<g>Glamorganshire</g>.
“How many hearts have here grown cold,
That sleep these mouldering stones among!
How many beads have here been told--
How many <g>Matins</g> here been sung!”
<g>Of</g> this renowned Abbey the existing remains convey but a very inadequate
idea. The parish church is formed out of part of the original
abbey-church; of the chapter-house the walls only remain; and of the
ruins scattered around, the original use, size, and distribution have
not yet been ascertained. That it was an extensive edifice, and
exhibited in its style and proportions all the higher characteristics of
Cistercian monasteries, may be taken on the credit of what remains. The
foundation is fixed in the year 1147, and the process of erection must
have been contemporaneous with that of Tinterne--a temple of the same
Order, whose taste and affluence, during that and the following century,
have left so many gorgeous monuments in England and Wales.
Dugdale fixes the date of <g>Margam</g> Abbey in the year 1147. It was founded
by Robert, Earl of Gloucester--so often named in this work--and
dedicated to the Blessed Virgin. In this, also, the annals of
Margam--written by a monk of the Abbey--agree, and mention the date of
its foundation as that of the year in which the founder departed this
life. The chronicle, printed in the second volume of Gale’s Scriptores,
called “Annales de Margam,” is a history of general scope, extending
from the year of the Conquest to that of 1232, and throws but little
light upon the particular affairs of the Monastery in which it was
written. It is a history of the _times_, not of the Abbey. It gives the
names, however, of four abbots, mentions three or four incursions of the
Welsh, and remarks that Margam and Beaulieu in Hampshire were the only
monasteries among the Cistercians that were released from King John’s
extortions in 1210, to which reference has been already made in our
notice of Tinterne. The plea upon which Margam escaped these severe
taxations was, that, both in his progress to and from Ireland, the King
and his suite had been liberally entertained by the abbot and monks of
Margam.
With respect to the inroads noticed in these “Annals,” we are told
that--“This year, M.C.LXI, in the month of October, the Welsh burnt down
our granary or barn; an act which was quickly followed by divine
vengeance.” Again, “In M.CC.XXIII, (he says,) in the course of one week,
wicked men have destroyed upwards of a thousand of our sheep, with two
houses. In the following year they wantonly slew two of our servants in
one day, while engaged in the performance of their duty; and also,
immediately thereafter, a youth who had charge of the flock.” But the
fourth irruption was still more serious; for “they burnt to the very
ground our grange at Penwith, with many cattle, including the steers;
they next depopulated the grange of Rossaulin, burnt many sheep, drove
off the cows, and put one of our servants wantonly to death; they then
took the cattle of the grange of Theodore Twdor, killed many on the
road, took the rest with them. Lastly, they set fire to the Abbey houses
in different places, and great were the flocks that perished in the
flames.”--_Annal. de Marg. Scriptores a T. Gale_, tom. ii. pp. 7, 16,
17.
Leland ascribes to this Abbey the privilege of sanctuary: “Habet
privilegium sanctuarii, sed quo rarissime aut nunquam utuntur Cambri--”
but of which the natives very rarely or never made any use. According to
the same authority, Margam Abbey had four daughter-houses in Ireland,
namely--Kyrideyson, S. Crux, Maio, and Chorus Benedictus.
<g>Abbots.</g>--William, the first Abbot, died in M.C.LIII; Andrew, the second,
two years later; and it was probably in the short time of the latter, or
that of his successor, that the altar of the Holy Trinity in the abbey
church was consecrated by William, Bishop of Llandaff. Gilbert, the
third Abbot, resigned in July, M.CC.XIII, died the following year at
Kirksted, and was succeeded by Abbot John, of whom nothing is recorded
by the annalist.
A large collection of original charters belonging to this Abbey is still
preserved with the Harleian manuscripts in the British Museum. The
common seal of the Abbey, appendant to a deed, dated 1518, has been
elegantly lithographed, as we read in the Monasticon, by the care of the
Rev. W. Traherne. At the Dissolution, the sum total of the revenues of
Margam Abbey amounted to one hundred and eighty-eight pounds, fourteen
shillings sterling; the clear income to seven pounds less. The site was
granted by the King to Sir Rees Maxwell, Knt. The Abbey was afterwards
the seat of Thomas, Lord Mansell; and passed afterwards into the Talbot
family. In early times the buildings of this Abbey are described as
affording specimens of the richest style of conventual architecture. But
these characteristics are no longer applicable to the, ruins before us;
for time and the quarry-man, probably, have done much to deface the
beauty and even form of the original structure.
[Illustration: Crypt--Margam Abbey.]
[Illustration: APPENDIX.]
<g>Osborne</g>, p. 6.--Walter, a Norman knight, and a great favourite of
William the Conqueror, was one summer evening playing at chess with the
King, and after a time won all he played for. The King then threw down
the board, and with his usual oath exclaimed he had nothing more to
lose. Walter, however, being of a different opinion, replied--“Sir, here
is land.” “True,” said the King; “and if thou beatest me this time,
thine be all the land on this side the bourne or river which thou canst
see where thou now standest.” This said, to it they went once more, and
knight Walter again won the game, whereupon the King, starting up and
slapping him on the shoulder, said, “Henceforth thou shalt be called
Ousebourne.” And hence, it is supposed, came the name afterwards so
famous.--[Life of Corinni, Pegge’s Curialia Miscellanea, p. 319. Lower,
156.]
<g>Tinterne</g>, p. 53.--The drinking after Complins of the prioress of Rumsey
has crept into all our familiar books. Among the injunctions to the
convent of Appleton, anno. 1489, is the following:--“_Item_, That none
of your sisters use the _ale-house_, nor the water syde, where course of
strangers dayly resorte.” In another it was inquired: “Whether any of
the susters doe cherish theme moste that have any monye, and causeth
them to spende the same, when they be within, at good ale, or
otherwise?” _Item._--“Whether any of the susters be commonlye drunke?”
There were, however, many honourable exceptions. Pensions were granted
at the Dissolution according to the character of the monastic brothers
and sisters, which it was the business of the King’s visitors to
investigate; and recommend when approved. Rahdal Wylmyston, monk of
Norton, they pronounced to be “a good, religious man, discreet, and
well-grounded in learning--having many good qualities.” The nunnery of
Legborne petitioned to be preserved, saying--“We trust in God, ye shall
here no complaints against us, nether in our living nor
hospitalitie-keeping.”--[_See Fosb., quoting M.S. Cott., Cleop._ E. iv.,
370, B.]
TINTERNE, p. 57.--That the learning of those times was rather scanty,
even among the higher ecclesiastics, we have the testimony of
Pitscottie:--Forman, who succeeded to the archbishopric of St.
Andrew’s--on the death of his predecessor at the battle of Flodden--owed
his sudden rise to the partiality of Pope Leo X. Being then at Rome, the
new archbishop thought it decorous to give a banquet to his Holiness and
the dignitaries of his court, before setting out on his journey
homeward. “When the dinner came up,” says the historian, “the Pope and
cardinals placed, and sat down according to their estate; then the use
and custom was, that, at the beginning of the meat, he that aught
[owned] the house, and made the banquet, should say grace and bless the
meat. And so they required the holy bishop to say the grace, who was not
a good scholar, and had not good Latin, but began rudely in the Scottish
fashion in this manner, saying--‘_Benedicite_,’ believing that they
should have answered, _Dominus_. But they answered _Dans_, in the
Italian fashion, which put this noble bishop bye his intendiment, that
he wist not how to proceed forward; but happened out, in good Scottish,
in this manner, the which they understood not, saying--‘To the devil I
give ye all, fause carles, in nomini Patriæ, Filii, and Spiritus
Sancti!’ Amen, quoth they! Then the bishop and his men leugh. And the
bishop shewed the Pope the manner that he was not a good clerk, and his
cardinals had put him bye his intendiment, and therefore he gave them
all to the devil in good Scottish; and then the Pope leugh among the
rest.”--[_Pitscottie, Hist. Scotl._ p. 166, 299], quoted by Morton.
TINTERNE, p. 76.--Wyat, who was attached to the Reformers, before their
tenets were openly proclaimed in this country, is said to have
accelerated the downfall of monastic institutions by the following
jest:--During a conversation with the King on the projected suppression
of monasteries, Henry observed to the poet that he foresaw great alarm
would be caused throughout the country if the Crown were to resume the
immense property then accumulated by the church. Wyat, who saw that this
scruple might produce hesitation, and perhaps obstruction in the
measures then in progress, replied with a suggestion--“True, your
highness; but what if the rooks’ nests were buttered?” Henry, it is
said, took the hint, and, by distributing valuable church lands among
the nobility, diminished the danger and odium of an enterprise at once
so daring and unpopular.
<g>Raglan</g>, p. 132.--David Gam, the Fluellin of Shakspeare, and whose name
has been already noticed in the article on Raglan, was the son of
Llewelyn ap Howel Vychan, of Brecknock, by Maud, daughter of Lefan ap
Rhys ap Ivor ap Elvel. The residence of this celebrated warrior was Old
Court, the site of which is in a field adjoining Llandeilo-Cresseny
House, midway between Abergavenny and Monmouth. David Gam, being the
officer sent to reconnoitre the French army before the battle of
Agincourt, said to the King on his return--“An’t please you, my liege,
they are enough to be killed, enough to be taken prisoners, and enough
to ran away.” In this battle, David, with his son-in-law, Roger Vychan
[Vaughan], and his relative, Walter Lloyd, rescued the King when
surrounded by his foes--saved his life at the expense of their own--and
out of the eighteen French cavaliers slew fourteen.
The King, after this signal victory, approached the spot where they lay
in the agonies of death, and bestowed on them the only reward that could
then be paid to their valour--to wit, the honour of knighthood.
Shakspeare, as we have observed, designated this fiery soldier by the
name of Fluellin. He resided often at Peytyn-Gwyn, near Brecon, and many
of his descendants at Tregaer; others of the family were buried in
Christ’s Church, Brecon. There are almshouses in the parish of St.
David’s, Brecon, with a portion of garden-ground attached to each, given
by one of the Games or Gams of Newton, for thirteen female
inmates--decayed housekeepers in the town of Brecon.--[_Owen Glendower,
by Thomas._]
In our notice of the <g>Founders</g> of Raglan, from other historical sources,
this David is named Sir Richard Gam, whose daughter, after the loss of
her husband, Sir Roger Vaughan, at Agincourt, espoused Sir William ap
Thomas, the knight of Raglan.
RAGLAN, p. 174.--_Inter Carolinum_--the King’s route after Naseby fight.
June 14. Battle of Naseby, 1645.
15. Lichfield--at the governor’s in the close.
Mond. 16. Mrs. (Widow) Barnford’s, Wolverhampton.
17. The “Angel” at Bewdley (two nights), 17th and 18th.
19. Dined at Bramyard, supped at Hereford (and remained).
July 1. (Tuesday) To Campson, dinner, Mr. Pritchard’s--to Abergavenny,
supper, at Mr. Guncer’s (staid second).
3. To <g>Raglan</g>, supper, Marquis of Worcester, remained till
Wed. 16. To Tridegur, to dinner--Cardiff, supper, Sir T. Timel’s--defrayed
at the country’s charge.
18. Back to <g>Raglan</g> to dinner, remained till
22. To Mr. Moore’s of the Creek, near Black Rock, and came back to
supper at Raglan.
“The Scots approach, and our own causeless apprehension of fear made us
demur and doubt; on the first, what to resolve; and in the latter, how
to steer our resolutions, which involved us in a most disastrous
condition.
Thurs. 24. From Raglan to Mr. Moore’s of the Creek, to pass over at the Black
Rock for Bristol; but his Majesty, sitting in council, and advising
to the contrary, marched only with his own servants and
troops that night to Newport-on-Usk; lay at Mrs. Pritty’s.
25. To Ruppera, Sir Philip Morgan’s (rested).
Tues. 29. To Cardiff, dinner at the governor’s, at our own charge.
Aug. 5. (Tuesday) To Glancayah, Mr. Pritchard’s, dinner.
Wed. 6. To Gumevit, Sir Henry Williams’, dinner.
“ To Old Radnor, supper, a yeoman’s house.
“ The Court dispersed.
Thurs. 7. Ludlow Castle, to dinner, Colonel Woodhouse’s.
Sept. 7. (Sunday) Raglan Castle, supper. 8th, Abergavenny.
Sund. 14. ib. supper.
Mond. 15. Marched halfway to Bramyard, but there was _leo in intinere_, and so
back to Hereford again.”--[Extract from the “_Itinerarium_.”]
RAGLAN LIBRARY, p. 195.--The havoc and devestation of the ancient
British MSS. is a subject of continual regret to the historian,
antiquary, and general scholar. Bangor-is-Coed, according to Laugharne
and Humphrey Llwyd, was furnished with a valuable library, which was
burnt to ashes by Edelfrid, when he massacred its inmates, and destroyed
the college--not much less, as Bishop Lloyd asserts, than one of our
present universities. A chest of records, appertaining to the see of St.
David’s, was destroyed by a flood; and great part of the MSS. of British
authors were burnt during the civil wars.
In those calamitous times, when monuments of taste and literature were
destroyed or defaced by miscreants more ignorant and rapacious than
Goths and Vandals, the superb library at <g>Raglan Castle</g> met with the same
fate as other splendid establishments, when objects of military spoil or
fanatical rage. In an age comparatively learned, the monks termed all
ancient MSS. _vetusta et inutilia_; and little attention, we have reason
to believe, was paid by the visitors at the Dissolution--mostly ill
qualified for the task--to discriminate between true history and Romish
legends, to select and preserve works of merit, and to reject the trash
hoarded up by superstition.--[_Fenton’s Pemb.; Mem. Owen Glendower, Rev.
T. Thomas_, 29.]
RAGLAN, p. 221.--<g>Oldcastle</g> was the dissolute companion of Henry V. when
Prince of Wales, and afterwards a Wickliffite and reformer. He was
sacrificed by his youthful companion to an ecclesiastical bribe,
condemned and executed for heresy and rebellion. Lord Orford observes,
that Cobham was the first author, as well as the first martyr among our
nobility: a man whose virtues made him a reformer; whose valour, a
martyr; whose martyrdom, an enthusiast. He was suspended by a chain
fastened round his waist, over a slow fire. The bringing him to the
stake was considered a meritorious affair in those times of gross
superstition. The lordship of Broniarth was granted to the family of
Tanad, the fifth of Henry V.; and other gentlemen enjoyed several
privileges from Edward Charleton, Lord Powys, for the assistance they
gave in the apprehension of Oldcastle, whose son-in-law, Sir John Gray,
brought him a prisoner to London; and for this service, Lord Powys
received the thanks of Parliament. Oldcastle, the residence of Lord
Cobham, is situated on the slope of the Black Mountains, near the road
to Longtown, and about four miles from Llanfihangel. The old castle was
demolished, and a farm-house constructed from the materials.
--[_Owen Glendower_, p. 122.]
<g>Pembroke Castle</g>, p. 300.--Welsh bards are thus apostrophized by
Drayton:--
“Oh, memorable Bards! of unmix’d blood, which still
Posterity shall praise for your so wondrous skill;
That in your noble songs the long descents have kept
Of your great heroes, else in Lethé that had slept
With theirs, whose ignorant pride your labours have disdained,
How much from time and them, how bravely you have gained.
‘Musician,’ ‘herald,’ ‘bard,’ thrice mayest thou be renowned!
And with three several wreaths immortally be crowned!
Who, when to <g>Pembroke</g> called, before the English king,
And to thy powerful harp commanded there to sing,
Of famous <g>Arthur</g> told’st, and where he was interred,
In which those ‘retchless’ times had long and blindly erred.
And ignorance had brought the world to such a pass,
As now, which scarce believed that <g>Arthur</g> ever was!
But when King <g>Henry</g> sent the reported place to view,
He found that man of men, and what thou said’st was true.
Here, then, I cannot choose but bitterly exclaim
Against those fools that all _Antiquity_ defame;
Because they have found out some credulous ages laid
Slight fictions with the truth, whilst truth on rumour staid.
And that our forward times (perceiving the former neglect
A former of her had), to purchase her respect,
With toys then trimmed her up, the drowsy world to allure,
And lent her what it thought might appetite procure.
To man, whose mind doth still variety pursue,” &c., 217
.
So did Mars reverence the Muses, that, if a Welsh bard struck his harp
at the moment of encounter, the hostile spirit pervading both armies was
suddenly subdued; their swords were returned bloodless to the scabbards;
and they who had come forth to mutual slaughter, united in the song of
peace and goodwill to men.
PEMBROKE, p. 301.--“The castel,” says Leland, “standith hard by the
waull on a hard rocke, and is verie large and strong, being doble
warded. In the utter warde I saw the chambre where Kinge Henri VII. was
borne, in knowledge whereof a chyromancy is now made with the armes and
badges of this kinge. In the botome of the great stronge rownd tower in
the inner ward, is a marvellus vault called the <g>Hogan</g>. The top of this
rownd tower is gathered with a rofe of stone, almost in _conum_; the
topp whereoff is keverid with a flat mille stone.”
The outer ward, here mentioned, was entered from the tower by a grand
gateway, yet standing, of prodigious strength, and defended by two round
towers, one on each side.
PEMBROKE, p. 302.--The small remains of the Ely Tower, in Brecknock
Castle, still exist. The fate of Morton and Buckingham, though their
views were similar, were very unlike. Morton was meritoriously elevated
to the dignities of a Cardinal, and Archbishop of Canterbury, for his
services: while Buckingham was intercepted, and lost his head at
Salisbury.[410] He discovered, too late, that tyrants pull down those
scaffolds which elevated them to power. His son Edward was restored by
Henry VII., but through the machinations of Wolsey fell into disgrace,
and was beheaded by Henry VIII. for the whimsical alleged crime of
consulting a _wizard_ about the succession. When the Emperor Charles V.
heard of his death, he observed--“A butcher’s dog has torn down the
finest buck in England.”[411]
PEMBROKE, p. 303.--On the 7th of December, 1780, the following letter
from the Lord Bishop of St. David’s, and the Justices of the County of
Pembroke, to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh, was read at the Society of
Antiquaries of London, being copied from the “Scrinia Burleighiana,”
Vol. 79, No. 3, then in the library of James West, Esq., at Alscot.
By this letter is seen the great importance attached to Pembroke, both
as a fortress, a seaport, a safe bay, and a productive soil, but at that
time quite unprotected against foreign invasion. It runs thus:--
“Right Honorable our singular good Lorde.--The bounden dutie we owe to
her Maᵗⁱᵉ, the consience we have for safegarde of the whole Realme, and
the care that in nature and reason wee carry of this our countrie, have
emboldened us to offer this Discourse unto yʳ Honʳ. concerninge the
safetie of them and us all. It becometh us not to feare, neither do we
doubte of the wise and grave consideracon that yʳ Lp. and the rest of
the LLˢ. moste honourable privie counsaill, have had, and still have,
for yᵉ preservacon of her Maᵗⁱᵉ and the realme; but yett, fearing yʳ
want of due informacon touching the estate of Mylforde Haven, and the
p’tes adjoining, It may please you to understande that yᵉ Haven itself,
being neyther barred to hynder entrie, nor to be embayed by anye wyndes
to lett yssuinge forthe, is a sufficient harborough for an infynite
number of Ships; wᶜʰ haven beying once gotten by the enemye, maie drawe
on such fortificacon of Pembrock Towne and Castle, and the Towne and
Castle of Tynby, with other places nere unto yᵐ, as infynite nombers of
men, and greate expense of treasure, will hardely in a long tyme remove
the enemye, during which tyme her Maᵗⁱᵉ shall loose a fertyle countrey,
wᶜʰ yeldes her Maᵗⁱᵉ xii. lib. by yeere, and more in revenue paide to
her Maᵗⁱᵉ’ˢ Receaver, besides all other Receipts, both temporal and
ecclesiasticall, as tenthes, subsidies, &c.
“<g>Also</g>, it is to be remembred that the soyle nere the sayde haven yeldeth
corn in such aboundance, as wolde suffice to maynteigne a greate armye:
and the sea coasts nere about it yelde greate plenty of fishe. The
harbour also standeth very commodiouslye to receave victualls from
Ffrance, Brytaine, or Spayne, all wᶜʰ things maie be an occasion to move
the enemye to affect that place beffore others.
“<g>Also</g>, there are in Pembrockshire xviii. castles, of wᶜʰ tho’ there be
but twoe or three in reparacon, yett are the rest places of greate
strength, and easylie to be fortyfied by the enemye; some of wᶜʰ are so
seated naturally for strength, as theye seeme ympregnable.
“<g>Also</g>, there are in that shire dyvers sconces or forts of earth, raysed
in greate height wᵗʰ greate rampiers and dytches to the number of vi. or
vii., wᶜʰ in tymes past have been places of strength in tyme of war: All
wᶜʰ castles and forts wolde yelde greate advantage to the enemyes to
strengthen themselves in such sorte, that it wolde be an infynite charge
to remove them from thence. Agayne, the same is situate within vii.
hours sailing of Waterforde and Wexforde, in Yrelande; so as yf the
enemye have an intencon to invade Yrelande, his harborough in this haven
maie serve him to greate purpose.
“<g>Ffurthermore</g>, being lorde, as it weare, of thease seas, by possessing
this harbour, what spoile he maie make along Seaverne on both sides,
even to Bristoll, maie be easelie conjectured. And if he--wᶜʰ God
forbidd--shᵈ enjoye Brytanie withall, our Englishe marchants can have no
trade, wᶜʰ will decrease her Highness’ customes and decaie the navy.
“<g>If</g> it be thought that he may be kept from landinge, neyther the force
of men, nor furniture here, will serve the turne; considering here be
manie places where he may easelie land, and he maie com upon us within
half a daie’s saylinge, we having no ships at sea to descry hym
sooner--and how then our small forces may be in a readyness to
withstande hym, wee referr to yʳ Honʳ’ˢ judgment. <g>And</g> if it be thought
that her Maᵗⁱᵉ’ˢ Navy Royall be able to conquer them being once in this
haven, and that by them fortyfied, yt woulde be founde very harde, by
reason that, uppon every little storme, they shall be in greate danger
of wrack, and no lande forces are able to expell them: Whereupon we
humblie praie yʳ Lp. to consider whether it be not expedient for the
withstanding of the enemye, that he obtayne not this harborough, to have
a convenient number of ships of warr, and fortyficacons to defende the
same, wᶜʰ preparacon, if the enemye might perceave, wee beleve verelie
it woulde alter his mynde from adventuringe his navy uppon this coaste.
<g>And</g> whereas, of late, Mr. Pawle Ivye was sent hither to survey yᵉ Haven,
and to consider of fitt places for fortyficacon, what report he hath
made of his opinyon wee know not: but sure wee are, that his abode about
that service was verie short, and his survey verie speedilie dispatched;
so that, because none of us were privye to his entennt or conceyte, wee
do yet retayne some hope that, if some other man of experience were
sentt downe hither, to consider of all the said circumstances, some such
report woulde happlie be made unto yʳ Honʳ. and the reste, as some
better event might ensue for the safetie of this poore countrey, and the
whole realme, than as yett, for ought we knowe, hath beene determined
uppon: especiallie yf the partie shall have instruccons to viewe the
Towne and Castle of <g>Tynby</g>, being a place wᶜʰ may be easelie made of
exceedinge strenth, and was not seene by Mr. Ivye nearer than two myles
distance, for aught that we can learne....”
PEMBROKE CASTLE.--“Of William Earl of Pembroke,” says Clarendon, “a
short story may be here not unfitly inserted:--It being very frequently
mentioned by a person of known integrity, whose character is here
undertaken to be set down, and who, at that time, being on his way to
London, met, at Maidenhead, some persons of quality, of relation or
dependence upon the Earl of Pembroke. These were Sir Charles Morgan,
commonly called ‘General’ Morgan, who had commanded an army in Germany,
and defended Stoad; Dr. Field, then Bishop of St. David’s; and Dr.
Chafin, the Earl’s then chaplain in his house, and much in his favour.
At supper, one of them drank a health to the Lord Steward;[412] upon
which another of them said, that he believed his lord was at that time
very merry, for he had now outlived the day which his tutor, Sandford,
had prognosticated, upon his nativity, he ‘would not outlive.’ But he
had done it now, for that was his birthday, which completed his age to
fifty years. The next morning, however, by the time they came to
Colebrook, they met with the news of his death!” [He died “exceedingly
lamented by men of all qualities, and left many of his dependents and
servants owners of good estates, raised out of his employments and
bounty.”]
* * * * *
<g>Benedictine Rule.</g>--The Abbot is presumed to represent Jesus Christ: he
is authorised to summon all his monks to council in important affairs,
and afterwards to adopt and carry into practice what he considers the
best advice. He is entitled to obedience without delay; commands
silence; permits no scurrility, idle or angry words, or such as tend to
provoke unseemly mirth or laughter. The rule enjoins humility, patience,
and forbearance, under all injuries and provocations; manifestation or
confession of secret faults to be made to the Abbot; contentment with
the meanest things in food, dress, and employments; not to speak unless
when asked; to observe habitual gravity; to keep the head and eyes
inclined downwards to the earth; to rise to church service two hours
after midnight; the <g>Psalter</g> to be sung through once a week; to leave the
church together, at a sign from the Superior; and in large abbeys every
ten monks to be under the surveillance of a Dean.
[Illustration]
<g>Further</g>: The <g>Rule</g> permits light in the dormitory; to sleep, young and
old, in their clothes, with their girdles on, as servants ready to
attend their Lord, come he at what hour he may. Upon cases of
delinquency, where admonition has failed to produce reformation, public
reprehension and excommunication are pronounced, and on failure of these
also to effect a change, recourse is to be had to corporal chastisement.
<g>For faults</g> of a lighter nature, the offender is subjected to the smaller
and temporary excommunication of eating alone, after the brotherhood
have finished; but for graver offences, the delinquent is banished from
the public table, excluded from prayer and society, neither himself nor
his food to receive the benediction, and those who join or speak to him
to be placed under the ban of excommunication. In the meantime the
Abbot, with paternal solicitude for his penitence and restoration,
deputes certain of the elder brethren to exhort him to humility, and to
make such reparation and satisfaction as the infringement of the rule
demands. The whole congregation meanwhile are to pray for him. If all
these means should fail to attain the object in view, the last step to
be taken is that of formal expulsion from the convent; and no person so
expelled can be received back after the third expulsion. Children are to
be punished by fasting or whipping.
<g>The Cellarer</g> is to do nothing without the Abbot’s order; and in large
houses he is allowed to have assistants. Habits and goods of the house
to be under the custody of proper officers, and the Abbot to have an
account of them. There is to be no [private] property: distribution of
things needful, to be made according to every one’s necessities. The
monks are to serve weekly, and by turns, in the kitchen and at table.
Upon having their weeks, both he that left it, and he that began it, to
wash the feet of the others; on Saturdays, to clean all the plates, and
the linen used in the washing of feet; to replace all the dishes clean
and whole in the hands of the Cellarer, who is to give them to the new
Hebdomadary. These officers are to have drink and food before the
others, and above the common allowance, so that they may wait upon them
with cheerfulness. On solemn days, both on entering and retiring from
office, the Hebdomadaries are to continue till the <g>masses</g>. After matins
on the Sunday, they are to kneel and beg the others to pray for them;
those going out are then to say a certain prayer three times, and
receive the <g>benediction</g>, whilst the one coming in does the same, and
after benediction goes into office.
<g>The Infirmary.</g>--This department had its particular officer, who had the
direction of the baths, and administration of the medicine and diet
ordered for the sick. The rule was mitigated in favour of children and
aged men, who had leave to anticipate the usual hours of eating. The
refection, as already described, was conducted in silence--all listening
to the Scripture-<g>reader</g>, whose voice alone was heard during the repast.
Whatever was wanted, was asked for by sign. The reader was appointed
weekly. The dinner consisted of two dishes only, with fruit; and to each
monk, daily, one pound of bread was distributed, which was to suffice
for both dinner and supper. No animal food was allowed, except to the
sick and aged in the infirmary. The allowance of wine was three-quarters
of a pint per day. From Holyrood-day to Lent, the dinner hour was at
<g>nones</g>; in Lent till Easter, at six o’clock; from Easter to Pentecost, at
<g>sext</g>; and all summer, except on Wednesdays and Fridays, at <g>nones</g>. The
collation, or spiritual lecture, was given every night before
<g>complin</g>--that is, after supper; and complin finished, they were enjoined
strict silence.
Tardiness at church or table was punished with loss of rank, prohibition
of wine, or their usual allowance, or sitting in the place of disgrace.
The excommunicated were condemned to make prostration with the face
toward the ground, and without the church gate, when the monks proceed
to prayers. For any fault in the <g>chant</g>, he who made it was to ask
immediate pardon; and in other places, breaking of any utensil, or
neglect of duty, was to be spontaneously acknowledged before the Abbot
and congregation. The signal for repairing to church was given by the
<g>Abbot</g>; and nobody was to sing or read there without his leave.
<g>Daily work</g> was to be done from <g>prime</g> till near ten o’clock, from <g>Easter</g>
till the kalends of October, and from ten till twelve o’clock was to be
spent in reading. After refection at noon, the monks were allowed to
take their <g>meridian</g> or siesta; but those who preferred reading were
allowed to do so. After nones, labour was recommenced and continued
until the evening, from the kalends of October until Lent, reading till
eight A.M., then <g>Tierce</g>, and afterwards labour until nones. After
refection they had reading or psalmody. In Lent they had reading until
tierce; doing what was ordered [in the Ritual] until ten--with the
delivery of the books at their season.[413] It was the duty of the
<g>Senior</g> to go round the house, and see that the monks were not idle. On
Sunday, all spent their time in reading--except the officers, and the
idle and infirm, who had work given them. During Lent, abstinence from
meat, drink, and sleep, with a grave, pious, and solemn demeanour, are
more strictly enjoined, and, if need be, enforced. If engaged in a
journey, the monks are to halt wherever they may happen to be at the
time, and there say the canonical hours. [An instance of this
punctuality has been given in our account of Tinterne Abbey.] Monks
staying out of convent beyond a day, are not to eat in secular society
without leave of the Abbot. The church was never to be used but for the
solemnity of prayer: any other use was to be considered desecration in
its gravest sense.
<g>Strangers</g> are to be received by the monks to join them in prayers--with
the salutation of peace, and prostration, and washing of feet, as of
<g>Christ</g>, whom they represent. They are then led to prayers; the
Scriptures are read to them; after which the Prior, except on very
solemn occasions, is permitted to break his fast. The <g>Abbot’s</g> kitchen
and that of the visitors, are to be kept separate; so that the brethren
may not be disturbed by guests or pilgrims coming in at unseasonable
hours. No letters or presents can be received without leave from the
Abbot. When he has no strangers in the convent, the Abbot may invite to
his table certain of the brotherhood in rotation.
<g>Workmen</g> or artisans in the house are to labour for the common profit.
Novices are to be tried by austerities, denials, and hard essays, before
admission: their term of probation to comprise twelve months; in the
interim, the rule is to be read to them every fourth month. They are
then to be admitted by a petition laid upon the <g>Altar</g>, and by
prostration at the feet of all the monks. [See the forms already given
in our notice of Tinterne Abbey.]
<g>Parents</g> are to dedicate their children to the service of God, by
wrapping their hands in the pall of the altar; promising to leave
_nothing_ to them that might serve as a temptation to their leaving the
house or convent for the world; but if they bring anything with them,
the use of it is to be reserved during their lives.
<g>Priests</g> requesting admission are to be tried by delays; to sit near the
Abbot, and conform to the <g>rule</g>, but not to exercise sacerdotal functions
without special leave. Stranger monks are to be received hospitably,
and, if shown to be of good character and morals, invited to take up
their abode. Monks who have been ordained priests, are to be subject to
the <g>rule</g> and officers of the establishment, or to incur the pain of
expulsion.
<g>Precedence</g> is to be taken in accordance with the time of profession: the
elders are to address the juniors as _brothers_; and the latter to
address the former as _nonnos_, or fathers; the Abbot to be styled
Dominus, or father-abbot. When two monks meet, the junior is to ask the
benediction of his senior; and when he passes by, the junior is
respectfully to rise, offer him his seat, and not to sit down again
until invited.
<g>The Election</g> of abbots was determined by the whole society, and a
plurality of votes; the grand recommendation of the candidate for that
sacred office, being the purity of his life and conduct. The prior was
elected by the Abbot, who could depose him for disobedience, or any
flagrant abuse of power or neglect of duty. Among the minor officials--
<g>The Abbey Porter</g> was required to be a shrewd old man--able to give and
receive an answer; he was to have a cell near the gatehouse, and a
junior porter for his companion. It was very desirable, in order to
prevent the habit of straying beyond the abbey walls, to have a mill,
well, bakehouse, and other domestic offices within the house, with a
garden and orchard adjoining. Monks going on a journey are to have the
prayers of the congregation beforehand; and on their return to the
convent, they are to confess and solicit pardon for any excesses they
may have committed whilst abroad.
<g>Undertakings</g>, which had subsequently appeared difficult or even
impossible to carry out, agreeably to the orders of the Superior, were
to be humbly represented to him; but if he persisted, then the
assistance of God was to be implored, and relied upon, for their final
accomplishment. No monk was permitted to defend or excuse the
delinquency of a brother: no blow was to be inflicted--no
excommunication carried into effect--without the knowledge and express
sanction of the Abbot. In the correction of children and pupils, a
discretionary power was allowed. The duty of mutual obedience was
straitly enjoined; but no member was permitted, in obedience to orders,
to give to any private person a preference over his monastic superiors.
And the apology to be made and demanded in such cases, was prostration
at the feet of the superiors, until their anger or displeasure was
appeased, the rule of the institution vindicated, and the offender
brought to a due sense of his degradation.[414]
<g>Habit.</g>--“As for the habits of the Benedictine monks,” says Stevens,
“they were left to the discretion of the abbots, according to the nature
and temperature of the country, as it was hotter or colder.” Nothing
could be more sensible and considerate; for it cannot be doubted that a
neglect of this must be attended with pernicious consequences to the
general health of any society, that numbered amongst its members the
natives of various climates, which, in point of dress, required a
special regulation.
In temperate climates, a <g>Cowl</g> and a tunic were sufficient--the cowl of a
thicker texture for winter, and a thinner for summer--with a scapular to
work in. The scapular was the upper garment during the time of labour,
which was thrown off at pleasure, and the cowl worn during the remainder
of the day. Every monk had two <g>tunics</g> and two cowls, either to change at
night or to have them washed. The stuff of which they were made, was to
be the cheapest the country afforded. To the end that no man might have
any property--that is, anything that he might call his own--the Abbot
supplied them all with everything necessary in point of clothing.
Besides the habit, each monk had a handkerchief, a knife, a needle, a
steel pen, and tablets to write upon. Their beds were mats, with a straw
paillasse, a piece of serge, a blanket, and a pillow.
<g>St. Benedict</g> did not decide of what colour the habit should be; but it
appears, from the inspection of ancient pictures, that the garment worn
by the first Benedictines was white, and the scapular black--that the
scapular then worn was not of the same shape as that used by the Order
in the present day. It was more like the jerkins or jackets worn by
sailors, except that it was not open in front, but only a little in the
sides. That description of garment had been long in use before the
common garment, worn by the peasantry and poor people, was introduced.
This will be understood by referring to the woodcut.
A black woollen robe covers the whole body and feet; the hood is loose,
obtuse, oval, and broad; the scapulary is plain, of the breadth of the
abdomen; the girdle is broad, with a black cowl descending to the
ancles. The inner tunics, in general, are black, and the shirt is narrow
at the wrist; but in the house, the monk lays aside the hood, girds his
scapulary, and wears a crested or twofold cap on his head. Owing to the
sombre hue that prevailed in their habit, they were called <g>Black
Friars</g>.[415]
<g>The Nuns</g> of this Order wear a black robe, with a scapular of the same
colour and texture; and under this black robe they wear a tunic of wool
that has not been dyed; others wear the tunic quite white. In the choir,
or upon solemn occasions, they wear over all a black cowl, like that of
the monks; but in the engravings of Benedictine Sisters, a black veil
and white wimple are introduced.
* * * * *
AUTHORITIES quoted or referred to in the preceding
articles:--History of Monmouth--Pembroke--Glamorgan--English
Baronage--Monasticon--Memoir of Owen Glendower--Welsh Genealogical
History--King’s Munimenta Antiq.--Carlisle and Lewis’
Wales--Roscoe’s South Wales--Illustrations of Magna Charta--Life of
Charles I.--Mem. of Cromwell and the Parliament--Puritanism in
Wales--the English Historians and Chroniclers--with most of the
Authorities, local and national, already enumerated in the
preceding sections of the work.
* * * * *
CHEPSTOW.--The reference to the Appendix, in the note at the bottom
of page 32, is explained in the account of NEATH ABBEY.
[In the course of this work, it has been our pleasing duty to refer
to numerous authors, ancient and modern, on whose authority, in the
various branches of Archæology, our observations have been
frequently based; and now that we are closing another volume, it
would be injustice to the memory of departed worth to pass over in
comparative silence the author of “Tinterne Abbey and its
Vicinity.” MR. W. HEARDE THOMAS, by whose premature death the
republic of letters has lost a zealous and valuable contributor,
was many years a medical practitioner in the retired village of
Tinterne-Parva; where, in the exercise of his profession among a
widely-scattered population, he had daily opportunities of visiting
those classic and time-hallowed remains with which the county of
Monmouth is so greatly enriched, and thus collected materials for
the local guide-book which associates his name so favourably with
Tinterne Abbey and other historical sites, which have recently
passed under our notice.
The merits of his little work--far above the ordinary hand-books of
the day--were speedily noticed by the press in terms of approbation
and encouragement. To the various objects which he undertook to
illustrate, he brought the united tastes and acquirements of
historian, antiquary, and poet--the result of much reading, close
observation, and a delicate perception of those natural beauties
which are so profusely scattered along the banks of the Wye. To
these were added an early taste for Natural history,[416] which was
assiduously and successfully cultivated during his residence at
Tinterne. To him the embroidery of flowers, the “garniture of
fields”--mountain, forest, and “minnowy brook,” were objects of
never-failing interest and contemplation, the results of which he
had purposed in due time to lay before the public.
For the prosecution of these studies, a visit to Canada, and
personal examination of its natural history, had given him various
facilities not to be acquired on this side of the Atlantic. But his
constitution, naturally delicate, had slowly given way under the
combined influence of mental and bodily fatigue; and when overtaken
at last by the heaviest of domestic calamities--the death of his
wife--such was the prostration of his health and spirits, that, as
a last resource, he made preparation to emigrate to one of our
colonies, where the effects of a genial climate were held out as
the only means of re-establishing his health, and opening a wider
and safer field for the exercise of professional talent and
industry.
This cheering prospect, however, was but a glimpse of sunshine,
that soon disappeared in disappointment and darkness. A rapid
journey to London, at an inclement season, induced a train of
symptoms which, assuming a more and more decided character,
continued their fatal progress until arrested by the hand of death,
which took place in December, 1848.
He died in the prime of life, having survived his wife one brief
twelvemonth, and left behind him an infant family, with “a father’s
blessing for their patrimony,” for whom no better wish can be
expressed by his friends than that they may inherit their father’s
virtues, without his sorrows. These orphans were immediately
transferred to the care of a near relative, under whose
affectionate guardianship and devoted care they have already shown
evidence of an intellectual capacity that expands by cultivation,
and promises to bring forth good fruit in its season.
As far as the loss of parents could be supplied at their tender
age, it has been supplied by this relative--whose delicacy must not
be hurt by any commendation from a stranger, whose only object, in
thus closing the volume, is to record his admiration of Genius that
so often flourishes and fades in the shade; yet, strong in the
faith that looks for a better country, feels that the trials of
this life are all softened, if not disarmed, by the practice of
virtue, and a humble reliance on the promises of God.
In the little churchyard of Tinterne-Parva--which he had so
feelingly described--repose the remains of William Hearde Thomas,
and the short-lived partner of his joys and sorrows.]