunism which permeates
them through and through, became aware of the rottenness of the
bourgeois parliaments and of the necessity of the Soviet power, the
power of the toiling masses, the dictatorship of the proletariat, for
the sake of the emancipation of humanity from the yoke of capital. And
the Soviet power will win in the whole world, however furiously, however
frantically the bourgeoisie of all countries may rage and storm.
“The bourgeoisie inundates Russia with blood, waging war upon us and
inciting against us the counter revolutionaries, those who wish the yoke
of capital to be restored. The bourgeoisie inflict upon the working
masses of Russia unprecedented sufferings, through the blockade, and
through their help given to the counter revolutionaries, but we have
already defeated Kolchak and we are carrying on the war against Denikin
with the firm assurance of our coming victory.”
In his replies to my last questions he had covered the ground of the
others on my list, and since the fifteen minutes allotted to me had
extended to more than an hour, I rose to go. I intended to ask him about
“nationalization of women.” I had never believed the story, and had
already discovered that it was false, but I had thought to ask Lenin how
the story arose. When I met him and had talked to him something in his
face silenced the question. Perhaps it was the mocking humor that seemed
ready to flash out of the wrinkled countenance in scathing ridicule, or
perhaps it was the sign of long-suffering and profound thought that lay
deeper. Whatever it was I did not ask that question. I had seen for
myself that women in Soviet Russia are shown a respect and deference far
exceeding the superficial politeness which in other countries too often
serves to conceal political, economic, and domestic oppression. Women
are on an equal footing in all respects with men in Russia, and they
enjoy a greater measure of freedom and security than the women of other
countries.
He shook hands cordially, and I went away cudgelling my brains to find
another figure among the statesmen of the world with whom I might
compare him. I could think only of our own Lincoln, whose image came to
me, suggested perhaps by the simplicity and plainness of Lenin’s attire.
Workman’s shoes, worn trousers, a soft shirt with a black four-in-hand
tie, a cheap office coat, and the kindly strong face and figure,—these
were my impressions of the man.
He works from fifteen to eighteen hours a day, receiving reports,
keeping in touch with the situation all over Russia, attending committee
meetings, making speeches, always ready to give anyone advice, counsel,
or suggestion. He lives with his wife who is most loyal and devoted, in
the same building where he has his office, in two modestly furnished
rooms.
Soviet rule has captured not only the imagination, but also the
intellects of the majority of the rank and file of Russia. Lenin is
looked upon as the highest representative of that principle; he is
trusted and he is loved. I was told that so many people come to see him
from the outlying districts, men, women, and children, that it is
impossible for him to see them all. They bring him bread, eggs, butter,
and fruit,—and he turns all into the common fund.
[Illustration: EXTERIOR AND INTERIOR OF LENIN’S HOME IN ZURICH]
Sometime in the future, whatever may happen to Soviet Russia, the true
life of Lenin will be written, and when it is he will stand out as one
of history’s most remarkable men.
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